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ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛЬСТВО ЖЕНЩИН В ПОСТСОВЕТСКОЙ ГРУЗИИ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ ПАРЛАМЕНТСКИХ ВЫБОРОВ 1990, 1992 и 1995 ГГ.)
Full text linkWomen’s political participation is an internationally agreed women’s human right. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) stipulates equality between women and men in terms of access to, and opportunities in, political and public life, including the right to vote and stand for election. Gender equality is an integral part of the democratic values. Men and women have equal rights to participate in all spheres of private and public life. Women's political participation in representative bodies of the country while increase their active participation in democratic process and will contribute to the successful implementation of the political and social processes. Low representation of women in parliament affects its representativeness and undermines the quality, inclusiveness, and effectiveness of the democratic debate and policy development.In 90s in the wake of the Soviet collapse, when the country's national liberation movement has spread, women were active participants in this process. Restoration of the independence of the country was going under economic and political challenges. Naturally women’s participation and their representation in the legislative body didn’t become the political agenda for the government and no steps were taken in that direction. It’s highly interesting to analyze how female candidates nominated by political organizations were represented in the legislative body after the parliamentary election in the 1990-1995 period and how much attention was paid to the issue of women as the beneficiaries in the policy platforms of the political parties.
The Issue of Necessity Introducing the System of Gender Quota in the Electoral lists of Political Parties in Georgia
No full textToday many states, likeGeorgia, are working to increase women's political representation. To speed up the process Georgian government and civil sector initiated legislative norm in order to encourage political parties to rise women's representation. In 2016 parliamentary election was held under the amended law that included a provision of increased supplementary public funding of 30% to parties that include three women for every 10 candidates on the lists. Unfortunately this initiative did not work inGeorgia. Therefore, we believe that the means of resolving the problem is the introduction of obligatory gender quotas.Gender quota is one of the possibilities to achieve gender equality. Quotas aim at defending women from political isolation. Because a majority of the world’s population are women, it is logical that this group should have appropriate representation in the decision-making process. This argument gradually started to gain the support in the World; therefore, the quota system for women has been successfully used in almost every country around the world. Several recent studies have shown that the majority of the population supports the idea of increasing the representation of women and the introduction of mandatory gender quotas for political parties
Platform for Cooperation Between South Caucasus Countries and Regional Actors and Georgia
No full textDue to its important geopolitical location and economic interests, the South Caucasus has been the object of interest of various states and empires since ancient times. This rivalry was facilitated by the geopolitical location of the region and the existing significant reserves of energy resources, which became one of the most attractive spaces for regional powers especially in the Post-Cold War period. Over the centuries, the forms of international relations of the South Caucasus region have always changed, however, the aspirations of the Caucasian peoples, as well as the interests of the regional powers, remained almost unchanged.After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the restoration of independence, the countries of the South Caucasus, known for their endless ethno-political conflicts, should be actively interested in the stability of the region, which implies the active use of constructive and peace policy tools in their political agenda. Accordingly, their concern for the creation of a peace policy, as well as various cooperation initiatives proposed in order to maintain the regional stability of the Caucasus, remain relevant. Despite the variety of cooperation and peace political initiatives proposed over the years, unfortunately they did not go beyond the format of political statements and the matter never came to their implementation, because none of the existing cooperation initiatives could cover all the members of the region.The current platform of regional cooperation was put forward by the President of Turkey, Recep Erdogan, who announced this initiative during his visit to Azerbaijan. The so-called 3+3 format platform of regional cooperation aims at the cooperation of three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) and three "big neighbors" - Russia, Turkey and Iran. The proposed 3+3 political platform initiative of the Caucasus Stability Pact received a positive response from the authorities of Azerbaijan, Iran and Armenia. According to them, the said platform of cooperation will contribute to the strengthening of cooperation between the countries involved in it in the security, economic and transport fields.The purpose of the article is to study and determine the new cooperation platform created for the purpose of maintaining regional stability and the future perspectives of its implementation. What will the proposed project bring to Georgia, what type of "benefits" or threats are associated with its alleged membership in the mentioned cooperation platform. It will also be interesting to identify the interests and expectations of regional powers in relation to the mentioned platform. Considering the partial coincidence of the regional ambitions of the regional players Russia, Turkey and Iran in relation to the South Caucasus, the 3+3 regional cooperation format is, on the one hand, a kind of facilitating mechanism for them to strengthen their influence in the South Caucasus region, and on the other hand, through the mentioned cooperation, they want to consolidate the "new reality", which was formed after a significant change in power and balance in the region
Gender Dimension of Political Corruption as a Heavy Burden on the Path of Democracy
Full text linkCorruption continues to be one of the most important challenges in both developed and developing countries due to its negative impact on economic and development outcomes. Corruption hinders development and weakens modern societies. Corruption undermines public confidence in state institutions. Corruption especially hinders the progress of transition countries in state building. The resources obtained through corrupt practices are often transformed into economic and social influences that weaken democratic institutions and contribute to even wider spread of corruption.Until the beginning of the 2000s, corruption was usually considered as a "gender-free phenomenon", so questions about the impact of corruption on gender were not asked. Recently, however, studies have emerged that attempt to examine and identify existing links between corruption and gender.What is the relationship between women's political participation and corruption? In recent decades, an interesting reality has emerged that indicates a strong correlation between high levels of women's political participation and low levels of corruption. Statistical data from various countries around the world show that high levels of women's representation in political leadership positions are associated with low levels of both types of corruption.This paper examines how corruption and women's political representation are connected. The purpose of this article is to answer the following questions: How do women influence the reduction of corruption at different levels of government and how does corruption hinder women's political participation
Political Transformation of the French „National Rally” and Gender Analysis of Party Election Programs
No full textThe far-right populism in modern world has become more powerful, and Brexit in the UK, the election of Donald Trump as a President of the United States, and the strengthening of ultra-right forces in European countries and the European Parliament is a proof of it. Ultra-right-wing forces are particularly supported in Germany, France, Italy and Hungary. The French National Rally is party that never had so much support in France as in the last national and European elections, in which radical right-wing forces were able to mobilize and support a significant portion of the electorate.The arrival of Marine Le Pen as chairman of the National Front in 2011 gave the party a breath of fresh air and took it to a new level of development. Under Marine Le Pen, the National Rally has managed to modernize some of its conservative positions on gender, sexuality, and family issues. With the new discourse, the leader of the National Rally aims to attract a segment of voters who have traditionally been the least considered among the electorate of the National Rally, and women are among such electorate.The aim of this article is to study and analyze reasons that has caused so much power and support for ultra-right populism in Europe, specifically what factors are contributing to the popularity and support of ultra-right forces among the women voters? How sensitive is the party's policy and how do the National Rally's election platforms respond to the needs and demands of women voters?There is no doubt that the party is actively seeking the goodwill of female voters and mobilizing them around the party, as evidenced by the growing number of female candidates from the National Rally in recent elections and the active support of the female electorate in the presidential election. Despite all this, public organizations working on women's rights in France, feminist activists and their supporters believe that Marine Le Pen is a serious threat for a women's rights and she puts under the question national and regional achievements in the fight for women's rights
Violence Against Women in Politics and the Instruments to Fight
Full text linkViolence against women in politics attracts more and more attention from political actors and the scientific community. Along with the increase in the number of politically active women around the world, the frequency of violence against women in politics and the extent of its manifestation has increased. Although the representation of women at the decision-making levels, especially at the legislative level, has increased dramatically in recent years, at the same time, the cases of violence against women in politics have increased. As a rule, women have to pay a much higher price for political participation than male politicians.Violence against women in politics is a result of incomplete democratic consolidation. Some researchers consider violence against women to be a kind of category which is related to weak state capacity and criminal justice systems. This phenomenon emphasizes not only the existence of violence against women in the country but also points to the shortcomings of the existing legislation and the syndrome of impunity in the country, to solve which the activation of both state and non-state actors and policy changes are essential.Today, violence against women in politics is common all over the world, although this problem is pervasive in developing countries. Violence against women in politics is a form of gender-based violence against women (GBVAW). VAWP is any act or threat of physical, sexual, or psychological violence that prevents women from exercising and realizing their political rights and a range of human rights, which poses a severe challenge to democracy, human rights, and gender equality (UN Women, 2021).The concept of violence against women in politics requires constant attention and study from researchers and scientists to give men and women equal opportunities to participate in politics without any fear or violence
The Policy of Cooperation of the Georgian Government in the Occupied Tskhinvali Region
Full text linkThe Georgian-Ossetian conflict is a typical example of ethnopolitical conflict, largely due to the destructive policies of the Supreme Soviet Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), which they pursued in the Allied republics from the
1980s. The situation became extremely tense after the collapse of the Soviet Union and took the form of a large-scale armed conflict, which had an ethnonational face and which initially took the form of a "Georgian-Ossetian conflict." Moscow's imperial policy has made a greater contribution to this conflict rather than contradictions between the Georgian and Ossetian peoples. Conflicts on the territory of Georgia have been officially registered in the international arena since the August
2008 war and have acquired the status of Georgian-Russian conflict. The so-called Ossetian population living in the so-called South Ossetian territory has always been considered as an integrated part of the economic, social, cultural, and ethnic structure of the Georgian state.
This article aims to study the strategy of the Georgian government and its policies towards the occupied regions of Georgia, in particular in so-called South Ossetia. Despite many interesting initiatives developed and presented by the Georgian side, which focused on the well-being of the population living in the region, the efforts are unfortunately inefficient, as Russia continues its policy of isolating the occupied regions of Georgia from the outside world.
For studing above mentioned issue, the political perspective of neo-realization, same as structural realism were used, with the help of which we tried to analize the Russia- Georgia conflict and unsuccessful attempts of cooperation by the Georgian authorities in the conflict region. The theoretical framework of the project neo- realism explains the conflicts between Russia and Georgia with several possible reasons: the anarchy (internal and external), the weakness of the rights of the Georgian government, the balance of power, the secure dilemma. According to neo- realism, the most important reason that causes conflict is anarchy, because "there is no world government, which could prevent the unlawful use of force by countries.
Countries can have their own goals, including military policy. In the case of a conflict between Russia and Georgia, Russia has attacked a sovereign state and that's it what represents an international anarchy, the so-called South Ossetia was a province of Georgia and therefore the conflict was only an internal matter of Georgia.
The content analysis method of qualitative research was used to study the issue, based on secondary data, for which official documents of the Georgian government as well as of the international community and media sources were used, including: TV interviews and articles.
Today, Russia, despite its growing political, cultural and informational influence in the occupied territories of Georgia, still fails to create an attractive development paradigm for the local population. As a result of the occupation, the territories separated from Georgia are practically formed into so-called enclaves, which can have much more severe consequences than the fact that these regions are on the territory occupied by any country. There may be too many processes in these areas that will be detrimental to Ossetian communities, and this area may become a destructive space.
Consequently, the fight against the isolation of the Ossetian community living in the occupied region of Georgia is possible only through openness and the emergence of new incentives and tools for engagement. Optimization of its own policy by Europe and Tbilisi's maximum confidence in the issue of non-recognition with its partners will be an unalternative approach to build lasting peace in the country and start the process of reconciling people divided by the conflict
The Gender Quota and the Experience of the Women Political Activism in Georgia
No full textGender equality is closely linked to the sustainable development of the country and is a necessary condition for the universal realization of human rights. Achieving gender equality in the political area is one of the central issues of gender equality. The low involvement of women in political life is equally characteristic for both” - Developed Democracies and New Democracies, includingGeorgia.We are interested in studying the political participation of women inGeorgiaand determining how effective are the new electoral system and the "gender quota" mechanism for increasing women's representation. When and how was the gender quota adopted and does it give us or not the optimistic outlook about increasing the number of women. One of the main tasks of the paper is also to identify the factors hindering political participation and to develop effective policy alternatives aimed to eliminate gender differences in order to understand the main causes of the problem of under-representation of women in Georgian Parlament.It would take decades for women to achieve equal political participation inGeorgiain a natural way, that’s why to speed up the process and eliminate a gender inequality, in 2020 Parliament of Georgia supported the establishment of a legislative gender quota. We are interested in studying the political participation of women inGeorgiatoday.One of the main tasks of the paper is also to identify the factors hindering political participation and to develop effective policy alternatives, wich aimes to eliminate gender differences, in order to understand the main causes of women’s under-representation in politics.
The Rise of the Right-Wing Political Forces in France and the Successful Rebranding of the National Rally”
No full text Existing displeasure about multiculturalism, economic and growing migration criticism has led to an intensification of the threat of terrorism by activating radical right-wing political organizations in the EU. Strengthening their influence has made it impossible for Europe to repeatedly deny that radical right-wing forces are supported and Popularized in France, the Netherlands, Germany and Hungary. In France, "National Unity" is an ultra-right political organization, it was considered as an openly fascist and extremist party in French society, which couldn’t reflect the demands of the society and consequently failed to respond to the political agenda of the French state. However, after Marine Le Pen became the leader of the mentioned political organization, she led the party to significant structural changes, and managed to mobilize a significant part of the French electorate around her.The purpose of the article is to determine what factors have led to increased support for ultra-right-wing political forces and their political sympathies among French voters? During the economic crisis unemployment has become one of the most important challenges in many European countries, including France. The right of shelter and employment for migrants increases competition for low-paying jobs in the service sector, which has further exacerbated resistance to migrants in a relatively poor population. Changes in the party's political discourse, economic challenges and migrant crises are the factors that have contributed to the emergence of ‘national unity’ as one of the strongest anti-systemic movements in France. The policies and decisions proposed by the FN respond well to the demands of the French electorate, which for several years has experienced economic, political and identity crises and has been frustrated by the activities of mainstream parties in the French political landscape.
The New Political Discourse of the Far-right "Nationale Rally" and its Influence on the Results of the European Parliament Election
No full text In recent years, there has been a significant rise of far-right sentiments in Europe, where the rise of ultra-nationalist forces and their anti-Western sentiments have threatened liberal-democratic values. In the member states of the European Union, the economic crisis, international terrorism, growing migration and growing dissatisfaction with multiculturalism led to the activation of radical right-wing political forces and the growth of support for them. The parliamentary and presidential elections held in France in recent years, as well as the 2024 European Parliament elections, once again confirm that the gender gap between far-right forces and female voters is slowly closing. More and more women are voting for populist radical forces in elections.The purpose of this article is to determine what factors contributed to the growth of political sympathies for the far-right political forces in the French electorate and to fill the thirty-year gap between them, whether the party's political discourse has actually changed in recent years and whether it is consistent with the party's policy.Under a female leader, National Really was able to modernize conservative positions on gender, sexuality, and the family. Like many Far-right female leaders, Marine Le Pen presents herself as a modern and strong woman who does not bow to patriarchal norms. It was through this new discourse that she managed to use her gender strategically, gaining the support of women and young people, who were traditionally the least represented in the ranks of the political party's electorate.
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