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    Progress and Overview of the Collaborative Research “Research Based on Study of Materials on Transformation of Folk Rituals”

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    Traditions and Changes in the Japanese Sense of Beauty in the Modern and Post-modern Times

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    application/pdf本稿では,明治時代から1980年代までの長期にわたり,日本における美容観の変遷とその原因をおもに化粧品産業の動向から明らかにしたものである。そのおもな論点は,明治時代以降の美容観が欧米化の影響を受けながらも,実際に変化するには長い時間がかかっており,欧米化が進んだ後でも揺り戻しがあって,日本独自の美容観が形成されたということであった。 まず,明治時代といえば,白粉による白塗りと化粧品の工業製品化による一般家庭への普及がイメージされるが,実際には石鹸や化粧水,クリームといった基礎化粧の方がまず発達していったのであり,メイク方法は白粉をさらっと薄く伸ばす程度のシンプルなものだった。口紅やアイメイクに対する抵抗感は,現在から考えられないほど強かったため,欧米の美容観はなかなか受容されなかった。 1930年代に入ってから,クリームや歯磨,香油などの出荷額が伸びていくが,第二次世界大戦による節制と物品税の大増税によって,すぐに化粧をしない時代に戻っていった。その後,1960年前後までの日本の女性は,クリームや化粧水による基礎化粧はするものの,メイクはほとんどしなかった。 欧米型のメイク方法は,1959(昭和34)年におけるマックスファクターの「ローマンピンク」キャンペーンと1960(昭和35)年におけるカラーテレビの放送開始を契機として,普及し始めたと考えてよい。とくに1966(昭和41)年からそのキャンペーンにハーフモデルを起用して成功を収めたことが,ハーフモデルの日焼けした肌と大きな目に憧れる結果となって,欧米型のメイクが普及する大きな要因となった。 ところが,1970年代の初めにハーフモデルを起用した日焼けの提唱がいったん終わり,その後,日本の美が見直されていくことになる。さらに,1980年代に入ると自然派志向やソフト志向が顕著となり,その中でアイドルタレントが化粧品のプロモーションに起用されるようになると,日本独自の自然でソフトな女性像,つまり1980年代の「かわいらしさ」のイメージが形成されていった。This article examines the trends of the Japanese cosmetics industry from the 1870s to the 1980s to reveal the changes in the Japanese sense of beauty and their causes. The results consist of two main findings: (i) after the Meiji period (1868-1912), the Japanese sense of beauty was affected by westernization but changed very slowly; and (ii) the westernization was followed by a backlash, resulting in the creation of a new sense of beauty unique to the Japanese. It is generally considered that in the Meiji period, cosmetics were commercialized and became popular among ordinary women and they started to powder their faces. In actual fact, however, skin care products such as soap, skin lotion and cream were developed earlier. Japanese women preferred simple makeup and thought light powdering was enough. Their reluctance to wear lipstick and eyeshadow in those days was much stronger than we can imagine today; therefore, it was difficult for them to accept the western sense of beauty. In the 1930s, the sales of skin cream, toothpaste, and scented oil products expanded; however, soon all the cosmetics products disappeared from the market due to the frugal habits and drastic commodity tax hikes during the Second World War. From after the war until around 1960, Japanese women used skin care products such as skin lotion and cream but hardly wore makeup. Western-style makeup techniques began to penetrate into Japan through the Roman Pink Campaign of Max Factor starting in 1959, also receiving a nice tailwind from the start of color TV broadcasting in 1960. In 1966, the advertising campaign starred a half-Japanese model, which resulted in a huge success. Many women admired her light suntanned skin and big eyes. This served as a great impetus for the spread of western-style makeup techniques. However, once the campaign starring the half-Japanese model with light suntanned skin finished in the early 1970s, Japanese women reviewed their sense of beauty once again. In the 1980s, when a desire for the soft, natural look became prominent and pop stars started to appear in cosmetics advertisements, the Japanese shaped their own unique image of female beauty that was soft and natural by emphasizing “cuteness” in the 1980s.departmental bulletin pape

    Farewell to Professor ADACHI Fumio

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    How Information about Nuclear Power Plants was Reported : The Road to the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant Accident and the Aftermath

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    application/pdf2011年3月に発生した福島第一原発事故は,東日本大震災を引き金にして起きたものであったが,その原発事故により広大な国土が放射能に汚染され,国土の一部は長く人が住むこともできない大地となり,また今後長期にわたり多くの人々への健康被害が懸念されるなど,大災害となった。 その大災害に至った1つの大きな要因として,メディアによる原発の必要性や安全性などを訴える広告などの情報が,原発の問題を指摘する情報よりもはるかに多大であったこともあるが,その一方で,本来伝えられるべきであったと思われる原発関係の情報が十分伝えられてこなかったということがあると思われる。そうした情報の中で,本稿では,福島での原発事故が起きるまでは最悪の原発事故であった旧ソビエトのチェルノブイリ原発事故後による食品汚染についての情報について検討した。 1986年に起きたその原発事故により,タイやフィリピンなどでは大きな放射能汚染食品騒ぎがあったが,少なくとも関西地方ではほとんど伝えられなかった。それらのニュースの内容をタイなどの地元紙の記事などから確認し,それらが実際にあまり報道されるべき価値のないものであったのかどうか検討した。また,それらのニュースが日本国内で実際にどの程度報道されたのかについて,国内の強力な新聞記事等のデータベースである「日経テレコン」により確認した。 一方,福島第一原発事故から5年以上を経て,放射能汚染食品や放射線による健康被害など,また原発関連の報道が十分になされない部分が出てきている。その近年の状況についても,データベース利用などにより確認し考えてみた。メディアの編集者が放射能汚染食品や人々の健康被害に関する情報を制限する背景として,社会的不安などが生じることへの配慮もあると思われるが,正しい情報が伝えられないことにより,福島での原発事故の忘却が早められ,しっかりと原発について考えようとする流れが弱められている。The Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant accident which occurred in March, 2011, triggered by the Great East Japan Earthquake has been a catastrophe. Vast land was polluted by radioactivity by the nuclear accident, and the land is partly not suitable for people to live in over a long term. Many people who were exposed to higher levels of radiation are at risk of health hazard. Before the catastrophe, information about the “necessity” and “safety” etc. of nuclear power plants by the media had been quite greater than the information about problems of nuclear power plants. That seems to be one of the factors which led to the horrible accident. On the other hand, the fact that information about the important matters relating to nuclear power plants had not been reported enough seems to be another factor. In this paper, I have checked the information about the food pollution after the Chernobyl nuclear accident in 1986 in the former Soviet Union which was the worst nuclear accident until the nuclear accident in Fukushima occurred. There were big troubles over radioactive contamination of foods in Thailand and Philippines etc. after the Soviet nuclear accident. However, those news were hardly ever reported in the media in Kansai area. I have confirmed the facts that had happened in the countries mainly from articles on local papers, and considered if those news were really worthless to report or not. I also have confirmed how much the media reported about the news in all over Japan by using the “Nikkei Telecon” which is the most powerful data base for news articles in Japan. On the other hand, some news which are related to the nuclear accident have not been reported well recently again, five years after the catastrophic accident in Fukushima. Those news are on the radioactive contamination of foods and the health hazard by radiation. I have checked it by using the data base too, and considered it. It seems that editors of the media tend to suppress information about the news fearing to cause social unrest. It may be one of the big reasons those news have not reported well. However, there seem to be problems in such circumstances. One of the big problems is that memories of the accident in Fukushima are fading rapidly. And another one is that the atmosphere to think nuclear power plants seriously has been gradually changing.departmental bulletin pape

    Mapping of REKIHAKU Database's Fields to Common Metadata for Integrated Retrieval

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    application/pdf人間文化研究機構では,機構を構成する各機関が公開する100を超える多種で多様なデータベースをまとめて検索できる統合検索システムを構築し,2008年4月よりサービスを開始した。このシステムは,個々のデータベースの所在や操作方法を意識することなく検索できることに特徴がある。多くのデータベースと同様に,検索語とのマッチング,検索結果の一覧表示と詳細表示を基本機能としているが,個別に作成されデータ項目がまちまちなデータベースをまとめて検索する上で,共通メタデータが主要な役割を果たしている。この共通メタデータに,個々のデータベースのデータ項目をいかにマッピングするかが重要な課題であった。統合検索の対象とした国立歴史民俗博物館の43のデータベースをマッピングする上での考え方を記した。 見やすい詳細表示とするには,共通メタデータの特定の要素に,データ項目が集中しないようマッピングする必要がある。この方針に沿って,共通メタデータとして採用したDC(Dublin Core メタデータ)に,実物の資料を記述したデータベースを適用することは,要素の意味の拡張が必要となって,適合性が低い。このことを,博物館資料の情報流通向けに提案した博物館コアメタデータの要素とDCの要素の対応付けを通して明確にした。一方,博物館コアメタデータは,資料に関するデータベースだけでなく,遺跡や種々の文献から研究の関心を抽出した事項,ならびに研究文献に関するデータベースにおいても,そのマッピングに親和性がある。これは,記述の要素として役割や出来事の内容を問わない形で人物,時間,空間を取り出すとともに,共通性が高く記述対象を特徴づける名称,種別,主題を要素としていることが大きい。より汎用的なメタデータを求めるなら,残りの要素の抽象化を図るとともに,共通化の可能性を探ることが重要となる。The National Institutes for the Humanities established an integrated retrieval system for the over 100 diverse databases provided by its member organizations and launched the service in April 2008. This system is characterized by its intuitive usability and enhanced algorithm to allow users to retrieve any data regardless of its operation method or location. Like most other search engines, the system enables users to retrieve information matching their search terms and shows a list and detailed description of search results. In this system, however, a common metadata set plays an important role in order to retrieve data from databases developed separately and therefore organized by different attributes. A key issue of realizing the system is how to map data attributes from the different databases to this common metadata set. This paper describes a basic idea of mapping 43 databases of the National Museum of Japanese History for this integrated retrieval system. In order to show detailed search results in an easy-to-understand way, it is essential to map data attributes in a way that some metadata searches do not make too many requests. Based on this idea, the Dublin Core (DC) Metadata Elements, adopted as a common metadata set, is not highly compatible to search engines retrieving information from databases based on descriptions of physical materials because the meanings of the elements need to be expanded. This problem has been revealed by comparing the Museum Core Metadata Elements (which were developed to share information on the collections of the Museum) with the DC Metadata Elements. The Museum Core Metadata Elements can support the mapping of databases not only of physical materials but also on historical sites, as well as various research documents and their research purposes. This is because the Museum Core Metadata Elements can be used as description elements to retrieve information on people, time, and space, regardless of content in the form of role and achievements, and because they are often the interchangeable elements of name, type, and subject that attribute specific features to the objects being described. If there is a need to use the metadata set for more diverse purposes, it will be essential to abstract the remaining elements and explore their similarities.departmental bulletin pape

    Naniwa and Chikushi as Hubs of Diplomacy

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    application/pdf難波は古代都城の歴史において外交・交通・交易などの拠点となり,副都として機能していた。外交路線の対立(韓政)により蘇我氏滅亡が滅亡し,難波長柄豊碕宮(前期難波宮)が大郡などを改造して造られた。先進的な大規模朝堂院空間を有しながら,孝徳期の難波遷都から半世紀の間は同様な施設が飛鳥や近江に確認されない点がこれまで大きな疑問とされてきた。藤原宮の朝堂院までは,こうした施設は飛鳥に造られず,この間に外交使節の飛鳥への入京が途絶える。これに対して,藤原宮の大極殿・朝堂の完成とともに外国使者が飛鳥へ入京するようになったことは表裏の関係にあると考えられる。こうした問題関心から,筑紫の小郡・大郡とともに,難波の施設は,唐・新羅に対する外交的な拠点として重視されたことを論じた。 前提として,古人大兄「謀反」事件の処理や東国国司の再審査などの分析により,孝徳期の外交路線が隋帝国の出現により分裂的であり,中大兄・斉明(親百済)と孝徳・蘇我石川麻呂(親唐・新羅)という対立関係にあることを論証した。律令制下の都城中枢が前代的要素の止揚と総合であるとすれば,日常政務・節会・即位・外交・服属などの施設が統合されて大極殿・朝堂区画が藤原京段階で一応の完成を果たしたとの見通しができる。難波宮の巨大朝堂区画は通説のように日常の政務・儀礼空間というよりは,外交儀礼の場に特化して早熟的に発達したため,エビノコ郭や飛鳥寺西の広場などと相互補完的に機能し,大津宮や浄御原宮には朝堂空間としては直接継承されなかったと考えられる。藤原宮の朝堂・大極殿は,7世紀において飛鳥寺西の広場や難波宮朝堂(難波大郡・小郡・難波館)さらには筑紫大郡・小郡・筑紫館などで分節的に果たしていた服属儀礼・外交儀礼・饗宴・即位などの役割を集約したものであると結論した。Naniwa was a hub of diplomacy, transport, and trade, serving as a second capital, in the history of ancient capital cities. After the downfall of the Soga clan due to the conflict over foreign policy (toward the Korean Peninsula), the Naniwa-no-Nagara-no-Toyosaki-no-Miya Palace (Early Naniwa-no-Miya Palace) was constructed by reforming Ōgōri and its surrounding buildings. The palace had a large block of innovative Chōdō-in (bureaucratic offices). On the other hand, no evidence has been found that similar facilities were constructed in Asuka or Ōmi during the half century after the relocation of the capital to Naniwa in the period of Emperor Kōtoku, which has been called into question. Such buildings had not been placed in Asuka until Chōdō-in was constructed at the Fujiwara-no-Miya Palace. During this period, no foreign missions came to Asuka. In contrast, foreign envoys came to Asuka after the Daigoku-den Hall and Chōdō-in were completed at the Fujiwara-no-Miya Palace. Taking the above into consideration, the author argues that like Chikushi-no-Ogōri and Chikushi-no-Ōgōri, the facilities in Naniwa were regarded as an important diplomatic center to welcome diplomats from Tang and Silla. Based on the analysis of the settlement of Prince Furuhito-no-Ōe's “rebellion” and the review of Kokushi (Provincial Governor) of Azuma-no-kuni, it is assumed that there was a split over foreign policy in the period of Emperor Kōtoku due to the rise of the Sui Dynasty, and it is demonstrated that the split led to conflict between the pro-Paekche faction (Prince Naka-no-Ōe and Empress Saimei) and the pro-Tang/Silla faction (Emperor Kōtoku and Soga-no Ishikawamaro). Provided that the elements of earlier times were sublimated and integrated into the center of a capital city under the Ritsuryō system, it can be regarded as having completed when Daigoku-den Hall and Chōdō-in were constructed in Fujiwara-kyō as integrated facilities for daily administrative affairs, court rituals, enthronement ceremonies, diplomatic affairs, tributary calls, and the like. The large block of Chōdō-in at the Naniwa-no-Miya Palace was not a place for daily administrative affairs and ceremonies as suggested by the most commonly accepted theory. Rather it was a place developed earlier exclusively for diplomatic ceremonies. Seemingly, since it was used complementarily with other facilities such as Ebinoko enclosure and the West Plaza of Asuka-dera Temple, similar facilities were not built at the Ōtsu-no-Miya Palace or the Kiyomihara-no-Miya Palace. This paper concludes that the Daigoku-den Hall and Chōdō-in of the Fujiwara-no-Miya Palace played a pivotal role by integrating the functions of multiple separate facilities for banquets and tributary, diplomatic, enthronement, and other ceremonies in the seventh century, such as the West Plaza of Asuka-dera Temple, the Chōdō-in of the Naniwa-no-Miya Palace (consisting of Naniwa-no-Ōgōri, Naniwa-no-Ogōri, and Naniwa-no-Murotsumi), Chikushi-no-Ōgōri, Chikushi-no-Ogōri, and Chikushi-no-Murotsumi.departmental bulletin pape

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    Cultural Changes in the Consumption of Crafts and Their Relationships with Department Stores : A Case Study of the Folk Crafts Movement and Related Matters

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    application/pdf明治時代から大正初期にかけて,百貨店は,多くの新たな流行を作り出す,「尖端的」な場であった。百貨店は,高い文化的価値を持つ空間だったのである。そうした価値の生成・維持のために,百貨店が活用したことの1つに,美術があった。日本に美術館が定着するよりも早く,いくつもの美術展覧会が百貨店で開催された。このことは,百貨店の文化的価値を高める要因の1つとなったのである。一方,大正時代中期から昭和初期になると,美術に関するいくつかの新興の団体が,展覧会の会場として百貨店を活用することを通して,団体の知名度と権威を高めていった。本論では,民芸運動という,大正末期に発生した工芸についての新興の文化運動を事例に,この運動のメンバーが百貨店をどのように活用していたのかを検討することで,近代日本における工芸(とくに手工芸)の文化的消費と百貨店との関係を考察する。その際に民芸運動が持つ2つの側面と百貨店との関わりをそれぞれ検討する。2つの側面とは,民芸運動メンバーの芸術家としての活動と民芸運動の啓蒙活動としての側面とである。前者については,明治後半に百貨店に設置された美術部との関わりを,美術部の草創期から重要な役割を担った1人である富本憲吉や,濱田庄司ら運動同人の個人作家らを事例に検討する。また後者については,民芸運動を推進する団体である民芸協会が主催した,1920年代の後半から30年代にかけての展覧会を取り上げて,百貨店との関わり等について検討する。それによって,1つには,新興の文化運動の一事例としての民芸運動が,どのように百貨店を捉え,活用しようとしていったのか,もう1つには,工芸という付加価値商品の百貨店を通しての(広い意味での)文化的消費の有り様がどうであったのかということの一端とを明らかにする。From the Meiji period to the early Taishō period (from the late 19th to the early 20th century), department stores were extremely fashion-forward, creating new trends one after another. These stores were a place of high cultural values. They utilized art as a means to keep their status. A number of art exhibitions were organized by department stores before museums were established in Japan. This was one of the factors to boost the cultural value of department stores. From the mid-Taishō to the early Shōwa period (from the early to mid-20th century), some emerging art-related organizations used department stores as venues for exhibitions to raise their recognition and reputation. This paper presents case studies of the Folk Crafts Movements that emerged as one of cultural movements at the end of the Taishō period. In particular, this paper examines how the members of these movements used department stores in order to reveal the relationships between department stores and the cultural consumption of crafts (especially handicrafts) in modern Japan. The analysis of the relationships especially focuses on the following two aspects of folk handicraft movements: (i) the activities of artists as members of the movements and (ii) the enlightenment activities of the movements. The former aspect is analyzed through a case study of the connections between the artists and the art sections established at department stores around the 1900s. The case study takes a close look at Kenkichi Tomimoto, an artist who played an important role in the art sections from their beginning, and individual artists who joined the movements, such as Shōji Hamada. Meanwhile, the latter aspect is analyzed through a case study of exhibitions held by Mingei Kyōkai, a folk craft association involved in the movement, and its relationships with department stores in the late 1920s to the 1930s. Through these analyses, this paper reveals the following two points: (i) how the Folk Crafts Movement, as one of emerging cultural movements, saw and used department stores; and (ii) how crafts (value-added products) were consumed through department stores (patterns of “cultural” consumption in a wider sense).一部非公開情報ありdepartmental bulletin pape

    Directions in New Historical Disaster Studies Based on High Resolution Paleoclimate Data

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    application/pdf日本を含む東アジアでは,近年,樹木年輪幅の広域データベースや樹木年輪セルロースの酸素同位体比,或いは古日記の天候記録や古文書の気象災害記録などを広く用いて,過去2,000 年以上に亘って気温や降水量の変動を年単位で解明する,古気候復元の取り組みが進められている。その最新のデータ群を歴史史料や考古資料と詳細に比較することで,冷害や水害,干害といった気候災害に対して,過去の人々がどのように対応できたか(できなかったか)を,時代・地域ごとに詳細に明らかにできる可能性がある。近世・中世・古代のそれぞれの時代における,これまでの気温や降水量の復元結果からは,数十年の周期で夏の気温や降水量が大きく変動した際に,大きな飢饉や戦乱などが集中的に発生していたことが明らかとなってきた。このことは,地震や津波による災害を含めて数十年以上の間隔をおいて同じ種類の災害が再発する際に,つまり数十年間平穏な時期が続いた後に災害が起きる際に,社会の対応能力が低くなるという普遍的なメカニズムの存在を示唆する。本論ではさらに,古代から近世に至る歴史の時間・空間座標の中から,数十年以上の時間間隔をおいて大きく気候が変動した無数の事例を抽出して,気候災害の再発に際して社会の中のどのような要因が災害の被害を増幅(縮小)させたのかについて,普遍的に明らかにするための統計学的な研究の枠組みについて提案した。こうしたアプローチは,「高分解能古気候データからスタートする歴史研究」において初めて可能になる方法論であり,伝統的な歴史学・考古学の方法論を補強できる,新しい歴史研究の可能性を拓くものになるかもしれない。災害への社会の対応力を規定する要因が何であるのかは,現時点では結論は下せないが,中世や近世の事例は,特に「流通経済と地域社会の関係のあり方」が飢饉や戦乱の有無に深く影響することを示唆しており,関連するデータの収集が急がれる。Past changes in temperature and precipitation during last two millennia are now being reconstructed in Japan and East Asia at annual time resolution using various paleoclimate proxies such as tree rings, including large scale database of tree ring width and tree-ring cellulose oxygen isotope ratios, and literature records, covering diary weather descriptions and documentary climate disaster reports. By comparing those high resolution paleoclimate datasets with historical and archaeological evidences, it might be possible to elucidate how people in local societies of past periods reacted to climate disasters due to cold summer, severe flood or drought in detail. So far, reconstructed variations in summer temperature and precipitation during early modern, medieval and ancient ages have clarified apparent coincidences that multi-decadal variations in summer temperature and precipitation often underlain many large famines and/or warfare at the corresponding periods. This fact implies a universal mechanism that societies cannot successfully react to disasters, including earthquake and tsunami, which reoccurs after long pausing periods, more than multi-decades. In this paper, I proposed a statistical research strategy to elucidate what kinds of societal properties enhanced (reduced) people's damages owing to the disasters by extracting and analyzing of numerous historical examples on multi-decadal or longer time intervals of large climate changes and their societal consequences. This statistical approach to historical researches starting from high resolution paleoclimate data may develop a new possibility to strengthen traditional historical and archaeological methodologies. Although I cannot conclude now about the important factors determining degree of people's damages by the disasters, medieval and early modern examples suggest that relationships between distribution economy and local societies might have played key roles.departmental bulletin pape

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