119 research outputs found
Francois Ludger Diard poetry notebook and Mobile scrapbook, W.0025
Abstract: Notebook of this Mobile, Alabama, native's poetry and a scrapbook of newspaper clippings and letters relating to his work.Scope and Content Note: This collection contains a notebook of Diard's poetry and a scrapbook of newspaper clippings and letters relating to his work. Diard annotated many of the poems collected in this 200-page notebook, noting when they were written and/or published. The majority of the notebook contains clippings of poetry published by local newspapers during World War I. Most of these poems are patriotic, praising the sacrifices of Alabama servicemen. Toward the back of the volume are several letters to Diard from the vice-president of the
Mobile Register, Erwin Craighead, soliciting poems for an anthology of Mobile literati.The Mobile scrapbook contains newspaper items clipped from the
Mobile Register, the
Mobile Times, and other Mobile newspapers. The articles were published between 1849 and 1945, with most of the articles published between 1929 and 1945. While most of the items address city events and Mobile's literary community, other items include obituaries and state and national news briefs. Approximately one-quarter of the articles clipped are copies of Erwin Craighead's column "Dropped Stitches From Mobile's Past."Biographical/Historical Note: Francois Ludger Diard, son of Charles August R. and Sarah Antonia Ludgere Diard, was born on 29 October 1883 in Mobile, Alabama. He was the author of many poems, including "We Have Kept the Faith," a response to "We Shall Not Sleep, Tho Poppies Grow in Flanders Fields" written by Lieutenant Colonel Dr. John McRae of Canada while the second battle of Ypres, Belgium, was in progress. He also wrote
The Tree: Being the Strange Case of Charles R. S. Boyington about the 1835 Mobile murder of Nathaniel Frost by Charles Boyington. Diard died in Mobile on 25 March 1955
European Union - The Second Founding
Prof. Dr. Ludger Kühnhardt, Director at the renowned Center for European Integration Studies (ZEI) at the University of Bonn is presenting a broadly structured study about the first fifty years of European integration, its geopolitical context and academic reflection. His study is based on the two-fold thesis that since a few years, the European Union is going through a process of its Second Founding while simultaneously changing its rationale. The original founding of European integration in 1957 was based on the notion of internal reconciliation among European states and societies. Since the 1990""s European integration has become, increasingly, a political project with implications for the internal structure of its member states and their societies. At the same time, with the end of the Cold War, the rational of European integration has begun to change: European integration is about a new global role of Europe, its contribution to the management of global affairs and its ability to cope with the effects of globalization on Europe. Inside the EU, the Second Founding is about a new contract between political elites and the people of Europe in order to solidify legitimacy and effectiveness for this unique experiment in European history. Prof. Dr. Ludger Kühnhardt has been Director at the Center for European Integration Studies (ZEI) since 1997. He is author of thirty books and edits the volumes of ZEI at Nomos
Entwicklung eines Nachhaltigkeitsbewertungssystems für Sanierungsmaßnahmen von Wohngebäuden im Bestand
Der Gebäudesektor in Deutschland stellt derzeit eine bedeutende Hürde bei der Erreichung der angestrebten Nachhaltigkeitsziele dar. Ein Instrument, welches zur Steigerung der Nachhaltigkeit von Gebäuden beitragen kann, sind Nachhaltigkeitsbewertungssysteme. Diese zeigen Verbesserungspotenziale unter Berücksichtigung von Nachhaltigkeitskriterien auf. Zu den verbreitetsten Bewertungssystemen in Deutschland zählen z.B. das BNB/DGNB-System oder die Zertifizierung des Passivhausinstitutes. Hinzu kommen zahlreiche weniger verbreitete sowie international verwendete Bewertungssysteme. All diese Bewertungssysteme zielen hauptsächlich auf die Bewertung von Neubauvorhaben ab und sind zudem an Fachleute gerichtet. Für Nicht-Fachleute, also MieterInnen und EigentümerInnen, existiert derzeit keine Möglichkeit, selbstständig eine Nachhaltigkeitsbewertung von Gebäuden und/oder Wohnungen vorzunehmen. Damit ist es ihnen auch nicht möglich, Nachhaltigkeit als Kriterium bei der Auswahl von Wohnungen oder Gebäuden mit einfließen zu lassen oder Optimierungsmöglichkeiten ihrer Immobilie unabhängig und selbstständig zu identifizieren. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist daher die Entwicklung eines Nachhaltigkeitsbewertungssystems, mit dem Nicht-Fachleute selbstständig eine Nachhaltigkeitsbewertung von Gebäuden und/oder Wohnungen vornehmen können, speziell von Mehrfamilienhäusern im Bestand. In einem ersten Schritt wurden dazu aus den deutschen Nachhaltigkeitszielen sowie dem BNB-Bewertungssystem Kriterien erarbeitet, welche ein Gebäude erfüllen muss, damit es als nachhaltig bezeichnet werden kann. Im zweiten Schritt wurden zwei Onlineumfragen, eine unter GebäudenutzerInnen und eine unter Fachleuten mit Schnittmengen zur Thematik Gebäude, über die Plattform SoSci Survey durchgeführt. Ziel der Befragungen war, ebenfalls Kriterien für ein nachhaltiges Gebäude zu ermitteln. Im dritten Schritt wurden die vorangegangenen Ergebnisse zu zentralen Prinzipien zur Funktionsweise des Bewertungssystems und zu konkreten Nachhaltigkeitskriterien für Gebäude zusammengefasst. Im vierten Schritt wurde darauf basierend ein Nachhaltigkeitsbewertungssystem entwickelt. Anschließend wurde geprüft, welche Daten zur Nutzung des Bewertungssystems abgefragt werden müssen und aus welchen Datenquellen diese bezogen werden können. Abschließend wurden die Stärken und Schwächen bzw. die Erweiterungsmöglichkeiten des entwickelten Bewertungssytems dargestellt. Die Befragung der NutzerInnen lieferte 242, die der Fachleute 56 vollständig ausgefüllte Fragebögen, welche in die Ergebnisauswertung einflossen. Die Befragten waren im Mittel jünger als das Durchnittsalter in Deutschland, hatten ein leicht geringeres Einkommen aber ein erhöhtes Nachhaltigkeitsbewusstsein. Dennoch decken sich deren Antworten im Wesentlichen mit größeren repräsentativen Befragungen. Zwischen den Antworten der NutzerInnen und der ExpertInnen gab es keine signifikanten Abweichungen und große Übereinstimmungen
No Separation: Christians, Secular Democracy, and Sex. By Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey
This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced version of an article accepted for publication in Journal of Church and State following peer review. The version of record Lauren Barbato, No Separation: Christians, Secular Democracy, and Sex. By Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey, Journal of Church and State, Volume 67, Issue 1, Winter 2025, csae070, https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csae070 is available online at: https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csae070.
© The Author(s) 2024. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the J. M. Dawson Institute of Church-State Studies. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected].
This article will be embargoed until 12/10/2026.What happens when a Western secular democracy produces a Christianity of its own? Does it become another formation of the secular, a civil religion, or a cultural religious movement in service of a select body politic? Following in the lineage of Robert Bellah, Talal Asad, and Saba Mahmood, Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey’s No Separation: Christians, Secular Democracy, and Sex challenges the deployment of political secularisms in three Western nations and argues that such deployments in the twenty-first century have woven populist, anti-textual Christianities into the boundaries delineating borders and citizens. Disconnected from doctrine and institutional authority, these Christianities form cultural religions that Viefhues-Bailey labels civil religion’s “unruly cousin” (p. 24). In his taxonomy, cultural religions lack founding myths and central texts; their usage of history is neither scripturally nor politically coherent; and they are often “coercive” in identifying “who is part of the body politic” and “who is not” (p. 24). The intervention that Viefhues-Bailey makes goes beyond which bodies matter to the state and why. Rather, he concludes that these “exclusionary Christianities” reveal that “the project of democratic governance is profoundly problematic” and strives to envision new theological strategies for liberative democracies (pp. 224–225)
Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari : Swahili lecturer and author in Germany
This book presents a study of the life history of Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari (c. 1869 - 1927). Mtoro bin Mwinyi Bakari grew up and studied Islamic Sciences in Bagamoyo, Tanzania. He became a Swahili lecturer and author in Germany and is known to have written Desturi za Wasuaheli, an important work in Swahili culture. The book introduces the wider historical context of his writings, and, in particular, reconstructs the racism and discrimination in both the colonial and metropolitan contexts, features which negatively influenced his career and his life as a whole. The study also offers insights into contributions of the colonized to the study of African languages and cultures during this same historical context
Does Culture Matter? The Relevance of Culture in Politics and Governance in the Euro-Mediterranean Zone. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002: C 111
[Table of Contents]: Culture and Governance in the Mediterranean – A Rationale and Overview, by Indra de Soysa and Peter Zervakis; The Relevance of Culture in Democratic Governance – Lessons from the Western Hemisphere, by Lawrence E. Harrison; Culture in Politics and Governance – European Experiences, by Klaus von Beyme; Penser L’Espace Mediterranean, by Mohammed Arkoun; Muslim and Western Civilization – Is Co-Prosperity and Peace Possible?, by Erich Weede; Political Culture and Democracy in Turkey, by Ergun Özbudun; The Crisis of Political Culture in the Arab World – A Conflict of Paradigms, by Paul Salem; Euro-Mediterranean Formations – Cultural Imperatives of System Change, by Dimitris K. Xenakis and Dimitris Chryssochoou; Cross-cultural Currents in the Mediterranean – What Prospects, Stephan Calleya; Politics and Governance in the Mediterranean, by Franck Biancheri; The Mediterranean - New Directions of Research and Policy-Making, by Ludger Kühnha
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Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey, No separation: christians, secular democracy, and sex. A critical notice
The article takes its cue from Ludger H. Viefhues-Bailey’s book “No Separation: Christians, Secular Democracy, and Sex” and discusses the question of who is entitled to belong to the citizenship today: who are the people of whom, by whom and for whom democratic rule exists? In his book, Viefhues-Bailey investigates the rise, in spite of the wave of secularization still taking place in the West, of a prototypical political Christianity that operates as the common ground for a relative majority of citizens who believe that they are reacting to a direct threat to popular sovereignty and thus to their right to self-rule. The author, however, does not merely record this striking phenomenon, but he analyzes three different instantiations of it (respectively, the case of Germany’s islamophobic Leitkultur, of French Catholic “republicanism,” and of the American Protestant Right) and constructs an original theoretical framework to account for such a distinctive and enigmatic socio-political dispensation. To be more specific, Viefhues-Bailey investigates the “libidinal underpinnings of the democratic project” (p. 30), the “libidinal substructure of political belonging” (p. 28), its “libidinal undercurrent” (p. 100) or “foundation” (p. 163), shedding light on the often overlooked link between “secular democracy” and “sex,” as the book’s subtitle recites. Aside from the richness of the case study analysis, where the book works best is in its recognition of the residually tragic dimension of democracy: of its inability, that is, to establish functioning networks of care, friendship, and love. However, this does not prevent Viefhues-Bailey from successfully defending the Deweyan idea that democracy is a form of life that does not serve to connect “isolated omnipotent sovereign individuals into bonds of friendship, but rather cultivating the relationships within which we grow and live into friendships of equality”
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