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    [Research Notes] “Udon Noodle Shops” Depicted in Genre Paintings in the Early Modern Period

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    application/pdf一部非公開情報ありdepartmental bulletin pape

    The Introduction of Musket to Japan and the Influence of Wakō-Pirates : A Debate with Dr. Udagawa Takehisa

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    application/pdf本誌第一九〇集に掲載された宇田川武久氏の論文「ふたたび鉄炮伝来論―村井章介氏の批判に応える―」に対する反論を目的に、「鉄砲は倭寇が西日本各地に分散波状的に伝えた」とする宇田川説の論拠を史料に即して検証して、つぎの三点を確認した。 ①「村井が鉄砲伝来をヨーロッパ世界との直接のであいだと述べている」と反復する宇田川氏の言明は事実誤認である。②〈一五四二年(または四三年)・種子島〉を唯一の鉄砲伝来シーンと考える必要はなく、倭寇がそれ以外のシーンでも鉄砲伝来に関わった可能性はあるが、宇田川氏はそのオールタナティブを実証的に示していない。③一五四〇~五〇年代の朝鮮・明史料に見える「火砲(炮)」の語を鉄砲と解する宇田川説は誤りであり、それゆえこれらを根拠に鉄砲伝来を論ずることはできない。 以上をふまえて、一六世紀なかば以降倭寇勢力が保有していた鉄砲と、一六世紀末の東アジア世界戦争(壬辰倭乱)において日本軍が駆使した鉄砲ないし鉄砲戦術との関係を、どのように捉えるべきかを考察した。 壬辰倭乱直前まで、朝鮮は倭寇勢力が保有する鉄砲を見かけていたかもしれないが、軍事的脅威と感じられるほどのインパクトはなかったので、それに焦点をあわせた用語も生まれなかった。朝鮮が危惧していたのは、中国起源の従来型火器である火砲が、明や朝鮮の国家による占有を破って、倭寇勢力や日本へ流出することであった。 しかしその間、戦国動乱さなかの日本列島に伝来した新兵器鉄砲が、軍事に特化した社会のなかで、技術改良が重ねられ、また組織的利用法が鍛えあげられ、やがて壬辰倭乱において明や朝鮮にとって恐るべき軍事的脅威となった。両国は鉄砲を「鳥銃」と呼び、鹵獲した鳥銃や日本軍の捕虜から、鉄砲を駆使した軍事技術をけんめいに摂取しようとした。The purpose of my present article is to reply to the article of Udagawa Takehisa that appeared in issue 190 of this journal with the title “Another Study of the Introduction of Guns to Japan: As a Counter-argument to the Criticism of Dr. Shōsuke Murai”. In my article I examined Udagawa's theory that says, “wakō-pirates introduced and gradually distributed muskets to several places in Western Japan”. During my examination of his arguments based on the historical sources I came to the following three conclusions. First, the often repeated statement of the author that says, “Murai states that the introduction of muskets was a direct encounter with the European world”, is a misunderstanding of that what I stated in fact in my article. Second, I agree with the author that it is not necessary to think about the year 1542 (or 1543) and the island Tanegashima as the only possible time and place for the introduction of muskets, and that it is possible that wakō-pirates also played a part in the introduction of muskets in other different ways. Still, the problem is that the author does not provide concrete examples or evidences for possible alternatives based on the historical sources that would support this argument. Third, the author's theory, according to which he is interpreting “huopao / hwap'o 火砲(炮) (cannon)” - a word that can be seen in the Chinese and Korean sources in the 1540-50s- as “musket”, is a mistake. Therefore, it is not possible to discuss the introduction of musket based on this theory. Based on these conclusions, I examined the following question: What was the relationship between those muskets possessed by wakō-pirates after the middle of the 16th century and the muskets used by the Japanese army during the war in the East Asian world at the end of the 16th century (the so called Imjin war)? It is possible that Koreans saw the muskets of wakō-pirates before the Imjin war, but these muskets had probably no impact on them, and the Koreans did not feel yet the threat of muskets at that time. Therefore they did not create a special word for musket. Rather, Koreans felt apprehension that “huopao / hwap'o (cannon)”, the conventional firearms of Chinese origin would flow out from Korea or China into the hand of wakō-pirates or Japanese. But during the following years, musket, the new weapon introduced to Japan in the midst of the disturbances of the Warring States period, underwent several technical improvements in the Japanese society that was characterized by continuous wars. Further, with the time Japanese soldiers became also perfectly trained in the use of musket in organized groups. Thus, musket soon became a fearful military menace to Ming China and Chosŏn Korea during the Imjin war. Both countries called musket “niaochong / choch'ong 鳥銃 (fowling piece)” and both of them eagerly tried to learn the military technique of muskets from captured Japanese soldiers and the confiscated “fowling pieces”.departmental bulletin pape

    The Early Agricultural Settlements Pattern in Japan with Flood Disaster

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    application/pdf大阪平野の弥生時代遺跡については,弥生時代中期末の洪水頻発の時期に大規模集落が廃絶し,集団関係に大きな変化が生じたといわれてきた。また,水害を克服する過程として,地域社会統合が確立し古墳時代社会への移行が進行するとも言われた。本稿では,大阪平野中部と淀川流域の弥生時代~古墳時代遺跡動態を検証して,社会変化・水害・集団と耕作地の関係について論じた。大阪平野中部では,弥生時代の流水堆積による地形変化は数百m規模でしか発生せず,集落と水田のセットが低湿地に展開する様相に変化はない。淀川流域で弥生~古墳時代の集落分布変化を検証すると,徐々に扇状地中部・段丘上・丘陵上集落の比率が増え,古墳時代中期には特にその傾向は顕在化する。これは,4世紀後半・5世紀に集落が耕作地から分離していく整理された集団関係への変化と読み取れる。また,この時期は降水量が100年周期変動で進行する水害ダメージを受けにくい時代でもある。地域社会統合は洪水の影響をうけにくい時期にこそ,その環境を利用してそれへの対応の可能な社会へと変貌するのである。社会構造変化の方向性と環境要因の複合要因により,地域社会の実態は変質していくと考えられる。It has been said that Yayoi huge settlements in the Osaka Plain collapsed during the serious flood period at the end of the middle Yayoi period. And overcoming of flood disaster seemed to be the main factor for developing more hierarchic and integrated Kofun society. This paper aims to retest the settlements pattern of the Yayoi and Kofun period in the central of the Osaka Plain and the Yodo River Basin to know the relationship between social change, flood disaster, and villages and rice paddy-field. In the central part of the Osaka Plain, topographic changes by flood were not so big; the small packages of settlement with rice paddy field were not so damaged with flood. In lowland area along the Yodo River, from the Yayoi to Kofun periods, the main area of settlements moved to slop area or hill top area gradually, this tendency became noticeable in the middle Kofun period in the fifth century A.D. From the fourth century to fifth century A.D., we can see separate relationship between the settlements and rice paddy field which shows more integrated and controlled situation by local chief. And the isotope analysis of oxygen of tree rings shows that this period was less liable to change geographically by water flood with frequent heavy rains. This circumstance seemed to help the early Japanese agricultural society to fit for the flood disaster to the relationship between rice paddy field and the settlements. The social changes were caused by complex factor of both the social structure and natural circumstance.departmental bulletin pape

    Popularization of Exclusive Habits through Commercialization : A Case Study of Doll and Tea Goods Collecting Habits Popularized through Department Stores

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    application/pdf明治末,日本に誕生した近代的な百貨店では,都市の新中間層を顧客に取り込むために様々な販売戦略を駆使した。呉服柄など流行の人為的操作を行い,呉服以外にも子ども用品や家具雑貨など新たな市場を開拓し,雛祭りや七五三,婚礼といった消費イベントを積極的に活用していく。新たな消費者である中間層は,自らの社会的な地位を顕示するための良い趣味を,商品を購入するという手軽な手段で獲得しようとし,初期百貨店は彼らに対して「良い趣味」を提供する役割を担った。この時期の三越呉服店の活動において特に注目されるのが,江戸的な趣味の影響力の大きさである。地方から都市に流入した中間層は,自らの趣味の欠如を埋めるため,百貨店の周辺に集まっていた好事家たちの趣味を模倣するという行動をとった。好事家たちの江戸的で風流な趣味が,中間層にとっての憧れとなり,彼らの消費傾向を規定していったのである。 こうした事実は,明治末から昭和初期にかけて三越呉服店で販売され,人気を博していた人形玩具と風流道具に,最もよく表れている。本論では三越呉服店のPR誌に掲載されていたこの2種の商品に焦点を当て,一部の好事家の趣味が百貨店という場を介して大衆化されていく過程で,商品デザインがどのように変化していくのかについて,考察を試みた。商品を詳細に見ていくと,好事家の人形玩具収集趣味は,百貨店の雛人形販売の中で大衆向けの商品に置き換えられ,また実業エリート達による茶の湯の風流な趣味は,「風流道具」と称される茶道具やその周辺の家具雑貨類を通して,頒布会などで大衆に広められていったことがわかる。どちらにも共通して見られるのは,江戸的な趣味を継承していた一部の私的なコミュニティの美意識は,大衆化とともに,判り易い定型化された表象に置き換えられ,手軽に購入しやすい「商品」として生産されていくという特徴であった。これらは近代以降の大衆消費デザインを考える上で,重要な一側面であるといえる。In Japan, modern department stores were born at the end of the Meiji period (in the beginning of the 20th century). In order to capture the new middle-class in urban areas as their customers, they adopted various sales promotion strategies, including manipulating fashion trends (e.g., kimono patterns); cultivating new markets such as children's clothing, furniture and home décor markets while continuously promoting their existing kimono fabrics business; and making good use of special events to drive consumption such as the Girls' Festival, the Seven-five-three Festival (to celebrate three- and five-year old boys and three- and seven-year old girls) and wedding receptions. On the other hand, the middle class who emerged as new consumers took an easy way to show off their social status by purchasing goods and showcasing their “sophisticated” tastes, which was actually offered by department stores in their early developmental stages. In particular, it is worth noting the great boom of Edo taste created by the sales activities of Mitsukoshi Gofukuten in those days. The middle class migrating from rural to urban areas tried to add spice to their tasteless lives by following the habits of cultural connoisseurs who patronized department stores. Especially, the refined Edo taste of cultural connoisseurs was admired by the middle class, affecting their consumption behaviors. This phenomenon was most clearly reflected in the popularization of the dolls and tea goods sold by Mitsukoshi Gofukuten from the end of the Meiji period to the early Showa period (from the early to mid-20th century). While focusing on these two kinds of products, this article examines the promotion booklets of Mitsukoshi Gofukuten to analyze how the product design was changing in the process of popularization of exclusive habits through department stores. Luxury dolls designed for toy connoisseurs were driven out by reasonable ones for the general public while department stores were promoting the sales of hina dolls for the Girls' Festival. Refined tea ceremony goods designed for the elite were also replaced by reasonable tea utensils and related goods (collectively called “hobby goods”) for the general public through buyers' clubs. What was in common between them was that the aesthetic sense of exclusive communities preserving Edo taste was transformed into a standardized symbolic form easy to understand for everyone and became commercialized to ensure easy access for the public in the process of popularization. This is considered an important aspect for the analysis of mass consumption design after the modern times.departmental bulletin pape

    A Study of Yinshafo Ceremonies in Dunhuang in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries

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    application/pdf9、10世紀の敦煌資料には、宗教儀礼に関連する文書が多数見られるが、その中には、仏教信仰にもとづく、仏像や塔形を刻んだ印を砂の上に押印し、数珠で数を数える「印沙仏」と称される儀礼が存する。従来の研究では、この儀礼は敦煌仏教における重要な行事として認められ、正月に行われた仏事「燃燈会」との繋がりなどが注目され、研究されてきたが、ほかに、内容上、同時代に敦煌で行われた仏誕会などの儀礼との関わりも見落とすことができない。 「印沙仏」儀礼を執行する主体として注目されるのは「社」という組織である。「社」はそれ以前の土地神の崇拝によって形成された地縁的集団と異なり、仏教信仰で結ばれた組織である。庶民の集いとしての「社」と僧侶の組織である教団は、このような儀礼の催行を通じて密接な関係を築き上げていた。 「印沙仏」儀礼の目的としては、祓病除災、来世幸福などの個人の願いから、国家太平や五穀豊穣に代表される祈りまで、さまざまな民衆の生活に結びついた祈願が多く見られ、当時の敦煌仏教の実践の一端を明確に見ることができる。こうした点に注目して、これまでの日本・中国のいずれの研究においても充分ではなかった敦煌仏教の社会的側面、及び地域の信仰との関わりを明らかにする考察として、本稿では「印沙仏」儀礼の実態を解明し、その特質を検討する。 「社」は、唐代中期から斎会などを扶助し、二月八日の仏祖誕生を祝う儀礼や民俗的行事にも関わったが、こうした検討を通じて、民衆の仏教の受容の実態を明らかにし、従来、充分な研究が行われてこなかった敦煌仏教の儀礼とその社会的側面を考察することが、本稿の目的である。Many Dunhuang documents produced in the ninth and tenth centuries referred to religious observances, including a Buddhist ceremony called yinshafo (印沙佛) in which a seal engraved with the image of a Buddhist deity or stūpa was put on the sand and prayers were counted on Buddhist rosaries. This ceremony has been studied extensively as an important event in Dunhuang Buddhism. These previous studies have mainly focused on the connection of the ceremony with the Lantern Festival, a Buddhist ritual held in the first lunar month; however, it is also worth examining the relationships with other Buddhist rituals held in Dunhuang in that period, such as the Buddha's Birthday Festival. Another point that cannot be overlooked in relation to the yinshafo ceremony is an association called the she (社). It was one of the key players in organizing the ceremony. This type of association was unique in that it was based on the religious bond of Buddhism, unlike other contemporary organizations which were based on a shared territorial bond formed from the worship of local deities. She, associations of commoners, built close relationships with religious groups of monks through working together to organize religious ceremonies. One of the main purposes of yinshafo ceremonies was to pray for people's lives. The prayers ranged from communal to private, such as universal peace, a huge harvest, recovery from illness, protection from misfortunes, and happiness in the next world. These diverse prayers clearly show some aspects of Dunhuang Buddhism at that time. From this perspective, the present article examines the social aspects of Dunhuang Buddhism and its relationships with other local worship and belief, which so far have not been fully studied in either China or Japan, to reveal the realities of yinshafo ceremonies and analyze their features. In the mid-Tang period, she associations supported fasting ceremonies and were involved in the festival to celebrate Buddha's Birthday on the eighth day of the second month of the Indian calendar as well as other folk rituals. These facts are examined in this article to analyze the acceptance of Buddhism among the people and the ceremonies and social aspects of Dunhuang Buddhism, which have not been fully studied until now.departmental bulletin pape

    Overview and Progress of the Collaborative Research

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    Cover and Contents

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