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Kosmos i natura ludzka w antropologii Williama Shakespeare’a
No full textJacek Bartyzel, Cosmos and Human Nature in William Shakespeare’sAnthropology.
The article is concerned with the ambiguity of the term ‘nature’ inShakespeare’s dramas. The term is closely connected with the conceptof ‘order’ meaning the hierarchical system of beings in the cosmosand – analogically – in the human cosmion. However, the naturalnessof this order is subject to various interferences caused by the disruptionof ‘degrees’. This polarity of order and disorder, naturalness and unnaturalness is translated in the human world into two concepts ofnatural law. The first contains the quality of the objective ordo whichis inscribed in human nature and which is recognized by one’s conscienceas moral dictates of the righteous reason; it corresponds to classicalconcepts of natural law – the ones of Aristotle, Cicero and SaintThomas Aquinas – a law that is eternal, unchanging and of the divineorigin. The second identifies natural law with the laws of nature wherenature is interpreted as phýsis (from Greek), the laws that were alsoin existence in the pre-social natural state. This concept treats moraldictates as social conventions, contracts and customs, the use of whichdepends on usefulness. This kind of view corresponds to the traditionof sophists as well as to Machiavelli and Hobbes. Based on the analysisof the anthropological vision presented in King Lear and in Troilus andCressida, the author concludes that, while giving voice, in accordancewith the principles of dramatic art, to representatives of both concepts,Shakespeare tends to prefer the first one
Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu
No full textTRADITIONALISM AND DICTATORSHIP. FRANCISCO ELÍAS DE TEJADA Y SPÍNOLA’S ATTITUDE TO FRANCOISMThe protagonist of the article is Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola 1917–1978 — philosopher of law and politics, theorist of natural law, professor of Universities of Salamanca, Seville and Madrid, one of the most distinguished exponents of 20th-century Spanish traditionalism, associated with the legitimist monarchist movement known as Carlism named after Don Carlos de Borbón. The author of the article focuses on the thinker’s attitude to the theory and practice of Francoist dictatorship, aperiod coinciding with the philosopher’s almost entire creative life. That attitude evolved considerably, aprocess in which three stages can be distinguished. In the first and shortest stage, between 1939 and 1941, Elías de Tejada was an enthusiast of the national-syndicalist state and theorist of the caudillaje system of power. In the second stage 1941–1955, starting from a distinction between dictatorship and caudillaje, now equated only with rightful and traditional monarchy, he became aradical and intransigent opponent of General Franco’s personal dictatorship, calling it scornfully “Caudiland” and seeing the authoritarian regime as one of the forms of political modernism and totalitarianism, contrary to the Spanish and Catholic tradition. In the third stage from 1955 to Franco’s death, while not changing his critical opinion of the regime and its leader, he tended to pursue a“possibilistic cultural policy” within the regime, promoting traditionalistic values and assuming that the dictatorship could evolve into atraditional monarchy.TRADITIONALISM AND DICTATORSHIP. FRANCISCO ELÍAS DE TEJADA Y SPÍNOLA’S ATTITUDE TO FRANCOISMThe protagonist of the article is Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola 1917–1978 — philosopher of law and politics, theorist of natural law, professor of Universities of Salamanca, Seville and Madrid, one of the most distinguished exponents of 20th-century Spanish traditionalism, associated with the legitimist monarchist movement known as Carlism named after Don Carlos de Borbón. The author of the article focuses on the thinker’s attitude to the theory and practice of Francoist dictatorship, aperiod coinciding with the philosopher’s almost entire creative life. That attitude evolved considerably, aprocess in which three stages can be distinguished. In the first and shortest stage, between 1939 and 1941, Elías de Tejada was an enthusiast of the national-syndicalist state and theorist of the caudillaje system of power. In the second stage 1941–1955, starting from a distinction between dictatorship and caudillaje, now equated only with rightful and traditional monarchy, he became aradical and intransigent opponent of General Franco’s personal dictatorship, calling it scornfully “Caudiland” and seeing the authoritarian regime as one of the forms of political modernism and totalitarianism, contrary to the Spanish and Catholic tradition. In the third stage from 1955 to Franco’s death, while not changing his critical opinion of the regime and its leader, he tended to pursue a“possibilistic cultural policy” within the regime, promoting traditionalistic values and assuming that the dictatorship could evolve into atraditional monarchy
Synarchizm meksykański 1931–2009: geneza, dzieje, doktryna. Część II 1945–2009
No full textMEXICAN SYNARCHISM 1931–2009: ORIGINS, HISTORY, DOCTRINE. PART 2 1945–2009The second part of historical-and-doctrinal study devoted to National Synarchist Union UNS; Unión Nacional Sinarquista in Mexico discusses in parallel both factions of this movement which came into existence after UNS’ breakup at the end of 1944. The specific feature of the first of these currents, commonly called independent independiente synarchism or – from the initials of its first leader jefe Manuel Torres Bueno – UNS-MTB, was an effort to transform hitherto civic-and-social movement into a political party which was supposed to participate in the election process. It was not a simple endeavor due to certain provisions of Electoral Code which were restrictive towards Catholics. Using legal pretexts the authorities did not permit the registration of religious political parties for a long time; they also often delegalized already registered parties. It was not until so-called “democratic openness” apertura democratica in the Seventies that Mexican Democratic Party PDM; Partido Demócrata Mexicano, created by this faction of UNS, came relatively close to being a permanent fixture in the panorama of official political life. Persistent attempts on the part of some members of UNS-MTB to build a party structure ultimately resulted in the establishment – in the year 2008 – of Solidarity Party PS; Partido Solidaritat. These actions, however, evoked strong internal tension and crisis in synarchistic movement: activists supporting civic-and-social orientation proposed alternative vision of movement remaining outside political system the goal of which was to allow the Mexican people to regain their sovereignty and cultural identity and to build participative participative and communitarian comunitaria version of democracy. The characteristic feature of the second current, commonly called dissident disidente synarchism or-again from the initials of its first leader Carlos Athié Carasco – UNS CAC, was an attempt to continuously adhere to ideological deposit modified as little as possible of “historic” synarchism, and particularly to its social, national and religious “mystique”. Such attitude made this faction a sort of “soldier-monks order”. This faction also came under the influence of covert Catholic organization, founded in 1955 according to other sources – in 1953 under the name of El Yunque “anvil” in Spanish by a group of students of the Autonomous University in Puebla whose leader was Ramón Plata Moreno 1935–1979. The name El Yunque, which alluded to words spoken by martyred bishop Saint Ignatius from Antioch “Be unbending like anvil hit by hammer”, Sta firmus ut incus, quae percutitur in Latin, expressed mystical-and-heroic ethos of the organization the declared purpose of which was to build a Catholic state or “God’s Kingdom on Earth” El reino de Dios en la Terra in Spanish in Mexico. The organization’s modus operandi was establishment of overt “façade structures” fachadas or membretes in Spanish and infiltration of its activists into various social movements, economic associations and political parties – particularly into the conservative Party of National Action PAN; Partido Acción Nacional. In the final part of the article the author analyzes the political situation in Mexico from the year 2000 when PAN, for the first time in history, achieved power. The disclosure of the fact that in governments of both consecutive Catholic Presidents V. Fox Quesada and F. Calderón Hinojosa, in federal Parliament and in regional state structures there were many former or present members of El Yunque caused a hot and intense debate in which the voice of lay Left, warning against “clerical-and-fascist dictatorship”, appeared dominant.MEXICAN SYNARCHISM 1931–2009: ORIGINS, HISTORY, DOCTRINE. PART 2 1945–2009The second part of historical-and-doctrinal study devoted to National Synarchist Union UNS; Unión Nacional Sinarquista in Mexico discusses in parallel both factions of this movement which came into existence after UNS’ breakup at the end of 1944. The specific feature of the first of these currents, commonly called independent independiente synarchism or – from the initials of its first leader jefe Manuel Torres Bueno – UNS-MTB, was an effort to transform hitherto civic-and-social movement into a political party which was supposed to participate in the election process. It was not a simple endeavor due to certain provisions of Electoral Code which were restrictive towards Catholics. Using legal pretexts the authorities did not permit the registration of religious political parties for a long time; they also often delegalized already registered parties. It was not until so-called “democratic openness” apertura democratica in the Seventies that Mexican Democratic Party PDM; Partido Demócrata Mexicano, created by this faction of UNS, came relatively close to being a permanent fixture in the panorama of official political life. Persistent attempts on the part of some members of UNS-MTB to build a party structure ultimately resulted in the establishment – in the year 2008 – of Solidarity Party PS; Partido Solidaritat. These actions, however, evoked strong internal tension and crisis in synarchistic movement: activists supporting civic-and-social orientation proposed alternative vision of movement remaining outside political system the goal of which was to allow the Mexican people to regain their sovereignty and cultural identity and to build participative participative and communitarian comunitaria version of democracy. The characteristic feature of the second current, commonly called dissident disidente synarchism or-again from the initials of its first leader Carlos Athié Carasco – UNS CAC, was an attempt to continuously adhere to ideological deposit modified as little as possible of “historic” synarchism, and particularly to its social, national and religious “mystique”. Such attitude made this faction a sort of “soldier-monks order”. This faction also came under the influence of covert Catholic organization, founded in 1955 according to other sources – in 1953 under the name of El Yunque “anvil” in Spanish by a group of students of the Autonomous University in Puebla whose leader was Ramón Plata Moreno 1935–1979. The name El Yunque, which alluded to words spoken by martyred bishop Saint Ignatius from Antioch “Be unbending like anvil hit by hammer”, Sta firmus ut incus, quae percutitur in Latin, expressed mystical-and-heroic ethos of the organization the declared purpose of which was to build a Catholic state or “God’s Kingdom on Earth” El reino de Dios en la Terra in Spanish in Mexico. The organization’s modus operandi was establishment of overt “façade structures” fachadas or membretes in Spanish and infiltration of its activists into various social movements, economic associations and political parties – particularly into the conservative Party of National Action PAN; Partido Acción Nacional. In the final part of the article the author analyzes the political situation in Mexico from the year 2000 when PAN, for the first time in history, achieved power. The disclosure of the fact that in governments of both consecutive Catholic Presidents V. Fox Quesada and F. Calderón Hinojosa, in federal Parliament and in regional state structures there were many former or present members of El Yunque caused a hot and intense debate in which the voice of lay Left, warning against “clerical-and-fascist dictatorship”, appeared dominant
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Bogusław Wolniewicz jako filozof polityki
No full textTematem artykułu jest refleksja polityczna filozofa Bogusława Wolniewicza.
Tytułem wprowadzenia przedstawiono jego ogólne stanowisko filozoficzne,
nazywane przez niego racjonalizmem tychicznym albo transcendentalnym,
zakładające, iż rozum ludzki wykracza poza porządek natury. Pozwala to
Wolniewiczowi umiejscowić się w kręgu wyznawców chrześcijaństwa, aczkolwiek
w sposób swoisty, wynikający z przyjmowania niektórych tylko prawd
wiary podawanych przez Kościół. Jako „niewierzący katolik”, jest on obrońcą
cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej, którą utożsamia z cywilizacją Zachodu. Podejmuje
krytykę liberalizmu, libertynizmu oraz ideologii „lewackich”, jednocześnie
deklarując się jako demokrata, którego ideałem jest demokracja obywatelska,
resp. republikańska, ufundowana na cnocie patriotyzmu i doceniająca znaczenie
państwa dla narodu. Za najważniejszy krąg lojalności uważa wspólnotę
narodową oraz podejmuje oryginalną obronę ksenofobii, acz bez nienawiści,
jako uzasadnionej ochrony własnego terytorium przed inwazją intruzów
Marks jako antyteistyczny i antypolityczny gnostyk
No full textTezą niniejszego artykułu jest twierdzenie, że to nie krytyka ekonomii politycznej,
ani również ustroju burżuazyjnego, lecz bunt antyteistyczny o charakterze
metafizycznym stanowi jądro świadomości Karola Marksa we wszystkich
okresach jego aktywności umysłowej, począwszy od czasów, kiedy nie miał
on jeszcze teorii ekonomicznej, a proletariat jako klasa predestynowana do
przeprowadzenia rewolucji w ogóle nie znalazł się w horyzoncie jego zainteresowania.
Bunt ten zaś prowadzi Marksa do chęci unicestwienia całości stworzenia
jako dzieła złego Demiurga – w dodatku będącego wytworem ludzkiej
fałszywej świadomości – a zatem także polityczności opartej o rozróżnienie
przyjaciół i wrogów, w nomenklaturze Marksa nazywanych reprezentantami
antagonistycznych klas społecznych, oraz do zastąpienia polityki przez bezpaństwową
wspólnotę samych przyjaciół
Jean de Terrevermeille (Johannes de Terra Rubea) o zasadach sukcesji Korony podług praw fundamentalnych Królestwa Francji
Get PDFThe article introduces the issues of monarchist doctrines from the theoretical and historicalperspective. The starting point is the distinction between two types of monarchical consciousness:spontaneous (pre-reflective), which manifests itself as a sentiment founded on a religiousbasis and the feeling of the monarch’s relationship with the sacred, and the doctrinal (theoretical),which is an answer to the basic question of political philosophy what is the best system.The theoretical models of monarchism are also related to historical variations of the types ofmonarchy. In the course of the argument, it is concluded that although the theory of monarchyhad been developed since antiquity, doctrinal monarchism gained special importance after therevolutionary „schism of being”, because monarchy, previously considered an obvious and givenform of government, was violently questioned, which forced monarchists to look for argumentsto defend it
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