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Analysis of the Usage of Pottery in the Late Jomon Period
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿は，縄紋後期の生業活動において，海洋資源がどの程度利用されていたのかを見積るため，炭素の安定同位体比（δ¹³C値）と炭素14年代をもとに，時期別・地域別の検討をおこなったものである。旧稿［小林2014］において，陸稲や水田稲作が出現する弥生移行期である縄紋晩期～弥生前期の土器付着物を検討した方法を継承して分析した。そのことによって，旧稿での縄紋晩期と弥生前期との違いの比較検討という目的にも資することができると考える。
土器内面の焦げや外面の吹きこぼれなど，煮炊きに用いられた痕跡と考えられる土器付着物については，δ¹³C値が-24‰より大きなものに炭素14年代が古くなる試料が多く，海洋リザーバー効果の影響とみなされてきた。一方，-20‰より大きな土器付着物については，雑穀類を含むC₄植物の煮炊きの可能性が指摘されてきた。しかし，これらの結果について，考古学的な評価が十分になされてきたとはいえない。
国立歴史民俗博物館年代研究グループが集成した，AMSによる縄紋時代後期（一部に中期末葉を含む）の炭素14年代の測定値を得ている256試料（汚染試料及び型式に問題ある試料を除く）を検討した。その結果，土器付着物のδ¹³C値が-24～-20‰の試料には炭素14年代で100 ¹⁴C yr以上古い試料が多く見られることが確認され，海産物に由来する焦げである可能性が，旧稿での縄紋晩期～弥生前期の土器付着物の場合と同様に指摘できた。
北海道の縄紋時代後期には海産物に由来する土器付着物が多く，その調理が多く行われていた可能性が高いことがわかった。東日本では縄紋時代後期には一定の割合で海産物の影響が認められるが，西日本では近畿・中四国地方の一部の遺跡を除いてほとんど認められない。これらは川を遡上するサケ・マスの調理の結果である可能性がある。また，C₄植物の痕跡は各地域を通じて認められなかった。
以上の分析の成果として，土器付着物のδ¹³C値は，縄紋時代後期の生業形態の一端を明らかにし得る指標となることが確認できた。This paper presents a comparison of pottery deposits from different locations and times. In addition to their ¹⁴C dates, their stable carbon isotope ratios (δ¹³C values) are analyzed to estimate the amount of marine resources consumed in people's livelihood in the Late Jomon period. In this study, the same analytical method is used as in the foregoing paper (Kobayashi 2014) which analyzed pottery deposits from the Final Jomon to the Early Yayoi period, a transitional period when dry- and wet-rice cultivation began in the Japanese Archipelago. Therefore, this paper can also contribute to the purpose of the preceding paper to compare differences between the Final Jomon and Early Yayoi periods.
Pottery deposits, such as burnt residue on the inside and outside of vessels, are considered as evidence that the pottery was used for cooking. Among them, the radiocarbon dates of the samples with a δ¹³C value of greater than -24‰ appear significantly older than they should have been. This has been considered due to the marine reservoir effect. Meanwhile, the pottery deposits with a δ¹³C value of greater than -20‰ has been assumed to be used to cook C₄ plants including cereals and grains. However, these results have not been fully analyzed from an archaeological point of view.
This paper analyzes the 256 samples (except for contaminated or improperly-labelled samples) which the dating research group of the National Museum of Japanese History collected and dated to the Late Jomon period (some to the end of the Mid-Jomon period) by AMS radiocarbon dating. The results indicate that many of the pottery deposits with a δ¹³C value from -24‰ to -20‰ are estimated at more than 100 ¹⁴C years older. These deposits seem to be derived from seafood. These results match the ones reported in the preceding paper on pottery deposits from the Final Jomon to the Early Yayoi period.
Many potsherds of the Late Jomon period excavated in Hokkaido have deposits derived from marine products, which indicates a high possibility that seafood was often cooked in the region. Some of the pottery of the Late Jomon period unearthed in Eastern Japan shows signs of being used to cook seafood, while no such sign has been found in Western Japan except for some exceptions in Kinki, Chūgoku, and Shikoku regions. This is assumed because they cooked salmon and trout taken from rivers. None of the analyzed samples contain C₄ plant remains.
The results of this study confirm that the δ¹³C values of pottery deposits can serve as an indicator that may reveal people's livelihood in the Late Jomon period.departmental bulletin pape
Changes in Funeral Customs I : A Case Study of the South-Central Part of Okinawa Main Island
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿は日本各地の葬送習俗の中に見出される地域差が発信している情報とは何かという問題に取り組んでみたものである。それは長い伝承の過程で起こった変遷の跡を示す歴史情報であると同時にその中にも息長く伝承され継承されている部分が存在するということを示している情報である。柳田國男が創生し提唱した日本民俗学の比較研究法とはその変遷と継承の二つを読み取ろうとしたものであったが,戦後のとくに1980年代以降の民俗学関係者の間ではそれが理解されずむしろ全否定されて個別事例研究が主張される動きがあった。それは柳田が創生した日本民俗学の独創性を否定するものであり,そこからは文化人類学や社会学との差異など学術的な自らの位置を明示できないという懸念すべき状況が生じてきている。日本民俗学の独創性を継承発展させるためには柳田の説いた視点と方法への正確な理解と新たな方法論的な研磨と開拓そして研究実践とが必要不可欠であり,民俗学は名実ともに folklore フォークロアではなく traditionology トラデシショノロジイ(伝承分析学)と名乗るべきである。日本各地の葬送習俗の伝承の中に見出される地域差,たとえば葬送の作業の中心的な担当者が血縁的関係者か地縁的関係者かという点での事例ごとの差異が発信している情報とは何か,それは,古代中世は基本的に血縁的関係者が中心であったが,近世の村落社会の中で形成された相互扶助の社会関係の中で,地縁的関係者が関与協力する方式が形成されてきたという歴史,その変遷の段階差を示す情報と読み取ることができる。本稿1は別稿2とともに今回の共同研究の成果として提出するものであり,1950年代半ばから70年代半ばの高度経済成長期以降の葬儀の変化の中心が葬儀業者の分担部分の増大化にあるとみて現代近未来の葬儀が無縁中心へと動いている変化を確認した。つまり,葬儀担当者の「血縁・地縁・無縁」という歴史的な三波展開論である。そしてそのような長い葬儀の変遷史の中でも変わることなく通貫しているのはいずれの時代にあっても基本的に生の密着関係が同時に死の密着関係へと作用して血縁関係者が葬儀の基本的な担い手とみなされるという事実である。近年の「家族葬」の増加という動向もそれを表わす一つの歴史上の現象としてとらえることができる。This article discusses the issue of what information is found in differences in funeral customs between regions in Japan. That is historical information to trace shifts during transmission from generation to generation as well as to prove some consistency and continuity over time in spite of the transition. In order to grasp this change and continuity, Kunio Yanagida proposed and advocated a comparative study approach in Japanese folklore; however, most folklorists in the post-World War II period, especially after the 1980s, completely neglected this approach and explored individual cases without understanding his intention. This trend denied the originality of the Japanese folklore originated by Yanagida, which led to a problematic situation where it could neither distinguish itself from cultural anthropology or sociology nor establish itself as an independent academic discipline. In order to preserve and develop originality of Japanese folklore, it is crucial to accurately understand Yanagida's perspectives and methodologies, newly develop and refine them, and apply them to practical studies. In other words, this academic discipline should be established as traditionology in name and reality rather than as folklore. For example, differences in traditional funeral customs between regions in Japan include information of who is chiefly responsible for organizing funerals, either blood relations or locality group members. This information shows the history of the shift from a system based on blood relations in the ancient and medieval world to a system based on locality groups established through social relationships of mutual cooperation and surveillance in the early modern village world, as well as differences between the stages of the change. This Paper I, as well as Paper II, is issued as part of the collaborative research, revealing that one of the major changes in funeral customs after the high economic growth period, from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, was the increasing involvement of funeral directors. This is considered as an early sign that funeral services is changing to involve third parties in the present and near future. In brief, these trends show a historical three-stage transition in people responsible for organizing funerals: from blood relations to locality groups and to third parties. However, in spite of these changes over time, there is certain continuity in funeral rites: that is a timeless fact that, in principle, blood relations are considered as key people in funeral services because close relationships in this world form close relationships in the world to come. This is also evidenced by another historical phenomenon: the recent increase in family funeral services.departmental bulletin pape
Changes in Funeral and Burial Practices in Wakasa : A Case Study of Mihama Town, Mikata District, Fukui Prefecture
Get PDFapplication/pdfわずか２・30年ばかりの間に，地方においても高度成長期以降に公立の火葬場が建設され，あわせて生活改善と冠婚葬祭の簡素化が進められてきた。更に，葬儀社が関与するようになって，葬送墓制における旧来の習俗が消滅し著しい変化が起きている。そのうえ，縮小社会と呼ばれる少子高齢化や人口減少・過疎化，地域共同体の崩壊，核家族化が全国規模で進み，さらに生活スタイルの変化に伴い，情報社会の到来により都市文化が地方に急速に波及し，次第に家族葬が取り入れられ，いずれ当地にも直葬が普及するものと思われる。本稿においては敦賀半島西岸の一農漁村（福井県三方郡美浜町菅浜）における３代にわたる葬儀と先祖供養・盆行事の変遷をたどり，さらに美浜町と県内の葬送墓制を概観して，この間において何が消滅し，また新たに何が付け加えられたのか，激変する世相にあってなお変わらないものは何なのかについて考察を加えた。風俗現象としての葬送の自由化は時代相をうかがわせ，必然性を感じさせるが，そのうえで，今後の日本人の理念としての葬儀と供養，墓，他界観，祖霊信仰についても論究した。葬送墓制の変容は現代の家族観の危機の顕現であり，いずれは都会の現象は遠からず地方に波及するものと考えられる。敗戦後の日本の行く末に危機感を抱いた柳田國男は「魂のゆくえ」で古来日本の他界観に祖霊信仰のあるべき姿を理想化したが，今こそその理念に，日本人の基層のアイデンティティが込められていることを再認識すべき時代が来ていると思われる。
墓場にくつろぐ権利はある。／僕らはそこでもてあました。／厄介な荷物，屍をほどく。／／地上
がすべて墓場となり／ひっそりと閑となったとき，／人間には夢でおはつた／平等の精神が，実
現する。
―金子光晴『ＩＬ』
薄汚れた犬が座敷に座り込んで／仏壇に向かって経を読んでいる
ご主人様がいなくなったからには／わたしのほかにだれがご先祖さまを祀るの？
―竹腰素「鳥獣戯画」Only over the two to three decades after the high economic growth period, traditional funeral and burial practices and customs changed drastically or disappeared completely in Japan, in parallel with the spread of public crematories to provinces, the improvement in the quality of life, the simplification of ceremonies including funeral and ancestral rites, and the increasing involvement of funeral directors. Moreover, the problems of the so-called shrinking society, such as an aging population, declining birthrates, a decrease in the total population size, and rural depopulation, as well as the collapse of communities and the nuclearization of families, have been observed all over the country, and the emergence of an information society coinciding with changes in the life style has rapidly spread the urban culture to the rural areas. As a result, family funerals have gradually become more common, and it seems that cremation services without funeral services will also spread to the rural areas in the near future. This article traces the shifts in funeral rites, the bon festival and other memorial services for ancestors over three generations in a fishing and agrarian village on the west coast in the Tsuruga Peninsula (Sugahama, Mihama Town, Mikata District, Fukui Prefecture) and outlines the funeral and burial practices within the town and the prefecture to examine what has disappeared, what has been added, and what has remained unchanged in spite of the radical transformation of the society. While keeping in mind that the liberalization of funeral practices seems an inevitable folk phenomenon which reflects an aspect of the times, this article also discusses funeral rites, memorial services, graves, the view of the next world, and ancestor spirit beliefs as new ideologies of the Japanese. The transitions in funeral and burial practices show the crisis of the contemporary view of the family, and it seems that these phenomena observed in the urban areas will soon spread to the rural areas. Therefore, now it is time to redirect attention to the fundamental identity of the Japanese defined by Kunio Yanagida, who felt a sense of crisis about the future of Japan after the defeat in World War II and described the view of the next world in the ancient Japanese society as an ideal form of ancestor spirit beliefs in his paper “Where the Soul Goes after Death.”
We have a right to make ourselves comfortable in the grave,
where we will unload burdens and corpses we don't know what to do with.
When the earth is covered with graves and imbued with silence and calm,
the principle of equality, which ended in an empty dream in this world, will manifest itself.
“IL” by Mitsuharu Kaneko
A dirty dog is sitting on the tatami floor and chanting at the altar.
Now that my master passed away, is there anyone but me who worships ancestors?
“Caricatures of Birds and Beasts” by Hajime Takenokoshidepartmental bulletin pape
How to Transmit Ainu Culture in the Context of Tourism : Case Studies of Shiraoi and Nibutani Districts
Get PDFapplication/pdf基幹研究「地域開発における文化の保存と利用」におけるアイヌ文化に関する研究成果は，2013（平成25）年３月19日にリニューアルオープンした第４展示室（民俗）に反映されている。新しい民俗展示室におけるアイヌ文化についての展示は「アイヌ民族の伝統と現在」というテーマ名をもち，「現代のアイヌアート」と「資源の利用と文化の伝承」というふたつのテーマから構成されている。この展示のベースには，「文化の資源化」，すなわち，アイヌの人たちが，観光や大規模開発などをきっかけとして，どのように自身の文化を対象化し，継承すべき資源として見いだしてきたのか，という問題がある。本稿では，観光を契機とした文化の資源化の観点から，展示で紹介している白老および二風谷を事例として検討するものである。
白老は，近代以降のアイヌ観光の中心地のひとつであり，和人によるアイヌ観光の問題が顕著に現れた地域でもある。アイヌ民族博物館（1984年設立）は，アイヌ自身が調査・研究をし，調査・研究したことを自ら実践するという体制を確立した。だからといって，観光の場に特有の，観る側と見られる側の非対称な構造がなくなったわけではない。そのような構造においても，アイヌ民族博物館の職員は，観光客に一方的に消費される対象から「見せる主体」へと立ち位置を変えようとする姿勢をもち，それに基づく実践を，日々の業務の中でおこなっている。
二風谷については，二風谷における観光と工芸品制作の関係を確認した上で，現在の二風谷の代表的木彫家である貝澤徹氏のアイデンティティの変化について記述した。二風谷は，昭和30年代の民芸品ブームとその後の観光客の増加をきっかけとして，民芸品生産を生業のベースにした地域へと移行した。貝澤徹氏は，そのような状況のなかで自ずと木彫の道に入ったが，当初はアイヌの伝統的な木彫には抵抗があったという。その後しだいに伝統文化を受け入れ，自身がつくる作品を「美術的にも評価される作品」へと昇華させようとするところへと変化した。アイヌ民族が制作する木彫品を「工芸品」と呼ぶか，「民芸品」と呼ぶか，「美術」と呼ぶか，それは視線の制度の問題でもある。貝澤氏の実践は，従来「工芸品」「民芸品」と呼ばれることが多かったアイヌの木彫品に対する視線への問いかけでもある。
アイヌ民族博物館や貝澤徹氏の営みの細部には，アイヌ民族とはなにか，アイヌ文化とは何か，という問いに対して，考えることなく一方的に答えを限定してしまうような構造への思考を可能にするものが含まれている。The National Museum of Japanese History conducted the Basic Research “Preservation and Utilization of Culture in Regional Development” including the study of Ainu culture, whose results were reflected in the museum's permanent exhibition in Gallery 4 (Folklore) when it was remodeled and reopened in March 19, 2013. The exhibition of Ainu culture at the new Folklore Gallery has focused on the topic “Traditional and Contemporary Life of the Ainu” as consisting of two themes: “Contemporary Ainu Art” and “Utilization of Resources and Transmission of Culture.” The question underlying the exhibition is the Ainu's use of culture as a resource: how have they objectified their culture and found it to be a resource that should be preserved against the background of tourism and other large-scale development projects? This paper examines the cases of Shiraoi and Nibutani Districts, both of which are included in the exhibition, from the viewpoint of their use of culture as a resource in the context of tourism.
Shiraoi District has been one of the most famous sightseeing places related to the Ainu since the modern times. The district is also where a problem of Ainu tourism by Japanese people typically arose. The Ainu Museum (founded in 1984) established a system for the Ainu to research their own culture and put the results into practice by themselves. However, this does not mean that a typical structure in a sightseeing city, such as an asymmetrical relationship between those who observe and those who are observed, has disappeared. Within this structure, the staff of the Ainu Museum aims to change the position of the Ainu from those who are exploited unilaterally by tourists to those who can act independently in showing their culture, and makes everyday efforts to achieve the goal.
With regard to Nibutani District, this article reviews the relationship between tourism and craftwork production and then describes a change in the identity of Toru Kaizawa, a leading woodcraft artisan of the district. Nibutani District shifted their industrial focus to folk art production at the time of the folkcraft boom from the late 1950s to the early 1960s and the subsequent increase of tourists. In this environment, Toru Kaizawa started his career as a woodcraftsman, but he felt reluctant at first to make traditional Ainu woodcraft articles. Later, he was gradually accepting traditional culture and changing his mindset to produce folkcraft articles that can be also valued as art. The question of how to regard the woodcraft of the Ainu-whether it is craftwork, folkcraft, or art-is a matter of viewpoint. It was often considered as craftwork or folkcraft, but the practice of Toru Kaizawa has shed fresh light on this question.
A detailed examination of the efforts of the Ainu Museum and Toru Kaizawa can make some opportunities to reconsider the questions that have been supposed to have simple answers, such as “Who is the Ainu?” and “What is the Ainu culture?”departmental bulletin pape
Hina-doll Festival to Revitalize Communities : A Case Study of the Big Hina-doll Festival of Katsuura Town in Tokushima Prefecture
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では，徳島県勝浦郡勝浦町のビッグひな祭りの事例を通して，地域固有の特徴ある民俗文化ではないごく一般的な民俗が，その地域を特徴付けるイベントとして成功し，地域おこしを果たしていく過程とその要因について分析し，現代社会における民俗の利用の様相を照射することを目的としている。
徳島県勝浦町は，戦前から県下で最も早くミカン栽培が導入され，昭和40年代までミカン産地としてかなり潤っていたが，その後生産は低迷し，他の地方と同様人口流出が続いていた。こうしたなかで，地域おこしとして1988年，ビッグひな祭りが開催され，途中１年は開催されなかったが，以後現在まで連続して行っている。当初役場の職員を中心に，全国で誇れるイベントを作り出そうとして企画され，その対象はおもに町民であった。しかも雛祭り自体は勝浦町に特徴あるものではなく，また地域に固有の雛人形を前面に出したわけではない。各家庭で収蔵されていた雛人形を，勝浦町周辺地域からあつめて，巨大な雛段に飾ることで，イベントの特性を形成していった。
さらに，町民が参加するかたちで，主催は役場職員から民間団体に移行し，開催会場のために土地建物を所有する。こうして民間主催のイベントにすることで，行政では制約が課されていたさまざまな企画を可能とするとともに，創作的な人形の飾り方を導入することで，多様な形態での町民の参加が可能となり，その新奇性からも町内外の観覧者を集めることに成功した。そして徳島県下から，近畿圏など広域の観光イベントとして成長していった。さらに，このノウハウとともに，集まった雛人形自体を贈与し，地域おこしを必要とする全国の市町村に積極的に供与することで，全国での認知も高まっていった。
こうした状況を生み出す背景となったのは，実は戦後衣装着の人形飾りを用いた三月節供の行事が全国に浸透し，大量に消費された雛人形が各家庭で役目を終えたままとなっているからであり，それらを再利用する方法がみいだされたことによる。さらに自宅で飾られなくなった雛人形を観光を通して享受していくという，民俗の現在的な展開をも見て取ることができる。This article aims to reveal how folk customs manifest themselves in the modern society. To this end, the Big Hina-doll Festival in Katsuura Town, Katsuura District, Tokushima Prefecture, is used as a case study to analyze how and why a folk custom has developed to an event that represents and revitalizes a community even though it is not original or indigenous to the community.
Katsuura Town, Tokushima Prefecture, was the first town in the prefecture to start orange cultivation before World War II and prospered as an orange-growing town until around the late 1960s to the early 1970s. Then, with the decline of orange cultivation, the town, like so many others, suffered depopulation. Against this backdrop, the Big Hina-doll Festival was held to revitalize the town in 1988, since when it has been held annually up to the present time except for one year. This was originally designed for town people and led by the town office staff who aimed to make it a nationally recognized festival. Although neither hina-doll festival nor hina dolls were unique to the town, the event distinguished itself by displaying a great number of hina dolls collected from households in and around the town on a huge red-carpeted staircase.
Then, with more town people joining the management, the festival was transferred from public to private hands, and a private association possessed premises as a venue for the festival. Thus, by privatizing the festival, a variety of limitations due to being a public event were removed. Moreover, the adoption of new creative ways of displaying hina dolls enhanced the flexibility for town people to participate in the festival. This novelty drew a large audience from in and around the town, and the festival gradually grew to an event that attracted tourists from all over the prefecture and the Kinki Region. Furthermore, the town increased the national recognition of the festival by providing its knowhow, as well as collected hina dolls, for municipalities requiring revitalization programs all over Japan.
The reason behind this success was because the festival was recognized as a new opportunity to reuse hina dolls which had spread throughout the country since the end of World War II along with the custom of the Girls' Festival in March and then been packed away at households as their daughters grew up. This also reflects the contemporary development of folk customs that hina dolls are shared through tourism after they were no longer used at home.departmental bulletin pape
Outline of Acceptance of Textual Culture and Immigrants in Omi
Get PDFapplication/pdf西河原木簡をはじめとする近江出土の古代木簡は、量的には多くないが、七世紀後半から八世紀初頭の律令国家成立期の中央と地方の動向を、具体的に検討するうえで、重要な位置を占めている。そして、近江には多くの渡来系氏族と渡来人が、居住しており、近江における文字文化の受容にあたって、渡来人の役割は無視できない。
近江の渡来系氏族のうち、倭漢氏の配下である漢人村主の志賀漢人一族は、五世紀末から六世紀の初頭ごろに、河内や大和から大挙この地に移住し、琵琶湖の水運を活用した物流の管理などで、活発な活動を進めた。志賀漢人たちは、当時の蘇我氏が領導する政府の指示により、近江各地に所在した施設に派遣され、湖上交通を活用した物流ネットワークを構築し、主として文書・書類（木簡）の作成にあたっていたとみられる。彼らが、中央で活動する渡来系氏族・渡来人集団とともに、故国である韓半島における文字文化を、素早く受容し共有していたことは、近江の各地で作成され木簡などの文字資料から確認できる。
近江出土の古代木簡でもっとも古い、大津市北大津遺跡出土の「音義木簡」が和訓の試行的な段階を示しているのは、この地に居住する渡来人集団、志賀漢人が、五世紀末以来、この地域に移住し活動する中で、中央で達成された行政的な文書の作成技術を導入し、様々な工夫を行ったことを示している。また野洲市西河原遺跡群出土木簡は、この地に所在した施設の運営のため派遣された、志賀漢人の一族の関与を具体的に示している。彼らは、陸上交通（初期の駅路）と琵琶湖の水上交通を利用した、物流・交易の運営を行っており、さらに織物工房・鍛冶工房・木器工房などが付属していた。ここでは、徴税の関わる業務や出挙＝貸稲に関わる管理業務が行われており、倉庫群から出土した木簡から、その出納にかかる具体的な運営過程を復元できる。その施設は、初期の野洲郡家（安評家）で、駅の機能も併せ持っていたことが推定される。そして、宮ノ内六号木簡に見える「文作人」石木主寸文通は、「倉札」の作成者であり、この地に居住する志賀漢人一族が、文書の作成に携わっていたことを明確に示している。Ancient wooden tablets excavated from Nishigawara and other parts of the Omi region are important historical materials, though small in number, to investigate the movement of central and local powers in the process of building a ritsuryo nation from the late seventh to the early eighth century. In addition, because there were many Chinese and Korean immigrants and their descendants in Omi at that time, their role in the acceptance of textual culture cannot be dismissed.
One of the influential migrant clans in Omi was the Shigano-Ayahito clan, belonging to the Ayahitono-Suguri serving under the Yamatono-Ayauji clan. The Shigano-Ayahito clan came from Kawachi and Yamato around the end of fifth century to the beginning of sixth century and were collectively settled in Omi, where they worked diligently, engaging in the management of distribution along water transportation routes around Lake Biwa. It is considered that they were dispatched to local bases interspersed throughout Omi by the then government led by the Soga clan to establish distribution networks by using lake transport and that they were mainly in charge of producing documents (wooden tablets) . The textual materials, including wooden tablets, unearthed throughout Omi indicate that the Shigano-Ayahito clan quickly accepted and shared textual culture derived from the Korean Peninsula, their homeland, as other immigrants and descendants of immigrants working at the central government did.
The ongi wooden tablets (documents regarding the pronunciation and meaning of characters) unearthed from the Northern Otsu Site in Otsu City are the oldest ancient wooden tablets discovered in Omi. They describe the trials and errors in ancient times to establish the Japanese reading of Chinese characters, which means that while settling and working in the area after the end of the fifth century, an immigrant clan of the Shigano-Ayahito not only adopted the administrative documentwriting techniques established by the central government but also devised a variety of their own methods. The wooden tablets excavated at the Nishigawara Site in Yasu City specifically indicate the involvement of the Shigano-Ayahito clan who were dispatched to manage the local facility in the area. They controlled distribution and trade based on water transportation around Lake Biwa, as well as land transportation (primitive principal roads called ekiro) . They also had workshops including fabric, blacksmithing, and wooden tool production workshops. Moreover, they engaged in taxation and loan (suiko) management in relation to rice. The concrete procedures of receipt and issue of storehouse materials can be seen in wooden tablets excavated from storehouse ruins. It is assumed that their facility was the initial Yasuno-Korinomiyake ( Yasu district government) , which also had the function of umaya ( station) . Furthermore, Miyanouchi Wooden Tablet VI contains the phras“e「bunsakunin」 Iwaki-no-suguri-humimiti” to indicate the name of the writer of the wooden tablet (kura-fuda) , which provides evidence that the Shigano-Ayahito clan who resided in the area were involved in document production.departmental bulletin pape
Analysis of Functional Information of Shosoin Documents : Oral Communication and Documents
Get PDFapplication/pdf正倉院文書は、官司の現用書類が不要となり廃棄されたものである。この点で、多くの古文書とは異なる特徴を有しており、文書の機能情報を抽出・解析する上でも、これに対応した手法・手順が求められる。正倉院文書の解析は、業務の解析に他ならない。そのためには、書類からの情報抽出において、書類の作成から利用・保管・廃棄に至る履歴を明らかにすること、その際、書類の用いられる場の変化に着目することが重要である。
この点で、古文書学における文献史料（文字資料）の三分類（文書・典籍・記録）や、近年指摘されているその見直しの議論に注目できるが、その方向性には疑問もある。文字資料は「文字を用いて情報を何らかの媒体に定着させたもの」であり、情報の受け手に何らかの影響（働きかけ）を及ぼす。ただし、単なる情報の移動と、意識的な情報の伝達とは区別されなくてはならない。情報の伝達においては、正確性、確実性が求められることから、文書様式・書札礼等を含め、様々な「仕掛け」が施される。「仕掛け」の有無には機能上明確な差異が存在し、業務解析においては、そうした「仕掛け」に着目することで様々な知見を抽出することができる。
以上の観点から、某者宣を書き留めた受命の書面、経巻奉請に関する書面を取り上げ、命令や依頼の内容を書き留めただけの書面の存在と、その業務進行上の役割を検討することで、口頭伝達と書面伝達とが併存する具体的な様相を明らかにし、伝達のための「仕掛け」を持たない書面が場を移動しながら利用されることの意味を論ずる。Shosoin documents are government documents no longer needed and disposed of. In this aspect, they have different characteristics from other historical documents; therefore, it is essential to employ methods and procedures appropriate to such characteristics during collection and analysis of their functional information. Analyzing Shosoin documents means analyzing government operations. When extracting information from Shosoin documents, it is crucial to clarify the life cycle of documents, from creation to use, storage, and disposal, and to pay attention to changes in place of use.
In this regard, the three categories of historical documents (textual materials) in the study of paleography, such as monjo ( letter) , tenseki ( book) , and kiroku ( record) , as well as recent arguments against the classification are worthy of note; however, there is some doubt about the direction of these studies. Textual materials are “media to convey information in writing”. They are aimed to influence (induce an action from) information recipients. The point is to distinguish between mere distribution of information and intentional transmission of information. Since accuracy and reliability are important for the latter, a variety of “devices” including document styles and documentation rules (shosatsurei) are made. There are distinctive differences in function depending on whether such a “device” exists or not; therefore, in the analysis of government operations, a close examination of such “devices” helps us extract a variety of information.
From the above point of view, this article investigates the documents which dictate the decisions of higher officials and which apply for sutras and compares their function in carrying out the duties with that of the documents which merely describes the content of instructions or requests. Through these analyses, this study reveals the specific situation where both oral and written communication were used and argues the significance that documents without any “devices” to convey information were reused at various places.departmental bulletin pape
A Study of Migrant Workers Engaged in Reclamation Construction in the Seto Inland Sea Region in the Early Modern Times
Get PDFapplication/pdf萩藩領の瀬戸内沿岸部では、近世後期にかけてもさかんに新田開発（開作）が行われていた。その普請にかかわった労働力については以前検討を加えたことがあり、瀬戸内一帯を移動する請負人とそれに率いられた石船、そして現地で普請を管轄する石頭という業者との組み合わせからなっていたことをのべたことがある。本論は、石垣とセットだった土手の普請もあわせて取り上げ、開作普請における労働の特質を再考しようとするものである。開作の周囲を取り囲む堤は、石垣と土手の二重構造からなっており、それぞれを石船（石組）と砂船という、出稼ぎ集団が担当していた。また普請全体を管轄するものとして石頭がおり、その下で多数の丁場を一括する請負人がいた。ただし長さ二十間単位に分割された個々の丁場に即すると、在所を同じくする数艘の石船ないし砂船の出稼ぎ集団が造成作業にあたっていた。石垣ばかりか土手についてもそうした専門集団が担当していた理由として、数人規模で達成するという、造成現場における作業の共同性があげられる。すなわち仕様を理解し資材を揃え、作業の計画を立て現場で指揮をする、そうした統括者に率いられた集団でなければならなかった。あわせて水中で行う作業だったこともあって、統括者と一体化した機動性も不可欠なものだった。個々の作業自体をバラバラにみると、石を組み上げる、あるいは土で土手を作ってゆくという、熟練度は低位で互換可能なようにみえたとしても、集団としての組織性が必須であり、そのことが普請現場での労働編成や調達の仕方を規定していたと考えることができるわけである。In the coastal area along the Seto Inland Sea in Hagi Domain (Yamaguchi Prefecture), large areas were reclaimed for rice production in the late early modern times. A prior analysis of labor for reclamation construction revealed that it had consisted of contract workers migrating in the Seto Inland Sea region, their boats called “Ishibune” and construction management agents called “Ishigashira”. This paper reviews the characteristics of labor for reclamation construction by analyzing the construction of mounds held up with stone walls. As banks to enclose rice fields, stone walls and sand mounds were constructed by migrant worker groups called “Ishibune (Ishigumi)” and “Sunabune”, respectively. The entire construction process was managed by a leader called “Ishigashira”, under whom there were contract workers to manage multiple sections. One section was 20 ken( 36 meters) long and constructed by several groups (Ishibune and Sunabune), each of which was composed of migrant workers from the same area. The reason why not only stone walls but also mounds were constructed by specialized groups was because it was teamwork: a task requiring a group of people to complete. In other words, banks were constructed by groups led by respective leaders who understood specifications, procured materials, planned work schedules, and supervised workers in the field. The mobility as a group integrated with the leader was also essential because they worked underwater. Although individual tasks (e.g., piling up stones and making sand mounds) seem to have been rather simple and easy for anyone to do, the entire process required teamwork, which determined how to recruit and organize workers for construction.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] The Realities and Changes of Funeral Services in Owada, Hidaka Village, Kochi Prefecture
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