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Analyzing authoritarianism and democracy through academic freedom in Turkey
Full text linkThe article examines the concepts of authoritarianism and democracy in Turkey through an analysis of academic freedom. From its foundation, Turkish democracy has suffered from being hybrid, i.e., a combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Since 2016, after the attempted coup d’état, Turkish parliamentarianism has been transformed into a one-man regime. This contribution analyses the new type of Turkish authoritarianism from its foundation, since the rise of Justice and Development Party (AKP), using the Gramscian concept of hegemony and the role of the intellectual. Then, the article presents an interview with a scholar still working in a Turkish university to better understand the state of academic freedom in Turkey.The article examines the concepts of authoritarianism and democracy in Turkey through an analysis of academic freedom. From its foundation, Turkish democracy has suffered from being hybrid, i.e., a combination of democratic and authoritarian elements. Since 2016, after the attempted coup d’état, Turkish parliamentarianism has been transformed into a one-man regime. This contribution analyses the new type of Turkish authoritarianism from its foundation, since the rise of Justice and Development Party (AKP), using the Gramscian concept of hegemony and the role of the intellectual. Then, the article presents an interview with a scholar still working in a Turkish university to better understand the state of academic freedom in Turkey
academia in Turkey
No full textIn the context of the restructuring of Turkish academia, the concept of internationalisation has been affected by amendments to the Higher Education Law. Interviews with 12 academics who are currently working in Turkish academia demonstrate in particular the loss of internationalisation. This article has found that the authoritarian government aims to build up and create a new academia and new academics. Amendments following the post-2016 coup d’état and the recent Covid-19 pandemic demonstrate that President Erdoğan’s ‘New Turkey’ tries to deconstruct academia and therefore restructure a ‘new academia’ similar to his political system, based on the order and command chain, and homogeneity. Building upon Marcuse’s theory, the article shows that Turkish academia can be labelled as one-dimensional. The article seeks to unravel how Turkish neoliberal authoritarianism takes advantage of Covid-19 in order to re-establish a new academia. The author elaborates on some of the current changes in Turkish higher education as a result of the recent amendments made by the Higher Education Law in 2020, as well as how the effects of the new law were further exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic
XIX. Yüzyılda İtalya’da Hegelcilik ve Bertrando Spaventa (In XIX Century Hegelianism in Italy and Bertrando Spaventa)
No full textWhat might a newly formed nation look for? What is the place and meaning of philosophy for a nation that tries to form a union in 1800s? When these questions are combined with and tried to be answered by philosophy of Hegel, a new view of Hegel emerges. In the middle of 1800s Bertrando Spaventa pioneered the debates on Hegel and the appearance of a new Hegelianism in Italy which tried to unite. Moreover, he was precursor of Italian idealism. This article will examine the question how in Italy the Hegelian idea appeared through Spaventa’s Hegelianism. The basic question of the paper is how Spaventa establishes a relationship between philosophy and nation
[Recensione a] Raya Dunayevskaya’s Intersectional Marxism: Race, Class, Gender, and the Dialectics of Liberation, Kevin B. Anderson, Kieran Durkin, Heather A. Brown (eds.), Palgrave, 2021.
No full textThe Complete Works of Rosa Luxemburg, Vol. III: Political Writings 1. On Revolution: 1897–1905 by Peter Hudis, Axel Fair-Schulz and William A Pelz (eds)
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‘Caesarism and Bonapartism in Gramsci: Hegemony and the Crisis of Modernity’ by Francesca Antonini reviewed by Sevgi Doğan
Full text linkSem Direitos! Sem Lei! Sem Justiça! Sem Liberdade! Longo Inferno a Todos os Tiranos!
Full text linkO presente artigo discute a atual situação política da Turquia, no que se refere aos ataques contra o movimento dos intelectuais e sua ação pela paz. O Academic for Peace é analizado a fim de discutir a função do intelectual na sociedade. 1.128 professores, em janeiro de 2016, assinaram um manifesto, denominado “Academics for Peace”, com o slogan “Não seremos parte desse crime”. Eles pediam o fim do estado de sítio e das violações dos direitos cometidos pelo exército turco nos territórios curdos do sudeste da Turquia e a abertura de negociações de paz. Este artigo discute, filosófica e politicamente, alguns efeitos e resultados desse movimento pela paz em nível nacional e internacional. Além disso, busca fornecer uma visão geral sobre o atual estado autoritário.The present article discusses the current political situation of Turkey regarding the attacks against the intellectuals and their peace action. “The Academics for Peace” movement, in this respect, is annalyzed to argue the role and the function of the intellectual in society. 1128 professors, in January 2016, had signed an appeal, called “Academics for Peace”, with a slogan “We will not be part of this crime”. They demanded the end of the stage of siege and the violations of rights committed by the Turkish army in the Kurdish territorries of south-eastern Turkey, and the opening of peace negotiations. This article discusses, philosophically and politically, some effects and results of this peace movement in national and international level. Moreover, it seeks to give a general view in the actual authoritative state
Luxemburg and Gramsci : the role of optimism and pessimism during the struggle for an alternative to capitalism
No full textWhat I try to do in this paper is to analyze and probe what Rosa Luxemburg and Antonio Gramsci understand by pessimism and optimism. Luxemburg and Gramsci demonstrate how liberal capitalist ideology uses “a false form of hope to keep people yoked to the system that oppresses them.” In this “terrible world” and under the current capitalist circumstances which lead to economic, social, political and ecological crises, it may be difficult to be optimistic about the future. Besides, not only the multiple crises but also the many defeats suffered by progressive movements in the different areas of struggles against ongoing economic and political regression bring along a depressive and desperate feeling that could also be called pessimism. The questions I am asking are very simple: What is pessimism and optimism for Luxemburg and Gramsci? For them, what sort of social conditions lead to pessimism or optimism? In this paper, I will try to demonstrate that both Rosa Luxemburg and Gramsci adopted a dialectical approach to pessimism and optimism, they were “pessoptimists” so to speak. Based upon what Hegel once said, “the negative is just as much positive”, I will explain this dialectical relationship by claiming that pessimism exists in optimism and vice versa. For this purpose, I will focus on some of Rosa Luxemburg’s texts in the recently published volumes on Revolution as well as in her letters. Furthermore, I will concentrate on some texts by Gramsci in which he makes particular reference to pessimism and optimism as symbolized by his famous “pessimism of the intelligence, optimism of the will”El propósito de este trabajo es analizar y explorar lo que Rosa Luxemburgo y Antonio Gramsci entienden por pesimismo y optimismo. Luxemburgo y Gramsci muestran cómo la ideología capitalista liberal utiliza “una falsa forma de esperanza para mantener a la gente sometida al sistema que la oprime”. En este “mundo terrible” y bajo las actuales circunstancias capitalistas que conducen a la crisis económica, social, política y ecológica, puede resultar difícil ser optimista sobre el futuro. Además, no sólo las múltiples crisis, sino también las numerosas derrotas sufridas por los movimientos progresistas en los diferentes ámbitos de lucha contra la regresión económica y política en curso traen consigo un sentimiento de depresión y desesperación que también podría llamarse pesimismo.
Las preguntas que planteo son muy sencillas: ¿qué es el pesimismo y el optimismo para Luxemburg y Gramsci? Para ellos, ¿qué tipo de condiciones sociales conducen al pesimismo o al optimismo? En este trabajo intentaré demostrar que tanto Luxemburgo como Gramsci adoptaron una concepción dialéctica del pesimismo y el optimismo: eran “pesoptimistas”, por así decirlo. Basándome en lo que Hegel dijo una vez, “lo negativo es tanto como positivo”, explicaré esta relación dialéctica afirmando que el pesimismo existe en el optimismo y viceversa. Para ello, me centraré en algunos textos de Luxemburgo contenidos en los volúmenes recientemente publicados sobre la Revolución, así como en sus cartas. Además, me centraré en algunos textos de Gramsci en los que, haciendo especial referencia al pesimismo y al optimismo, se expone la famosa doctrina del “pesimismo de la inteligencia, optimismo de la voluntad”
Subaltern Social Group s: A Critical Edition of Prison Notebooks 25 by Antonio Gramsci
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