1,720,956 research outputs found
Combating the common enemy? A descriptive account of Namiba's involvement in the Angolan civil conflict
Get PDFAlthough there are several studies on post-colonial Namibia, the subject of Namibia’s foreign relations in general and military operations in particular has not attracted many studies by local scholars. This subject has been left either for exploration by foreign scholarship or to local journalists to provide somewhat ‘pass-by’ accounts. There is thus little literature available on the subject such as the role of Namibia in the Angolan civil conflict. This reason alone is sufficient to make a compelling case on why there is a need for an account on the role of Namibia in this conflict. Produced on account of necessity, it is the hope of this author that it serves as a foundation for further research; regardless of the perspective – for or against, as long as studies on the subject exist. Most of the studies on conflict resolution and peacemaking are often focused on colonialism as if Namibia and generally southern Africa did not witness more than 20 years of post-colonial majority rule. This article seeks to explain the contours of conflict studies from colonial to post-colonial period
Who is in the “we”? Interrogating the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and youth political participation.
Get PDFMost analyses of the African Union (AU) focus on the politics of the state and presidents. There are very few analyses that focus on aspects such as youth development. This article departs from that tradition. It argues that although the youth were always part of important historical developments in Africa, they have remained on the periphery. In recent times, particularly since the transformation of the Organization of African Unity into the AU in the 2000s, the youth development agenda has begun to receive attention at the policy level. In 2015, the AU through Agenda 2063 went a step further by elevating youth matters to the mainstream continental policy framework. While these developments are all welcome, it emerges clear that in the arena of youth political participation, the continent remains hesitant. Where the AU and its member states adopt the language and grammar of youth inclusion, of which youth political participation is often limited, such is not met with fitting institutional and practical policy arrangements. This article finds that the African elite is in for a rude awakening, as we have witnessed since 2011, given the discovery by the African youth of new methods of political participation in post-colonial Africa. It advocates for the adoption of the African community outlook to a youth state policy, argues for linking youth to the project of economic freedom, and implores the African elite to embark upon the decolonial project to resolve the bearings of coloniality of being, power and knowledge
A comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in the Southern African Development Community region : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola
Get PDFThesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliographyENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously.
One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola.
The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis-
à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC.
This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland.
Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola.
Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later.
Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK.
Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.Master
Corona-Virus und soziale Gerechtigkeit in Namibia
Get PDFWährend der letzten 30 Jahre haben in Namibia aufeinander folgende SWAPO-Regierungen, eine neoliberale Politik verfolgt. Gleichzeitig mit dieser neoliberalen Politik leben tausende von Namibier*innen in einem Land, das zu einem der ungleichsten auf der ganzen Erde erklärt wurde, im Elend. Während der ganzen Zeit haben Aktivist*innen niemals aufgehört, für eine gerechte und faire Gesellschaft zu kämpfen. Sie setzten sich für bessere Unterkunft, Wohnungen, Land, Wasser und Abwasser ein. Das hat die aufeinander folgenden SWAPO-Regierungen nicht gekümmert. Es ist bemerkenswert, dass die Regierung auf die COVID-19-Pandemie reagiert hat, indem sie exakt jene Initiativen durchführte, die sie jahrelang abgelehnt hatte. Dieser Text untersucht verschiedene über die Jahre hinweg geführte Kämpfe um soziale Gerechtigkeit und zeigt, wie sie von der Regierung in Reaktion auf COVID-19 durchgeführt wurden. Daraus ergibt sich die These, dass soziale Gerechtigkeit möglich ist und der Staat gezeigt hat, dass er in der Lage ist, diese Programme zu verwirklichen. Der Beitrag schließt mit einem Appell an Aktivist*innen, die für soziale Gerechtigkeit arbeiten, die Aufmerksamkeit für COVID-19 zu nutzen, um dafür zu sorgen, dass nach der Pandemie soziale Gerechtigkeit ins Zentrum einer Wirtschaftsordnung rückt.Over the past 30 years, the successive regimes of the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) that have governed Namibia have always followed a neoliberal policy path. Co-existing with neoliberal elites are thousands of Namibians living in squalor in a country that has been declared one of the most unequal in the world. Over the years, social justice activists have never given up the fight for a more just and equitable society, calling for better shelter, housing, economic equality, land, water and sanitation, free tertiary education, and income grants to cushion the poor. Yet, the successive SWAPO regimes have been indifferent. Interestingly, however, in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the government has implemented many of the social justice policies that have consistently been rejected. This article explores the history of several social justice struggles over the years and demonstrates how these were implemented by government as a COVID-19 response in 2020. It thus argues that social justice is possible and the state has demonstrated its capacity in implementing these programmes. It then calls on social justice activists to use the COVID-19 currency to ensure that social justice becomes central in a post-COVID-19 economic order
Husab and Ramatex as Foreign Direct Investments in Post-Independence Namibia : Neoliberal “wine in new bottles”?
Get PDFIn their rhetoric and agitation for freedom and independence, liberation movements envisioned a new economic order for the majority of their people that will thwart inequality and economic exclusion occasioned by colonialism and apartheid. The South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) – Namibia’s then leading liberation movement – promised economic opportunities for Namibians and was on record proposing a leftist economic order as opposed to capitalism. Most analyses of the postcolonial economic order in Namibia testify to the fact that these promises were not kept. Instead, Namibia followed a neoliberal and an outward-looking economic development path that prioritised the attraction of Foreign Direct Investment. This text analyses the content and character of neoliberalism in postcolonial Namibia by conducting a comparative analysis of two case studies of Foreign Direct Investment – Ramatex Textiles Namibia and Husab Uranium Mine. Using a qualitative research method, the text finds that in both cases, state and foreign elite convergence ensured a neoliberal environment characterised by general deregulation, exploitation of labour and relaxation of laws all in favour of foreign capital at the expense of the local population. The text argues that the continuation of a neoliberal approach to economic policy will deepen inequality in Namibia. Instead, it is proposed that Namibia must follow the path of a developmental state as is the case in Botswana, Tanzania and Mauritius
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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