1,450 research outputs found
Iran and the Global Financial Crisis
The global financial crisis is set to depress oil producing economies. As the crisis is already pushing down oil prices, a firm response to the fallout of the crisis from governments and central banks is expected. Oil prices have tumbled more than 70% since their July peak and there are fears they could continue their plunge because of diminishing demand caused by the current financial meltdown. Though, the Iranian government does not seem to be greatly concerned about the ongoing global situation, although many Iranian economists believe that sanctions and the international financial crisis will soon be taking their toll on Iran’s economy by unfavorably affecting oil, trade, and trade financing. Even if the relative isolation from the world’s economy may seem to protect Iran from the negative impact of the global financial crisis to a certain extend at least for now, plunging oil prices and a massive credit deterioration suggest otherwise.Iran; Financial Crisis; Oil Revenue; Currency Exchange; Currency Crash
Iran’s Banking and Monetary Problems
Iran has had many self-imposed economic crises. Many of which relate to the poorly managed banking system as well as flawed monetary and fiscal policy. Inefficiency of the banking-monetary system in Iran is a well known fact. A complete overhaul of the current system should be one of the essential priorities of any economic reformation and development. The banking-monetary system of any country has a key role in its economic efficiency and strength, price stability, production, and economic growth. The main functions of a banking-monetary system are to provide fiscal resources, to prepare ground for optimal allocation of capital in the economy, to distribute the wealth in the best possible way, and to ease economic development. This is particularly important in Iran because capital markets are underdeveloped.Iran; Banking; Monetary Policy; Fiscal Policy
Financial Crisis, Iranian Style
A steep fall in crude prices allied with lower output will decrease the Iranian government’s foreign revenues significantly. The Tehran Stock Exchange (TSE) has lost 30% of its value in the last four months, which points to a sizable economic slowdown in the near future. Perhaps Iran is among a handful of countries that has not properly planned to combat any potential economic crisis in the face of lower oil prices and the global financial meltdown that began to show its visage in the middle of 2007. The substantial inflow of petrodollars to the government’s account coupled with the faulty assumption that the oil prices will continue to rise triggered the government to infuse billions of dollars into the economic and banking system. Iranian officials have just begun to accept the new global circumstances and are after drafting a budget for the next Iranian year to ride out the financial turmoil. The administration is planning to eliminate energy subsidies and reduce its price controls in the new fiscal budget planning in order to reduce the massive deficit. It is indeed ironic from a government that has no belief in principles of a free market economy and denied it in the past to draw such a plan, many economists have stated. Whether the government has realized its past mistakes, is unknown and whether the new budget and policy will ease the current economic problems, remains to be seen! A more important question is whether the central bank and the administration will be able to employ the available monetary and fiscal tools to tackle the profound upcoming economic challenges, since they already tied their hands by their past mistakes and beliefs. Overall, the next few months or perhaps years will undoubtedly be very challenging times for the system.Iran; Budget Deficit; Economic Policy; Credit Crisis
Terror, Oil and Repression in Algeria
This paper investigates the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on human rights in Algeria. No direct link is discovered between foreign investment and the repression of human rights. This is largely due to the peculiarities and, in the special case of Algeria, the location of the hydrocarbon sector, which together make repression less necessary. First, since the hydrocarbon sector uses relatively little labour, there are fewer occasions on which labour rights would be suppressed. Second, oil and gas reserves are concentrated in a thinly populated region of Algeria, where there are fewer people to protest the allegedly negative effects of foreign investment and, hence, fewer people to repress. Nevertheless, case study findings indicate that FDI has indirectly sustained repression in Algeria. Explanation is attributed to the centrality of the country\u27s hydrocarbon resources to the global economy. It is suggested that countries in demand of Algeria\u27s oil and gas have exercised restraint in criticising Algeria\u27s human rights record. Buttressed by the diplomatic support of their partners as well as by large arms transfers, the Algerian government has been able to choose repression over concession as its primary response to domestic unrest. This study also points to ways in which the Algerian experience provides the grist for theoretical refinement. Specifically, it suggests that repression is more likely in industries that are more labour-intensive and concentrated in densely populated regions
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There is already a copy of this book in the collection. It is signed by the author. This copy is not signed. As I wrote there, this book represents a curious find. The Kalilah and Dimnah story is treated here, to the author's knowledge for the first time, as a play. The play seems talky; it contains plenty of aphorizing and a few fables. Still, this text includes music for three dances. And there are delightful colored illustrations: four early introduce the main personages, and sixteen with the English text show scenes along the way. Five black-and-white illustrations ornament the Arabic text that runs from the back to the middle. The colored illustrations present human form and clothes, animal faces, and Persian costume of the nineteenth century. Dimnah is pure Iago here, betraying both Lion and " Shatrebeh. " Leopard happens to overhear Kalilah upbraiding Dimnah after the fact; his testimony leads to Dimnah's punishment of imprisonment without food or water.There is already a copy of this book in the collection. It is signed by the author. This copy is not signed. As I wrote there, this book represents a curious find. The Kalilah and Dimnah story is treated here, to the author's knowledge for the first time, as a play. The play seems talky; it contains plenty of aphorizing and a few fables. Still, this text includes music for three dances. And there are delightful colored illustrations: four early introduce the main personages, and sixteen with the English text show scenes along the way. Five black-and-white illustrations ornament the Arabic text that runs from the back to the middle. The colored illustrations present human form and clothes, animal faces, and Persian costume of the nineteenth century. Dimnah is pure Iago here, betraying both Lion and " Shatrebeh. " Leopard happens to overhear Kalilah upbraiding Dimnah after the fact; his testimony leads to Dimnah's punishment of imprisonment without food or water.This is a hardbound book (hard cover)Language note: Bilingual: English/ArabicLanguage note: Bilingual: English/ArabicAli R. Amir-MoezAli R. Amir-Moe
Under the absolute Amir
Contents:
On the road.--Kabul.--Manners and customs.--Amir Abdur Rahman.--Prisons and prisoners.--Tortures and methods of execution.--Life of Europeans in Kabul.--Soldiers and arms.--Trades and commerce.--Geological conditions of the country.--Religion.--Political situation.--Road from Kabul to Peshawar.
Illustrated by the author\u27s drawings and photographs, and by other photograph
The security services and features of Amir Temur's state
The article is devoted to philosophical understanding of the special service of the state of Amir Temur. Which introduce new forms of the state of Amir Temur and his special service. As you know, the special service of Amir Temur played a global role ustroystvo all powerful empire. It is shown that the philosophy of the special service of Amir Temur is not only very relevant at the time, but this time is also relevant.
Based on the study, the author proposes to highlight the political and philosophical method of interpretation, gives its definition, formulates the main characteristics of the polytech analysis that make up the legal method
Foreign Investment and Repression in Lesotho
According to neoliberal theory, foreign direct investment enhances socioeconomic conditions in host countries, which in turn leads to democratization and greater protection of human rights. The structuralist theory, in contrast, holds that, in interaction with domestic unrest, foreign investment fosters repression. Lesotho serves as a fitting laboratory in which to test these competing theories. In 1995, the country had experienced a huge surge in foreign direct investment. In the period leading up to and during this increase, Lesotho was among the most impoverished countries in the world, and had a relatively poor human rights record. This confluence of factors makes Lesotho a suitable case on which to test neoliberal theory. Furthermore, numerous acts of domestic unrest in the form of riots, strikes, and anti-government demonstrations have posed a recurring threat to the country\u27s political and economic stability. Thus, Lesotho also provides an opportunity to evaluate structuralist theory. Which theory is best supported by the qualitative data from Lesotho? Although there is evidence that repression diminished after the 1995 surge in FDI, it is argued that this reduction was not the outcome of a process initiated by FDI flows. The preceding conditions that neoliberals expect to foster greater respect for human rights—including increased living standards and growth in the middle class—were absent in the Lesotho case. In tandem with economic growth, living conditions for the average Basotho had begun to worsen following the surge. Remaining one of the world\u27s most unequal countries, moreover, Lesotho does not appear to have experienced any sustained growth in its middle class. Further, there is evidence that, in spite of the overall reduction in Lesotho\u27s repression level, there was violent suppression of domestic unrest related specifically to foreign investment projects. As is thoroughly explained, the Lesotho case exemplifies the problem with interpreting such overall trends as reflecting the degree of government respect for human rights principles. In short, the Lesotho case provides greater support for structuralist theory on FDI and human rights
SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE STATE OF AMIR TEMUR
This article examines the social structure of Amir Temur's empire.Twelve systems of social structure were established in the empire.The social structure of Amir Temur's state, the factors influencing it, make it possible to understand the role of this sector in public administration.Covering the social structure of the times of Amir Temur, the author divided civil servants into two categories: the owners of the "sword" and the owners of the "pen". It also highlights that tribal commanders, including the Chigatai leaders, who had decisive power in the campaigns, enjoyed great privileges, as well as material security at the expense of the wealth they received in exchange for exile or private propert
Askesis and Politics: A Preliminary Look at the Impact of Christian Spiritual Practices on One’s Political Outlook
Is Christian spirituality systematically associated with patterns in people’s political attitudes and worldview? Are spiritually active Christians predominantly conservative or liberal? If so, does this imply anything about the correctness of their political views? Is greater spiritual involvement associated with a friendlier disposition towards those with whom one otherwise strongly disagrees on social and political matters? In my review of the Orthodox spiritual literature, as well as my survey analysis of Orthodox Christians throughout the United States, I make a preliminary effort to address these and other questions. I point to the importance of transcending the liberal-conservative ideological dichotomy when studying Christians’ political outlooks. Communitarians, in particular, merit greater attention, given their apparently large size and high level of spiritual commitment. I also presents findings that suggest that spiritual commitment can result in friendlier attitudes towards those viewed as sociopolitical threats
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