10 research outputs found
Appraising the Role of African Union: the New Partnership for Africa’s Development in Conflict prevention and Management in Africa
No full textAbstract
The New Partnership for Africa’s Development is the latest in a long line of initiatives or framework intended by African leaders to place African continent on a path of growth and sustainable development. The development challenges that face Africa are enormous and varied. Th e crisis of political instability, bad governance, lack of peace and security, poverty and diseases like HIV/AIDs. NEPAD recognized peace and security as condition for good governance and sustainable development. Therefore, in absence of peace and security, democracy and good governance cannot strive and where there is no good governance, we cannot witness sustainable development. This paper argues that peace and security has been elusive in much of Africa. The failure of the Organisation of African Unity to ensure peace and security in Africa and to address Africa’s post-cold war legion of challenges, the successor organisation, the African Union and its attendant development programme, the NEPAD were established. The first issue which is critical to NEPAD is, solving armed conflict and civil unrest on the continent. Currently, twenty percent of the people of Africa are living in condition of conflict. These conditions cause terrible suffering and hold back economic development in the affected countries. The extent of conflict is so great that the whole continent is affected and this creates a major barrier to inward investment. On the resolution, NEPAD is in a position to make considerable progress. It was learnt in Sierra Lone that with concentrated international eff ort, conflict can be successfully ended and institutions of a properly functioning state can begin to be rebuilt. The paper therefore examines the origin of the NEPAD, NEPAD and challenges of peace and security in Africa and involvement of AU/NEPAD in Darfur and Cote D’Ivoire crises. It further discusses the AU/NEPAD conflict mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution and draw conclusion.</jats:p
Ensuring good governance through parliamentary control of administrative agencies: A critique
No full textParliamentary institutions are central to most systems of government but their role within the structure of government varies from one country to another. Not only are there differences in terms of their specific powers, but also in measure of power/influence exercised within the framework of normative rules or legal system of a nation to guarantee good governance. The objectives of this paper are to overview parliaments around the world vis-à-vis their control of administrative agencies, especially in Britain and United States of America and to highlight the forms of control that the Nigerian National Assembly exerts on the administrative agencies. The writers rely on published and unpublished materials such as textbooks; articles in journals, conferences and work shop documents, law reports; newspapers; magazine; and internet facility. The paper concluded that the parliamentary control of administrative agencies depends largely on the type of parliamentary system being practiced either uni-cameral or bi-cameral legislature or even presidential or parliamentary. It is suggested that care must be taken not only to ensure that the electorates choose their proper representatives to National or State Assembly, but there should equally be good electoral laws to ensure that, the choice of the people are not defeated as a result of electoral fraud because the failure or success of a state depends largely on the nature of its legislators.Key words: Legislature, Good Governance, Oversight, Impeachment, Investigatio
African Peer Review Mechanism and Crisis of Good Governance in Africa
No full textThe transformation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) in July 2002 at the Heads of State Summit in Durban, South Africa increased hopes for the African continent as it grappled with a broad range of challenges. These hopes were further bolstered with the adoption of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) as the AU’s framework for development. NEPAD recognises governance, peace and security as central precondition for development. The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) by which African countries are judged on their compliance with stated norms of governance is a remarkable innovation designed to facilitate the delivery not only of good governance but also peace and security. Moreover, security within the context of a new African Union has taken on a broader meaning since the end of the cold war from a traditional state-centric and ideologically- inspired concept to encompassing a human security approach. From this holistic perspective, the threats to human security in Africa remain a challenge for the AU and NEPAD. Similarly, failure to manage Africa’s diverse peoples and resources has resulted in devastating conflicts across the continent. While governance and security are not the only challenges in Africa, it seems clear that the process towards the continent’s renewal would need to proceed on a sound governance and security base. Moreover, as the dominantinstitutions and programmers representing the collective vision of the continent, success in dealing with Africa’s security and governance issue will largely depend on the AU/NEPAD and its programmes that is, APRM. Keywords: NEPAD, peer review mechanism,good governanc
POROSITY OF UGANDA BORDERS AND TRANSNATIONAL CRIMES: EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY CRIME MANAGEMENT MECHANISMS
No full textThe East Africa community which was reinstated by the East African countries in 2000 after its establishment in 1967 and collapsed in 1977 has underscored the importance of peace and security in order to ensure a successful process of regional integration regarding the control of cross border crimes. In order to enhance cooperation in fighting cross border crimes, a council on Interstate security has been established and some key areas of focus are implementation of the protocol on illicit drug trafficking; small arms and light weapons management programme; and Cooperation in police matters. The thrust of this paper are therefore to trace the evolution of the East African Community and to examine the nature of transnational crimes across Uganda borders. The paper further highlights the porosity situation of Uganda borders and some strategies or mechanisms employed by the East African Community States to address the challenges posed by informal trades in East Africa Community countries borders. The writers relied on primary sources like Charters, Conventions, Treaties and protocols; and secondary sources which include textbook, theses, articles in journals, newspapers and internet facilities. The paper concluded that the East Africa Community states should try into integrate informal trades along their borders to formal trades instead of a faith accompli effort to eliminate informal trades
Curbing religious extremism of Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria: Judicial interventionism and human rights absolutism
No full text
GENDER DISCRIMINATION UNDER THE NIGERIAN LEGAL SYSTEM: AN APPRAISAL
No full textDespite the existence of constitutional provisions and commitments of regional and international human rights conventions, the rights of female are grossly violated and devalued in Nigeria and many African countries. The establishment of structures of inequality has generated gender discrimination against women. Although, women play vital roles in nation development, they do not have equal share of land, credit, education, employment, and political power with men. Fundamentally, women have been subjected to domination by men as a result of persisting cultural stereotype, abuse of religious and traditional practices, patriarchal societal structures in which economic, political and social powers are dominated by men. This article examines the concept of female gender discrimination and empowerment, its background and its causes in Nigeria. This study reveals that in spite of the existence of various legal frameworks protecting women against discrimination, the practices continue in Nigeria. It further reveals that Islamic law protects women\u27s rights in Quran and Sunnah contrary to some expressed negative opinions. To accomplish the thrust of this study, the writers employed primary and secondary sources like international, national and regional instruments on human rights, Nigerian Constitution, Quran and Sunnah. Others are text books, journals and internet. The study recommends for the abrogation of practices that discriminate against women, amendment of provisions of Nigerian legislations that discriminate against women and to restructure some federal agencies that discriminate against women folk
East African Community Common Market Protocol On Free Movement Of Labour In Burundi: Prospects And Challenges
No full textThe five EAC countries as a way of moving forward with integration process, jointly established a Common Market which would provide for free movement of factors of production such as people, goods, services, money, labour, right of establishment and right to residence of the EAC citizens within EAC member states. This will be in addition to free movement of goods under the Custom Union. The protocol on the establishment of EAC Common Market entered into force on 1st July 2010, following ratification by all the five partner states and this protocol was signed by Heads of States on 20th November 2009, coinciding with 10th anniversary celebrations of the revived Community. The objectives of this paper are therefore to trace the evolution of East African Community Common Market Protocol, to examine the provisions on free movement of labour in East African Community, legal provisions on Common Market Protocol, prospects and challenges of Common Market Protocol on the free movement of labour in Burundi. The writers relied on published and unpublished materials like Treaty for the Establishment of East African Community 1999, Protocol on the Establishment of the East African Community Common Market 2009, Protocol on the Establishment of East African Community Custom Union 1999, text books and articles in journals. Others are Newspapers and Internet materials. The writers recommended that for effective free movement of labour in Burundi, there is need for elimination/adjustment of domestic laws to fit in EAC-CMP, there is need for increase on infrastructure investment in order to reduce the cost of doing business and facilitate efficiency in production, transportation and delivery of goods and services to the people of East Africa, need for promotion of joint border regular meetings and Sensitisation of Burundians about Common Market Protocol
Der Islam in der Moderne
No full textDas islamische Denken kennt seit den Siebziger- und Achtzigerjahren des 20. Jahrhunderts einen modernen philosophischen und intellektuellen Paradig-menwechsel. Hauptvertreter dieser Zäsur in der arabisch-islamischen Kultur sind Mohammed Arkoun und Mohammed Abed Al-Jabri. Diese zwei Autoren haben zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte des „islamischen Denkens“ die Ver-nunft (al-'aql) als Gegenstand unter ihre Kritik gestellt. Eine Kritik àla Kant. Während Arkoun die „islamische Vernunft“ (la raison islamique, al-'aql al-islami) in ihrer historischen, philosophischen und erkenntnistheoretischen Entwicklung phänomenologisch beschreibt und philosophisch dekonstruiert, nimmt Al-Jabri die „arabische Vernunft“ (al-'aql al-arabi) ins Visier, und thematisiert sie kritisch-epistemologisch.
Arkoun untersucht in seinem 1984 erschienenen Buch „pour une critique de la raison islamique“ die Entwicklung der Semantik (koranische Wirklich-keit/islamischen Wirklichkeit), die Funktionsart der Gesetzgebung (usul al-fiqh/usul a-din) und „empirische Modelle“ (islamische Wirklichkeit) der „is-lamischen Vernunft“. Der kritische Sinn dieser Untersuchung besteht darin, dass Arkoun die kognitiven bzw. epistemischen Geltungsansprüche der „isla-mischen Vernunft“ zeigen will, um ihre Zeitlosigkeit aus der Welt zu schaffen. Das Adjektiv „islamisch“ erweist sich in diesem Zusammenhang als irreführend, wenn bereits man weiß, dass die „islamische Vernunft“ seinen mondänen Charakter nicht verlassen kann. Die „islamische Vernunft“ ist geschichtlich, trotz gegenteiliger Meinungen seitens Fundamentalisten, Orientalisten und westlichen Medien, die oft besagten, dass der Islam geschichtlich unver-änderbar ist, bzw. die folgende unter europäischen Akademikern verbreitete essentialistische Formel vertraten: Muslime sind wie sie sind und sie können sich nicht ändern, weil sie Muslime sind.
Der Europäer dürfte nicht sein Zeitalter der Kritik und seine Probleme mit einer bestimmten Form des Christentums aus seinem Gedächtnis löschen, wenn er heutzutage verstehen will, welche Aufgabe der moderne Kritiker „muslimischer“ Herkunft vor sich hat. Kritik ist in einem intellektuell „un-entwickelten“ Kontext erforderlich. Kritik nimmt hier nicht nur Kategorien-fehler, dogmatische Geschlossenheit, Anachronismus, Utopismus, Ideologisie-rungs- und Mystifizierungsprozesse, Paradoxien, ahistorische Urteile und An-tinomien des zeitgenössischen islamischen Denkens, etc. ins Visier, vielmehr hat Kritik auch mit vergangenen Diskursen zu tun, mit den klassisch reprä-sentativen Texten, wie denen des Korans, des Hadiths und des Tafsirs. Die Kritik der Vergangenheit führt in der Gegenwart zur Befreiung des Denkens aus der dogmatischen Geschlossenheit, wie Arkoun zu sagen pflegt.
Den Islam neu denken heißt außerdem, die Ursachen seiner „Rückständigkeit“ adäquat zu diagnostizieren. Die Ursachen der „kulturellen Rückständigkeit“ des zeitgenössischen islamischen Denkens hängen mit dem epistemologischen Bruch mit den zwei folgenden fruchtbaren Traditionen zusammen: Erstens mit dem Bruch mit dem klassisch-arabischen Humanismus (adab) des 10. Jahrhunderts und zweitens mit dem Bruch mit dem gegenwärtigen europäischen modernen Denken. Das sind die Ursachen der gegenwärtigen Krise der „islamischen Vernunft“, keinesfalls eine islamische Rückständigkeit, die mit dem kranken Wesen des Islams zusammenhängt, wie die Mehrheit der Orientalisten und die westlichen Medien behaupten.
Mit der kognitiv modernen Intervention von Mohammed Arkoun wird zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte der Islamforschung das islamische Denken kri-tisch-philosophisch radikal untersucht. Seine dekonstruktivistisch-konstruktivistische, historisch philosophische, genealogische Untersuchung und epistemologische Lesart der islamischen Tradition führen das islamische Denken zum modernen Denken. Seine radikalen Fragen an die arabisch-islamische Tradition und seine Kritik der „islamischen Vernunft“ zeigen, dass es keinen „Fortschritt“ und keine Veränderung gibt ohne Kritik. Es gibt vor allem kein modernes Denken ohne Kritik der religiösen Orthodoxie. Das hat einmal das „orthodoxe“ Christentum erfahren und heute betrifft das den „or-thodoxen“ Islam.
Arkouns kritischer und dekonstruktivistischer Untersuchung der „'ulum usul al-Fiqh“ und „ulum usul a-din“ ist ein Hinweis dafür, dass der Islam als Kul-tur und Zivilisation unbedingt ein neues Denkexperiment erfahren muss. Man darf den Islam nicht mehr auf eine sektiererische und dogmatische Sphäre reduzieren. Denn das wäre ein Impuls zum Zusammenprall der Kulturen und Zivilisationen. Dieser kann nur dann entstehen, wenn Kulturen verzerrt, ex-klusiv, dogmatisch und rassistisch werden, und nicht, wenn sie selbstkritisch, selbstrelativierend und kosmopolitisch sind.
Wir dürfen, Al-Jabris zufolge, nicht mehr die arabische Philosophie als ein rein spekulatives Unterfangen betrachten. Die Falasifa haben den Logos gegen ihre ideologischen Feinde instrumentalisiert. Der Logos wurde als ideologische Waffe benutzt. Auch heute muss der Logos, Al-Jabris zufolge, seine „irrationalen“ „Feinde“ bekämpfen. Al-Jabri plädiert für eine Rehabilitierung des Rationalität von Ibn Rushd gegen die „abwesende Vernunft“, die aus der Philosophie des Orients (falsafatu al-mashreq) stammt.
Al-Jabris epistemische Trilogie „Indikation“, „Illumination“ und „Demonstra-tion“ (bayan, 'irfan/ burhan), die der „arabischen Vernunft“ erkenntnistheo-retisch zugrundeliegen, müssen epistemologisch untersucht werden, mit dem Ziel, die Gründe der arabischen Unterentwicklung des Denkens (a-takhalluf al-fikri al-'arabi) zu erkennen. Unsere Befreiung aus der Krise liegt in der Befolgung des Weges des „burhans“ (Demonstration), d. h., der beste Weg liefert uns Rationalität und logisches Denken. Al-Jabris monumentales Werk über die Kritik der „arabischen Vernunft“ will eine fruchtbare philosophische Orientierung ausschließlich bei den Denkern des arabisch-islamischen Okzi-dents, d. h. bei Ibn Hazm, Ibn Tufail, Ibn Rushd, etc. Die Lösung liegt Al-Jabris zufolge bei in der Rationalität von Ibn Rushd und nicht bei den Ver-tretern des Gnostizismus und der „abwesenden Vernunft“.
Zusammenfassend führt uns Al-Jabri, während Arkoun mit seiner Kritik der islamischen Vernunft für eine Überschreitung, Überholung der Denkarten, Methoden, Normen, Weltanschauungen der arabisch-klassischen Tradition und Aufnahme des modernen Denkens und wissenschaftlichen Methoden der Moderne plädiert, zu einer kulturellen Welt des Konsums, d. h. in eine Welt, in der wir Ibn Rushds Denken für gut heißen können.
Aus dieser Auseinandersetzung bin ich auf die Überzeugung gekommen, dass
a) alle diese Autoren sich weigern, manche praktischen Vorteile der „Säkula-risierung“ anzunehmen.
b) sie außerdem alle die geisteswissenschaftliche Bedeutung und semantische Entwicklung des Begriffes Säkularisierung nicht gut verstanden haben, was bedeutet, dass die Idee, die besagt, dass man im Islam Demokratie anstatt „Säkularisierung“ braucht, eigenartig ist. Setzt „Säkularisierung“ nicht in Wirklichkeit die Demokratie voraus? Al-Jabri verkennt die Herkunft und das „Wesen“ der Demokratie. In Anlehnung an Marcel Gauchet (1985) sehe ich, dass Demokratie ein Produkt der „sortie de la religion“ ist. Solange die Reli-gion als Heteronomie in der islamischen Welt herrscht, wird es dort keine Demokratie geben.
Ein letztes Wort zum meinem Verständnis des Begriffes der Moderne: Die Moderne ist ein philosophisch überzeitliches Phänomen. Manche Falasafi im Islam waren in diesem Sinne „modern“. Ibn Rushds authentische Kommentierung der aristotelischen Werke und Miskawayhs Humanismus ver-körperten in einem religiös geprägten Zeitalter eine moderne Haltung. „Mo-dern“ ist in diesem Zusammenhang jemand, der jenseits der religiösen Ortho-doxie denkt, denn jeder Kontext hat seine eigene moderne Haltung. Die wirk-lich moderne Stimme will jenseits jeglicher Kultur, Religion oder Philosophie schlicht gesagt Freiheit!Modern criticism has proved, in a cultural context, where there is dogmatism, polemic, apologetic, Ideology and racism, a-historical thinking, as an indis-pensable task. Modern criticism is directed against regressive ways of thinking and outdated ways of life and leads to the renewal of thought and mod-ernization of lifestyles.
Since the Seventies and Eighties of the 20th century, the Islamic thinking has known a modern philosophical and intellectual paradigm shift. Responsible for that philosophical and intellectual break with the way of thinking of the past in the Arab-Islamic culture are the philosophers from the Maghreb Mo-hammed, Arkoun and Mohammed Abed Al-Jabri. for the first time in the history these two authors have detected the reason (al-'aql) of the Islamic Thought as the object of their criticism and philosophical investigation. It is theoretically and philosophically a criticism according to Kant. While Arkoun describes and philosophically deconstructs the “Islamic reason” (la raison islamique/al-'aql al-islami) phenomenological in her historical, philosophical and epistemological development, Al-Jabri takes the “Arab reason” (al-'aql al-'arabi) as the object of his critical-epistemological investigation.
The Islamic reason relates to the religious revelation. Arkoun examined as a historian-thinker (historien-penseur), in his book published in 1984 “pour une critique de la raison islamique” the historical development of semantics (Ko-ranic reality / Islamic reality), the functional style of Islamic law (usul al-fiqh / usul a-din) and empirical models (social Islamic reality) of the “Islamic reason”. After Arkoun shows the epistemic and cognitive validity claims of the “Islamic reason”, he comes to the conclusion that the “Islamic reason” can no longer be regarded as timeless. This is the critical core of his work.
The adjective “islamic” is misleading, because the “islamic reason” cannot in fact leave her secular character. The “Islamic reason” is a product of history. This reality stands in opposition to most of the claims of fundamentalists, orientalists and western media, that said that Islam is historically immutable, there exists the following common essentialist formula among European aca-demics: that Muslims are as they are and they cannot change because they are Muslims.
Europeans should not forget the age of criticism (the enlightenment). They also should not delete from their memory their problems with a particular form of Christianity (absolutism), if they now want to understand which intellectual task, the modern critical Muslim has to bear. Criticism is required in an intellectual undeveloped context. Criticism here is directed not only against categorical mistake, the Dogmatic Unity (la clôture dogmatique), Anachronism, the utopian thinking, Ideology and Processes of mystification, Paradoxes, Antinomies and a-historical judgments etc. which characterizes the contemporary Islamic thought. More than the cultural output of today this modern Criticism takes the representative texts of the Islamic past (Koran, Hadith, Tafsir) as the object of their philosophical and scientific investigation. At present the modern Criticism of Islamic Thought leads to the liberation of thought from the Dogmatic Unity as Arkoun used to say.
Islam today means also to present an adequate diagnosis of the causes of its backwardness. The causes of cultural backwardness of contemporary Islamic thought is related to the epistemological break with the following two fertile traditions: first, to the break with the classical Arab Humanism (adab) of the 10th Century and secondly to the break with the current modern European thinking. These are the causes of the current crisis of the “Islamic reason”, in contrast to the claims of the majority of the orientalists and the western media who think that the backwardness of Islamic culture has to do with the Essence or Nature of Islam.
Mohammed Arkoun is the first muslim thinker with a modern cognitive In-tervention who radically examines the history of Islam. For the first time in the history of Islamic studies a muslim thinker has used a variety of methods in his study of such a history and human sciences, critical philosophy, anthropology, linguistics, etc.... with his critical thinking Arkoun wants, on the one hand liberate the Muslims from the holy character of the Islamic tradition. He wants on the other hand rethink the phenomenon of revelation based on the model of Islam. He studied Islam as an expression of Religion and not as the religion. The Societies of the Book (Jews, Christians and Muslims) all know the phenomenon of oral and written religious discourse. They all had to interpret their holy Books.
The deconstructive-constructivist, historical philosophy, genealogical research and epistemological reading of Islamic tradition from Arkoun, lead the Islamic thinking into modern contemporary thinking. His radical questions to the Islamic tradition and critique of the “Islamic reason” show, that there is nei-ther progress nor change without philosophical criticism. In particular there is no modern thinking without criticism of religious orthodoxy. The orthodox Christianity has learnt it in the past and today, the Islam has to know it.
Arkoun´s critical and deconstructive analysis of “'ulum al-usul fiqh” (Islamic Jurisprudence) and “'ulum usul a-din” (Islamic theology) shows that Islam today must necessarily practice a new Experiment of Thought. We should not reduce the Islam to sectarian, dogmatic and fundamentalist sphere, because that would be an impulse for the clash of cultures and civilizations.
We must, according to Al-Jabri, not consider the Arabic philosophy as a purely speculative venture. The falasifa have manipulated the Logos against their ideological enemies. The Logos was used as an ideological weapon. According to Al-Jabri the Logos is today also in a fight against its irrational enemies. Al-Jabri argues for a rehabilitation of the rationalism of Averroes against the “absent reason” (al-’aqlal-mustaqil) from the philosophy of the Orient (falsafatu al-Mashreq).
The epistemic Trilogy “Indication”, “Illumination” and “Demonstration” (bayan/irfan/burhan) constitute the “Arab reason” according to Al-Jabri. They must be investigated epistemologically in order to know the aim of the causes of the Arab cultural underdevelopment of Thought (a-takhalluf al-fikri al-'arabi). For him, the Arab thinking has to follow the way of “Burhan” (logical and rational Demonstration). This is the best way that is anchored in the rational and logical thinking. Al-Jabri´s monumental Work on the critique of the “Arab reason” wants to see a fruitful philosophical orientation only by the thinkers of the world of Islamic Occident (al-Maghreb al-islami) (Ibn Hazm, Ibn Tufail, Ibn Rushd, etc.). Al-Jabri finds the Solution for the Islamic contemporary cultural problems with the Rationalism of Averroes (al-'aqlaniya a- rushdiya). In contrast, the followers of Gnosticism, irrationalism, and “absent reason” (For example, Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, Al-Ghazali ...) have pushed the Arab mind in crisis according to Al-Jabri. Even today the Islamic World finds itself in this crisis.
In conclusion, Arkoun calls for an overhaul of the ways of thinking, methods, standards, weltanschauung of the Arab classical tradition and for a host of modern thought and scientific methods of modern times. Al-Jabri leads his reader to the cultural world of the philosophical consummation of the rational Tradition; he leads his Readers to embrace the Philosophy of Ibn Rushd.
I have tried to show about Islam and Secularism some advantages of the Sec-ularization in the Islamic World. I asked first three Arabic positions regarding the Secularization, namely from Al-Jabri, H. Hanafi and M. Imara. The Secularization (al-'almaniya) is undesirable for all these authors. Hanafi asserts that Arab people have to create their own Secularization and should not import it from the West. Al-Jabri said that the Arab-Islamic world doesn’t need “Secularism” but Democracy. Imara considers the “Secularization” as an enemy of Shari’a.
From this discussion I think that a) all of these authors refuse to accept some practical advantages of the “Secularization”. b) They all didn´t understand the humanist point of view, the real meaning, the adequate semantic and the historical development of the term “Secularization”. What does it mean the Idea that the Arab world doesn´t need the Secularization but democracy? Is secularism not a prerequisite for the emergence of democracy? Al-Jabri cannot recognize the origin and the essence of democracy. According to Marcel Gauchet I see that democracy is a Product of the “sortie de la religion”. As long as the religion reigns as a heteronomy in the Islamic world, there will be no democracy in this world.
What is modern? Modern attitude must not be a contemporary fact; it is not a product of a special time or place: A lot of the Falasifa of Islam were in this sense “modern”. Ibn Rushd authentic commentary on the works of Aristotle and Miskawayhs humanism embodied in a religiously dominated time a modern attitude. To be modern in this context means to think beyond the religious orthodoxy, because each context has its own modern attitude. Modern voice requires freedom in all times...
