5 research outputs found
Muhammadiyah’s Fatwa about Hewan Kurban in 2005: A Study on Muhammadiyah’s Method in Producing Fatwa
Full text linkThe Majelis Tarjih of Muhammadiyah had issued a fatwa about hewan kurban (slaughtered animal for ‛Id al-Adha) in 2005. The fatwa asked Muslims to prioritize their money to support and aid sufferers of natural disaster in in Aceh and other places. The fatwa is controversial, because it produces new form of ‛Idul Adha. This article aims to explore the method used by the Majelis Tarjih in issuing the fatwa
Islam, Secularity and the State in Post-New Order Indonesia: Tensions between Neo-Modernist and Revivalist Leaderships in the Muhammadiyah, 1998-2005
Full text linkThis thesis explores how Muslims negotiate Islam, secularity and the modern state (Chapter 1) through examining the views of Muslim leaders in Indonesia during the colonial and postcolonial periods (Chapter 2), and, in particular, through a case study of the leadership of the Muhammadiyah – one of the two largest Islamic organisations in the country (Chapter 3). In the main body of my thesis I focus on the post-New Order period (1998–2005) when Indonesia underwent a transition from state authoritarianism to experiments with democracy. During this time of new political freedom, various Islamic movements pushed for the Islamization of the state, revisiting earlier debates with supporters of secularism following Indonesia’ independence. Notably, this changing context also exposed tensions within the Muhammadiyah between more marginal revivalists and more dominant neo-modernist groupings with rather different conceptions of Islam’s relationship to the state and secularity. To investigate this further I undertook fieldwork in Indonesia between 2012 and 2013, adopting qualitative research methods to consult the organisation’s archives, other publicly available material and interview both revivalist and neo-modernist leaders at different levels of the Muhammadiyah: 11 central board members, 8 ‘ulama and 16 activists (Chapter 4). Analysing their different responses to three key post-New Order debates about the relationship between Islam, secularity and the modern state – the position of Islam in the constitution (Chapter 5); the position of shari‘a in the law (Chapter 6); and regarding non-Muslim leadership (Chapter 7) – my main argument is that in contrast to the revivalists who support a shari‘a-based state, Muhammadiyah neo-modernist opinion tends to endorse the idea of the ‘neutrality’ of the state while still supporting the public recognition (and even prioritisation) of Islamic identity. My research shows that having higher education and/or wider engagement in organizations concerned with democracy, human rights, and religious pluralism is a significant influence on the extent to which Muhammadiyah leaders develop such neo-modernist ideas. Nevertheless, I also conclude that the wider post-New Order political context of conflict between revivalists and secularists, typically saw neo-modernists, and particularly those in the Muhammadiyah central board, seek points of convergence with revivalists that would maintain the movement’s overall unity
Implementation of The MUI’s Fatwa No.14/2020 Concerning Worship During Pandemic: Study on Muslim Society in Ternate
Full text linkThis article describes how Muslims deal with fatwa through examining the extent to which Muslims in Ternate (North Maluku) respond to MUI’ fatwa concerning the application of ibadah (worship) during the Covid-19 (Coronavirus) pandemic. In order to control and prevent the infection of the virus widely, people are required to stay at home and to keep their distance from crowds, including attending congregational worship (shalat jamaah) in mosques as issued in the MUI’s fatwa. The fieldwork was conducted in Ternate between March-May 2021, using qualitative research methods through participatory observation and interview. This article shows that the obedience of Muslim society in Ternate to the MUI’s fatwa is not only determined by aspects of the religious authority of the MUI, but also by local government, local religious leaders, and pragmatic considerations of the society as well as their perception about the dangerous impact of the Covid-19
Cultural capital, Islamism, and political distrust in Indonesia General Election: an ethnicity-based community engaged in Islamic Defenders Front (FPI)
Full text linkAlthough there have been many studies investigating Islamist movements andtheir views concerning the relationship between Islam and politics, very rarestudies examining the ways particular ethnicity-based Islamist group invent andrevitalize their cultural capital in dealing with Islamism. Based on the case of therole of FPI (the Islamic Defenders Front) group in Jakarta rejecting the resultof Pemilu 2019 (Indonesian General Election), this study aims to investigatethe way a young Batavian community that is engaged in the FPI (a semi radicalIslamist organization) interpret their Batavian values and tradition in dealing with Islamism. This research uses a case study approach that investigates culturalcapital and its influence to a young Batavian community joining the FPI. Thisstudy relies more on in-depth interviews with the members as well as observation.Based on the fieldwork this article shows that tension in national political levelin Pemilu 2019 which polarized society had encouraged these young Batavians tobe engaged in an organization connecting them to wider Islamic groups. Insteadof Muhammadiyah or Nahdatul Ulama (NU), their cultural capital is moresupportive encouraging them to be engaged with the Islamic Defenders Front(FPI). Through this engagement in FPI and participation in political distrustrejecting the result of Pemilu 2019 they were not only involved with nationalissues, but also local issues dealing with their domination as an indigenous groupliving in an urban area
Political Distrust and Islamic Populism: Study on Tarbiyah Community in Pemilu 2019
No full textThis article aims to describe the extent to which Tarbiyah community distrust to the General Elections Committee (KPU) and the Indonesian government as well as factors causing this political distrust. Massive movements protesting and rejecting the result of the Pemilu (General Election) 2019 by supporters of one of the presidential candidates, Prabowo Subianto, were launch when the General Elections Committee (KPU) announced the victory of the incumbent, Joko Widodo. One of the most dominant groups involved in these protests was Tarbiyah community. The method used in this study is qualitative research method by conducting in-depth interviews of Tarbiyah members. The study found that political distrust among them is a symptom of Islamic populism. The Islamic populism imagines itself as the movement that can save Indonesian Muslims from corrupt elites.Artikel ini berupaya menjelaskan sejauh mana ketidakpercayaan politik di kalangan komunitas Tarbiyah terhadap Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) dan pemerintah serta faktor-faktor yang menyebabkannya. Gerakan masif yang memprotes dan menolak hasil Pemilu 2019 muncul di kalangan pendukung Prabowo Subianto (salah satu calon Presiden) ketika Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) mengumumkan hasil Pemilu yang menegaskan kemenangan petahana, Joko Widodo (Presiden Indonesia pada periode 2014-2019). Salah satu kelompok yang paling dominan terlibat dalam protes ini adalah komunitas Tarbiyah. Studi yang menggunakan metode kualitatif ini mewawancarai secara mendalam anggota Tarbiyah. Studi ini menjelaskan bahwa ketidakpercayaan politik di kalangan komunitas Tarbiyah merupakan gejala populisme Islam. Populisme Islam mengimajinasikan dirinya sebagai gerakan yang berusaha menyelamatkan Muslim Indonesia dari para elit yang korup.
