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Changes of Recognition about Archaeology in Kunio Yanagita
Get PDFapplication/pdf柳田國男著作中の考古学に関する箇所の集成をもとに、柳田の考古学に対する考え方の変遷を、五つの画期に整理した。
画期（一）（一八九五〜）：日本社会の歴史への広い関心から考古学・人類学に参与し、山人や塚等、村落とその境界の問題を探求する。土器・石器や古墳の偏重に反発して次第に考古学から離れ、『郷土研究』誌上で独自の歴史研究を行う。
画期（二）（一九一七〜）：南洋研究や渡欧を通じて人類学の動向を知り、日本での国際水準の人類学創設を図る。出土人骨研究の独走や「有史以前」ブームを批判し、人類学内での人文系・自然科学系の提携、近現代に及ぶ「有史以外」究明の為の考古学との協力を模索する。
画期（三）（一九二九〜）：人類学の総合を留保し、一国民俗学確立に傾注する中、考古学の発展を認め、考古学との対照によって、現代の文化複合の比較から民族の文化の変遷過程を抽出する方法論を確立する。戦時下、各植民地の民俗学の提携を唱えるも、考古遺物の分布等から民族間の歴史的連続を安易に想起する傾向を排し、各民族単位の内面生活に即した固有文化の究明を説く。
画期（四）（一九四六〜）：敗戦原因を解明し、批判力のある国民を創るべく、近現代重視の歴史教育構築に尽力する。登呂遺跡ブームが中世以降の地域史への関心を逸らすことを警戒し、身近な物質文化の変遷から社会分析の基礎を養う教育課程を構想するも挫折する。
画期（五）（一九五二〜）：自身の学問の挽回を賭け、島の社会環境や大陸の貨幣経済を踏まえた移住動機の総合的モデルに基づき、稲作を核とする集団が、琉球経由で海路日本列島へ渡来したとの説を掲げて、弥生時代の朝鮮半島からの稲作伝来という考古学の通説と対決する。しかし考古学側の知見に十分な反証を出せず、議論は閉塞する。
柳田は、生涯に亘って考古学を意識し、批判的に参照する中で、研究の方向を模索した。考古学は、柳田の思想の全貌を照射する対立軸といえる。We researched in changes of concept to archaeology in Kunio Yanagita (柳田國男) according to the parts related to archaeology in his writings, and divided them into five stages.
Stage(1)(1895～): He was widely interested in the history of Japanese society and directly participated in archaeology and anthropology. He focused on the history of villages and their boundary. He opposed to the overemphasis of pottery, stone tools and ancient tomb, and gradually parted from archaeology. He expanded his own studies in the “Regional Research (郷土研究)” magazine.
Stage(2)(1917～): Through study about South Sea Islands and visit to Western countries, he knew the international trend of anthropology, and tried to establish anthropology of international standards in Japan. He criticized study of unearthed human bones running alone in academic society and the boom of talking about “prehistoric” in general public in Japan, to seek the alliance between humanities and natural science inside of Japanese anthropology, and cooperation with archaeology for the study about “outside of (literature) history”.
Stage(3)(1929～): Interrupting the organization of anthropology, he concentrated on the establishment of “national folklore”. He recognized the development of archaeology, and by comparing with archaeology, he established the methodology to extract the transition process of national culture from the comparison of modern cultural complex. During wartime, he advocated the cooperation of folklore in each Japanese colonies, but objected to imagining historical continuity between ethnic groups because of the phenomenon like distribution of archaeological remains. He tried to reveal a unique culture of each ethnic groups based on their own inner life.
Stage(4)(1946～): To clarify the cause of the defeat, and to create a people comprising criticism ability, he dedicated to build the history education emphasized afterwards of early modern period. Against to the boom of Toro (登呂) site excavation, which reduce interests in regional histories since the middle ages, he drew up a curriculum to cultivate the foundation of social analytical skills from the transition of the familiar material culture, but ended in failure.
Stage(5)(1952～): Betting the recovery of his study, he constructed a comprehensive model of immigration motive based on the social environment of islands and the money economy of continent nation, and hypothesized that the ancestor of Japanese was the rice population who came to Japan by sea via Ryukyu islands, against to the commonly accepted theory on Japanese archaeology that rice was handed down from Korean peninsula in Yayoi period. But he could not produce enough counterevidence to archaeology.
Now we can understand that Kunio Yanagita sought direction of his study in reference to archaeology throughout his life.departmental bulletin pape
The Landscape and Urban Functions in the GRAND MAP OF SAKAI Dated 1689
Get PDFapplication/pdf戦国期から近世前期にかけて輝かしい歴史の舞台として知られる堺環濠都市（大阪府堺市堺区）は，江戸幕府開幕当初，直轄地として堺奉行も置かれ，1615年に全焼の被害を蒙った後，その一部は今にも続く環濠が江戸幕府によって穿たれつつ，その内部も新たに区画され直したと考えられる。
大坂から南方，和歌山を目指す紀州街道をほぼ南北の軸線とし，それに直交し，摂津国と和泉国との国境にもなっている大小路が東西に走る。
国立歴史民俗博物館に所蔵されている元禄2年（1689）『堺大絵図』の特徴は，土地所有の1筆レベルで示している点にあり，本絵図が描く状況を現状と比較すれば，一部に大幅な改変が施されてはいるが，その基本としては踏襲されている。本稿では本絵図により明治期以降の変遷を含め，1筆レベルで検討できる点を生かし，元禄『堺大絵図』に示されている堺の都市構造は，江戸幕府が堺に込めた総意の表現と考えて，その解読を試みるという課題に特に注目して，分析のメスを入れた。
さらに，堺が位置する大阪湾は，17世紀になると，江戸幕府の肝いりで大坂が天下の台所として整備されたのみならず，18世紀初頭に大和川が西に一気に流れるよう，付け替えられた。この影響で，堺のすぐ北に流れ出す土砂量が増え，堺港の周辺が浅瀬になるなど，船の航行＝商品流通上，大きな影響を受けた。そのような動きの中で堺を位置づけようと試みた。The Grand Map of Sakai dated 1689 held by the National Museum of Japanese History records land ownership details for the late seventeenth century. After the city of Sakai was completely destroyed by fire during the summer siege of Osaka in 1615, a portion of the encircling moat remaining today was dug out by the Shogunate, and the area inside the moat (Sakai-ku, Sakai City, Osaka Prefecture) is believed to have been laid out anew. Comparing the information included in the map with historical sites in Sakai within the moat, it is clear that the location of the Kishū Kaidō road that functioned as an axis crossing Sakai from north to south, with the Ōshū-ji road running east-west along the borders of Settsu and Izumi Provinces intersecting at right angles, basically follows the original plan. Therefore, this is a significant map which has the possibility of permitting a recreation of the land distribution of the Genroku era. The scale of this map is 1/325.
Archaeological excavation is extremely important as an approach to reconstructing the structure of the medieval city lying hidden underground. The findings of excavations shedding light on the structure of the medieval city lying deeply buried have not been sufficient. The present map accurately reflecting the early Edo period city is evaluated as an important graphic resource.
A photographic reproduction has been published, and although research is advancing in such fields as pre-modern history and architectural history, the 1977 publication is dated and has the drawbacks of being overly large and the details difficult to read. It is anticipated that recent advances in graphics processing will overcome these drawbacks. Through preparing digital imagery of the map, archaeological data and detailed examinations of locations related to that can be made, aiming at a basis for cooperation between archaeology and historical geography, historical documents, and architectural history.
The Yamato River flowing through the Kawachi Plain towards the east of Osaka Castle flowed north, but was altered to flow west in the early eighteenth century. Due to that, the volume of silt deposited in the sea directly north of Sakai increased, and the perimeter of Sakai Bay became shallower, and these came to have a major impact on the flow of goods.departmental bulletin pape
The Development of the Japanese Children's Mission into a Mass Campaign and Its Political Exploitation : Manchukuo and the Role of Boys and Girls
Get PDFapplication/pdf昭和七年三月の満州国建国宣言から同年九月の満州国承認までの、排外熱が一段落した時期に、日本国内で唱えられたのがアジアの融和と平和であった。そこで大きな役割を果たしたのが子供である。
子供による日満親善交流を日満両政府や関東軍は、満州侵略の正当性を大衆に宣伝するための効果的なイベントとして認めていた。さらに日本から行状のよくない移民が多数流入した満州国では、反日感情が増幅しており、国民レベルで融和をはかる必要性もあった。そこで日満融和の名のもとに、民間教育団体である全教連と新聞社が共同で主催する日本学童使節に全面的に協力するのである。
学童使節は、文相、拓相のメッセージ持参をはじめ、首相など主要閣僚、満州国の執政、国務総理、関東軍司令官等の要人への謁見や満鉄、新聞社、立ち寄り先の国内外の都市の首長や役所、在留邦人団体などの訪問にも重点を置く。そして帰路朝鮮にも立ち寄り内鮮融和をはかるなど、日満融和を唱える日本の宣伝活動の役割を担っていた。
さらに派遣日程が、満州事変一周年と満州国承認に重なり、その関連イベントとしての要素を強め、国民的な支持を広げる。それが新聞報道を過熱させ、予想以上の相乗効果を生み出す。日本学童使節は非公式ながら、ある意味では国家的な使命を帯びた使節となり、大衆意識を国家戦略へと誘うイベントにまで成長したといえるだろう。政府や軍は、大人社会の醜さを覆い隠す子供による日満親善交流の政治的な利用価値を認めたのだ。
さらに昭和九年初頭、日本学童使節をモデルにした皇太子誕生を祝う二つの学童使節が『大毎』・『東日』と朝鮮総督府の御用新聞『京城日報』の主催で企画実行される。その方法論は、国家への帰属意識を高めるイベントへと応用され、主人公も少女から少年へと交代するのである。The Governments of Japan and Manchukuo, as well as the Kwantung Army, appreciated that friendly diplomacy between children from the two countries would be an effective way to proclaim the legitimacy of the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. There was also a need to improve public sentiment in Manchukuo, where anti-Japanese feeling was growing due to the reprehensible behavior of many of the Japanese immigrants. Therefore, the two governments greatly supported the Japanese Children's Mission.
The Children's Mission played an important role in the public relations of the Japanese Government by conveying messages from the Japanese Ministers of Education and Colonial Affairs and visiting leading figures in Manchukuo and the Kwantung Army. The Mission was also dispatched to Korea under Japanese rule for the Japanization of culture and politics there. Moreover, because it was dispatched to Manchukuo at the time Manchukuo was recognized by Japan as a country, the Mission was regarded as part of the celebration events and was more effective than expected because of this synergy. Eventually the Mission developed into a media event to swing public sentiment in favor of national strategies.
Later, as illustrated by another similar children's mission established to celebrate the birthday of the Crown Prince of Japan, this approach was further developed as a way to enhance the sense of belonging to the Japanese nation, while the boys took over the leading role from the girls.departmental bulletin pape
On Takamatsu'in and Chōken : Focusing on an Examination of the Hyōbyaku of Chōken
Get PDFapplication/pdf高松院姝子は二条天皇の后となるものの、天皇との婚姻生活はわずか四年ほどで破綻してしまう。その後は出家を遂げ、女院に列せられて高松院と称し、静かな仏道生活を営んでいると思われたが、唱導の名手として名高い澄憲との間に、密かに海恵、八条院高倉という二人の子を儲けていたことや、さらに女院の早世の原因が澄憲の子を出産したことに伴う疾患であったことなどが、角田文衛氏や田中貴子氏により明らかにされている。
これらの研究により、高松院と澄憲との密通関係は明白であるが、日記や寺院文書などに見られる断片的な記事の分析が中心であったため、これまで二人の具体的な関わりはほとんど見えてこなかった。本稿では、国立歴史民俗博物館蔵旧田中家本『転法輪鈔』や金沢文庫蔵の澄憲草の表白を中心に、高松院との関わりが見られる表白の内容を検討し、二人の関係性を捉え直した。
澄憲は、高松院の病を癒すための祈祷をしたり、美福門院のための追善供養の導師を勤めたりして、出家後の高松院の人生を導いてきた。二人の関係は、導師と施主という信仰を媒介とした積み重ねをとおして深まっていったといえる。
高松院は後半生の導き手として、十五歳年上の優れた唱導僧である澄憲を尊敬、信頼し、彼を重用した。澄憲もまた、聖天供表白に見られるように、高松院に対して導師という立場以上の感情を抱いて接し、女院の死後も懇ろな追善供養を営んで、女院とのつながりを保ち続けていたのである。
澄憲の表白は公や他者のために作成したものが大半を占め、それらからは澄憲の教養や巧みな表現力、教説や信仰などを読み取ることができるが、澄憲の心情や内面を示すものは数少ない。そういった意味でも、高松院との関係性の中で自身の率直な心情を述べて祈願した天供の表白は大変貴重であり、今後の澄憲研究にとって有用な資料となり得ることを指摘した。Takamatsu'in Shushi was the empress of Emperor Nijō, but their married life together lasted a mere four years. Thereafter, she took the tonsure and was elevated to the ranks of the nyoin (retired empresses) and came to be called Takamatsu'in. She was thought to have spent a serene life in Buddhist practice, but, as Tsunoda Bun'ei and Tanaka Takako have made clear, she secretly had two children (one, Kaie was to become an important monk at Ninnaji and the other Takakura became a lady-in-waiting for Hachijō'in) with the famed Buddhist preacher Chōken, and her early death was the result of giving birth to Chōken's child.
Based on these studies, the sexual relationship between Takamatsu'in and Chōken has been made clear, but because this scholarship was based chiefly on analyses of fragmentary records in diaries and temple documents, the specifics of the relationship have not been clarified. In this article I chiefly examine the contents of the hyōbyaku (pronouncements read out at Buddhist services) found in the manuscript of the Tenpōrinshō in the Kyū-Tanaka-ke collection at the National Museum of Japanese History and also those composed by Chōken at Kanazawa Bunko as they reveal the relationship with Takamatsu'in and then re-evaluate relationship between the two.
Chōken offered prayers to cure the illness of Takamatsu'in and led memorial services for Bifukumon'in, her mother, thus playing a leading role in the life of Takamatsu'in. One can rightly say that the relationship between the two grew deeper through the repeated experience of being sponsor and officiating monk in these religious contexts.
In the latter part of her life, Takamatsu'in came to respect and rely on the 15-year-older Chōken, who excelled as a preacher, for guidance. Chōken, too, as can be seen in his “Shōten-gu hyōbyaku,” (Pronouncement for the offering service to Shōten), felt more for Takamatsu'in than would be expected of an officiating monk. After her death, he attentively led memorial services and thus maintained his bonds with the nyoin.
The majority of Chōken's hyōbyaku were composed for the court or others, and while one can discern Chōken's cultivation, the eloquence of his preaching, and faith in these efforts, those that reveal his true feelings and inner thoughts are few in number. In this sense also, the hyōbyaku for the Shōten offering service in which he states forthrightly his own feelings regarding his relationship with Takamatsu'in is extremely valuable, and is indicative of the potential of hyōbyaku as useful sources in future studies of Chōken.departmental bulletin pape
Chronological Study of Susuya Type Pottery : In Relation to “Karafuto Kikō” by Kunio Yanagita
Get PDFapplication/pdf柳田國男が一九〇六年の樺太紀行にて足跡を残した「ソロイヨフカ」の遺跡とは、南貝塚（別名、ソロイヨフカ遺跡）であり、この遺跡はその近隣にある鈴谷貝塚と共に、サハリンの考古学研究史上最も著名な遺跡の一つになっている。これらの遺跡の出土資料を標式として設定された「南貝塚式土器」と「鈴谷式土器」のうち、本論では後者の鈴谷式土器を対象として年代に関する再検討をおこなった。鈴谷式土器は、時代的には続縄文文化とオホーツク文化の、分布や系統の上では北海道とアムール河口域の狭間にあって、これら両者の関係性を解明する上で重要な資料であると考えられてきたが、特にその上限年代が不明確なこともあって年代や系統上の位置づけが定まっていなかった。本論でおこなった放射性炭素年代の測定と既存の測定年代値の再検討の結果、鈴谷式土器の年代はサハリンでは紀元前四世紀〜紀元六世紀頃、北海道では紀元一世紀〜紀元六世紀頃と判断された。この年代に従って解釈すると、鈴谷式土器はサハリンにおいて先に成立し、しばらく継続した後に北海道に影響を及ぼしたことになる。この結論を従来の型式編年案と対比させるならば、以下の点が検討課題として浮上してこよう。すなわち、サハリン北部での最近の調査成果に基づいて提唱されたカシカレバグシ文化、ピリトゥン文化、ナビリ文化といったサハリン北部の諸文化や、アムール河口域と関連の強いバリシャヤブフタ式系統の土器は、古い段階の鈴谷式土器と年代的に近接することになるため、これら北方の諸型式と鈴谷式土器の型式交渉を具体的に検討することが必要となる。また従来の型式編年案では、古い段階の鈴谷式土器は北海道にも分布すると考えられているため、その点の見直しも必要となる。鈴谷式土器を含む続縄文土器や、サハリンの古金属器時代の土器の編年研究においては、今後、これらの問題の解明が急務となろう。The archaeological site of Solov'evka, which Kunio Yanagita visited on his trip to Sakhalin in 1906, corresponds to the Minami shell mound (also known as the Solov'evka site). This site, along with the Susuya shell mound in the vicinity, is considered one of the most important sites in Sakhalin archaeology. Objects unearthed from these sites are referred to as standard artifacts to distinguish Minami kaizuka type pottery from Susuya type pottery. Among them, the latter is examined in this paper to reassess its age. Dated between the Epi-jōmon culture and the Okhotsk culture and distributed in areas/cultural groups between Hokkaidō and the Lower Amur River basin, Susuya type pottery has been considered to provide an important clue in revealing the relationships between them. Nevertheless, its chronological and typological categories have not been fixed yet, partly because the upper limit of the age range is unknown. The results of radiocarbon dating and the reassessment of existing dating evidence in this study indicate that Susuya type pottery is dated to between the fourth century B.C. and the sixth century A.D. in Sakhalin and to between the first and sixth century A.D. in Hokkaidō. In the light of these results, this paper suggests that Susuya type pottery was first established in Sakhalin and later made an impact on the pottery of Hokkaidō. In view of the conventional chronology of pottery types, this assumption raises the following issues. First of all, because the pottery of Northern Sakhalin cultures, such as the Kashkalebagshch, Pil'tun, and Nabil' cultures whose existence was suggested by recent studies of Northern Sakhalin, as well as Bol'ishaya Bukhta type pottery which was closely related to cultures in the Lower Amur River basin, are chronologically close to early Susuya type pottery, it is essential to examine the detailed typological relationships between Susuya and these types of northern pottery. Moreover, it is necessary to review the conventional chronology of pottery types because it still suggests that early Susuya type pottery was distributed in Hokkaidō as well. These issues must be clarified as soon as possible to facilitate chronological studies of Susuya and other types of Epi-jōmon culture pottery as well as the pottery of the Paleometal Age in Sakhalin.departmental bulletin pape
Kunio Yanagita's Archaeological Interest of Tono-Monogatari (The Legends of Tono)
Get PDFapplication/pdf柳田國男の記念碑的著作『遠野物語』の一一二話に考古学的な記述があることは、これまであまり注目されてこなかった。本稿はこの『遠野物語』一一二話の成立過程とその背景を明らかにすることで、柳田國男の考古学的関心について考察するものである。
『遠野物語』の成立に最も深く関与しているのは、話者である佐々木喜善の語りである。本稿では、一一二話に何が記されているのかを紐解いた後、佐々木の語りの原形を探るため、彼が少年時代に採集した考古遺物のリストである『古考古物號記』を読み解いた。そこには、佐々木が主に地元で採集した遺物の地点やその形状などが記されていて、一一二話の内容と大まかに一致する。また佐々木が後年著した「地震の揺らないと謂う所」にも考古学的記述があり、佐々木が柳田に一一二話の元になる話を語った意図を見出すことができた。
このように佐々木の語りの原形を明らかにしていくことで、佐々木の語りの意図は必ずしも『遠野物語』一一二話に反映されていなかったことが見えて来た。このズレを生んだのは、柳田の意図が介在したためである。柳田の意図はどこにあるのか、佐々木に聞き書きを行っていた頃に柳田によって著された「天狗の話」や「山民の生活」に、その答えを見出すことができた。柳田は鎌倉時代頃まで少なくとも東北地方には先住民にあたる「蝦夷」と「日本人」は隣接する地域に併存していたという先住民観を持っていた。そうした考え方が『遠野物語』一一二話に色濃く顕れていることが、これらの文献を比較することで明らかとなった。本稿の検討から、柳田の考古学的関心は、日本人と先住民の関係を探るために寄せられていたことがより明白となった。It has not been paid attention very much to an archaeological description of the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari which is known as Kunio Yanagita's monumental work. This report considers Kunio Yanagita's archaeological interest through clarifying the writing process and the background of the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari.
The talk of Kizen Sasaki, a narrator of legends and stories, deeply participates in the process of writing Tono-monogatari the most. After understanding what was written in the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari, I read Kokoukobutsu-gouki (The description of archaeological artifacts Kizen Sasaki collected in his childhood) carefully to investigate an original form of his talk. In Kokoukobutsu-gouki, there were descriptions of collected-sites and shapes of archaeological artifacts he studied mainly in his local area, and it corresponds with contents of the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari roughly. In addition, there was an archaeological description in Jishin-no-yuranai-to-iutokoro (The place to be told that the earthquake never occur) written by Kizen Sasaki in his after years, and I was able to find the Kizen Sasaki's intention of telling the original form of the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari to Kunio Yanagita.
Through this revealing process of Kizen Sasaki's original form of his story, I found that his intention had not been seemed to be reflected perfectly in the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari written by Kunio Yanagita. Kunio Yanagita's intension occurred this gap. What was Kunio Yanagita's intension? I was able to find an answer in Tengu-no-hanashi (The story of the long-nosed goblin) and Sanmin-no-seikatsu (The life of the citizen living in mountain areas) which were written by Kunio Yanagita when he was writing Tono-monogatari by listening from Kizen Sasaki. Kunio Yanagita had an understanding of that “Emishi as indigenous people” and “The Japanese” were coexisting in an adjacent area at least in northeastern Japan until the Kamakura period. Comparing to these above documents, it was revealed that Kunio Yanagita's thought for indigenous people had been appearing strongly in the Episode 112 in Tono-monogatari. Through examination of this report, it became more obvious that Kunio Yanagita's archaeological interest took a great interest in to investigate the relations between “Emishi as indigenous people” and “The Japanese”.departmental bulletin pape
A Study of Ritual Sake as Seen in the Teetotal Movements and the Alcohol Prohibition Bill in Modern Japan
Get PDFapplication/pdf本研究では、近代日本の禁酒運動において、酒を用いる儀礼が案外大きな障壁となっていたことを明らかにし、その理由について考察していった。もともと飲酒のような道徳や生活習慣、教育に関わるようなことを法律で規制する機運が高まっていったのは、アメリカの影響による。
だが、道徳や生活習慣を法律で規制しようとした場合には、その範囲や取り締まりの可否が問題となる。そして、未成年者飲酒禁止法案が一九〇一年に初めて提出されてから二一年間にわたって何度も否決され続けたのも、基本的にはその点が問題になっていたからである。議員や官僚たちには、法律にする以上はそれで社会を取り締まれなければならないという前提条件があったため、範囲や基準が曖昧にならざるを得ない道徳や生活習慣に関わることを具体的にどの程度まで取り締まるのかといったことが議論の中心になっていった。
その中で、儀礼に用いる酒まで取り締まるか否かという点については、本音では日本を酒のない国にしたい禁酒派と、伝統的な慣習にまで法律で介入することや、儀礼に用いるようなアルコール度数の低い酒まで禁酒の対象にすることへ抵抗感を抱く反禁酒派の意見が常に衝突するところであった。結果的に禁酒派が議会でそこまで厳密に取り締まるつもりはないと発言し、そこに反禁酒派の失言が重なって、未成年者飲酒禁止法は制定された。しかし、一方で禁酒派は日本をさらに無酒国へと近づけたいという意思を、禁酒の対象を二五歳にまで引き上げる改正法案を国会に提出することで示した。こうした禁酒派の道徳や生活習慣に対する介入の拡大と規制の強化は、議会で強い抵抗を受けることになった。そして、禁酒派は改正法案提出後にかえって発言力を失っていったのである。This Paper aims to reveal that rituals using sake were an unexpectedly big obstacle to the teetotal movements in modern Japan as well as provide reasons for it. Originally, a groundswell of sentiment in favor of prohibiting habits related to morality, lifestyles, and education such as drinking alcohol by law was generated due to the effects of the U.S.
However, those who tried to develop a legal system to regulate moral issues and lifestyles encountered problems of whether it would be possible to do so and what the scope should be. In fact, these were basic reasons why the Minor Drinking Prohibition Act, first submitted in 1901, was rejected repeatedly for as long as 21 years. Because legislators and bureaucrats considered that once adopted, any laws should be applied to society, their discussions mainly revolved around to what extent they should regulate moral issues and lifestyles whose scope and standards would be difficult to determine.
Especially, discussions about whether ritual sake should be prohibited or not always led to a clash of opinions between those who actually intended to make Japan a non-alcoholic country and those who hesitated to regulate traditional customs or low-alcohol ritual sake. In the end, the Minor Drinking Prohibition Act was enforced because the teetotalers agreed at the Diet to impose no such strict regulations and because the anti-teetotalers made a slip of the tongue. Later, the teetotalers expressed their real intention to eliminate as much alcohol as possible from Japan by submitting an amendment bill to raise the drinking age to 25. However, their ambition to expand and strengthen interventions into moral issues and lifestyles aroused strong opposition at the Diet. Thus, after submitting the amendment bill, the teetotalers rather lost their influence.departmental bulletin pape
