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Standardization of Farewell Ceremonies for the Deceased and the Books of Funeral Etiquette
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿は、近代以降、葬儀において告別式が中心的な儀礼として成立し、次第に地方に普及して行く様相を、作法書と葬儀記録などの関連資料を通して分析し、民俗儀礼の平準化とそれを取り巻く言説を考察することを目的としている。近代の葬制は、葬列を行い自宅と寺院、墓地などでそれぞれ儀礼を行うなど、いくつもの儀礼の連続であった。しかし、葬列が無駄なものとして認識され、都市構造の発達によって実施が困難になる中で、誕生したのが告別式であった。ただし告別式の濫觴とされる中江兆民の儀礼は、宗教儀礼を否定し葬儀の代替として行われたが、その後の告別式は焼香などの葬儀の会葬部分を分離したものに変化していった。当時は基本的に葬儀式と会葬部分の告別式は分離されていたが、昭和期の作法書では、総体として新たな形式としており、またかならずしもその認識は一様ではなかった。
戦後になると、この分離形式が正統な方式として認識される一方で、次第に一体化して行われるようになった。そして葬儀を含めて告別式を中心として捉えるようになる。一方で、都道府県別の作法書が一九八〇年代以降登場すると、告別式の記述はほぼ同一であるとととに、東京を正統な方式とし、現地では一体化したものが実施されているという、地方差として認識されるようになり、結果としてほぼ全国的に均質化した状況が呈されるようになる。ただし、地域によってはもっと多様な状況を示しているが、作法書という支配的言説によって儀礼のありようが収斂化していることが明らかになった。This paper presents a study of the standardization of folk rituals and their explanations. To be more specific, this paper analyzes how a farewell ceremony has been established as a central ritual in funeral rites and spread into the regions since the modern times by examining the books of funeral etiquette and other relevant documents. In the modern times, the funeral service consisted of a series of rituals, including making a funeral procession and holding rituals at home, the temple, and the cemetery, respectively. However, while the development of cities made it increasingly difficult to form a funeral procession, people were getting weary of it. In this context, the farewell ceremony emerged. Although it was offered as an alternative option for a funeral ceremony, later it cast off the religious rituals of funeral ceremonies (e.g. incense burning), as Chōmin Nakae, to whom the farewell ceremony was attributed, denied its religious implications. At that time, the farewell and funeral ceremonies were in principle separated, but according to a book of funeral etiquette in the Shōwa period, this was considered as a new style and interpreted in various ways.
After the Second World War, this separate style became accepted as a standard form, but an increasing number of people preferred to the integrated style. Later, the farewell ceremony including funeral rituals was defined as a central ritual. In the 1980s, books of funeral etiquette were compiled for individual prefectures. These books presented a similar description of farewell ceremonies and suggested the one prevailing in Tokyo as an orthodox style. While the integrated style was gaining increasing popularity there, people started to notice regional differences. In the end, a common style became predominant across the nation. Thus, it has been revealed that although there were some variations depending on the region, the books of funeral etiquette integrated different ritual styles into a single form.一部非公開情報ありdepartmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Further Notes on the NAORA Nobuo Collection Owned by National Museum of Japanese History
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[Research Notes] A Study of the Koken-zu of Edo
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Longing for and Creation of “Traditions” : A Case Study of Kenka Neputa in the Tsugaru Region in Aomori Prefecture
Get PDFapplication/pdf青森県津軽地方のネブタ（「ねぷた」および「ねぶた」を総称する）とは、毎年８月初旬に、木竹や紙で山車を新造して、毎夜、囃子を付けて集団で練り歩く習俗である。
現在では海外でも有名な観光行事となった。そのルーツには七夕や眠り流し、盆行事があるとされてきたが、その一方で近世から近現代まで喧嘩や口論、騒動が発生する行事でもあった。本論ではこれをケンカネプタ（喧嘩ねぷた）として分析する。
ケンカネプタは、各町の青少壮年達によるネブタ運行が、他町と遭遇して乱闘へ発展するものであるが、無軌道にみえる行為のなかには、一定の様式や儀礼的要素が伝承されてきたことが判明した。しかし近代以降、都市部ではネブタの統制が強化され、ケンカネプタの習俗は消滅したが、村落ではその一部が、投石や喧嘩囃子等で近年まで伝承されていた。
さらに都市部では、近世以来行われてきた子供たちの自主的なネブタ運行が禁止されるとともに、喧嘩防止のため、目抜き通りでの合同運行方式を導入することによって、各ネブタ組は、隊列を整えて大型化した山車を運行し、合同審査での受賞を競うことへ価値観を転換していった。近年は、山車の構造や参加者の習俗形態が急速に多様化しており、それにともなう事故が発生したため、市民からは、ネブタが「伝統」または「本来の姿」へ回帰することを訴える動きがある。
しかし本論の分析によれば、現在推奨されている審査基準や「伝統」とされる山車の形態や習俗は、近世以降の違反や騒乱から形成され、後世に定着したものであることがわかる。よって、現在の諸問題を解決するための拠り所、または行事全体の紐帯として現代の人々が希求している「本来の姿」に定型はなく、各時代ごとに変容し続けてきた存在であるといえよう。Nebuta (including both “Neputa” and “Nebuta”) is festivals held at the beginning of August every year in different parts of the Tsugaru Region in Aomori Prefecture. In these festivals, bands of participants parade newly constructed floats made of wood, bamboo, and paper at night.
Nebuta has become famous even outside of Japan, attracting many tourists. Although it originated in the Tanabata, Nemuri Nagashi, or Bon Festival, Nebuta always entailed quarrels, fights, and brawls from the early modern to the modern times. This folk custom is called “Kenka Neputa” and is analyzed in this paper.
Kenka Neputa is a brawl resulted from an encounter between floats paraded by young and adult men from different towns. Although it seemed to have been uncontrolled, it has been revealed that there were some traditional codes and ritual elements in such fights. In modern times, Kenka Neputa died out in urban areas because of stronger control of Nebuta, but some elements, such as stone throwing and fighting music, had survived up to recent years in rural areas.
In urban areas, children floats, whose origin dates back to the early modern period, were prohibited, and floats paraded down main streets were brought under joint control in order to prevent fights. As a result, Nebuta teams shifted their focus to how to win a festival-wide float competition, creating larger floats and marching in columns. In recent years, Nebuta has become increasingly diversified in the form of floats and the style of participants. As these changes have caused some accidents, a movement is growing among local people to bring Nebuta back to its “traditional” or “authentic” form.
This analysis, however, reveals that the form and style of floats valued in competitions or considered as “traditional” were created from brawls and violations and established as standards after the early modern period. Therefore, the grounds for solving current problems, or the “authentic forms” contemporary people are longing for as common standards, are not definite but subject to changes over time.departmental bulletin pape
A Study of the “Consumption” of Sacred Places and Rituals : A Contemporary Ethnographic Study of Religious Tourism with a Focus on Sēfā Utaki in Okinawa
Get PDFapplication/pdf本論文は消費の民俗学的研究の観点から、沖縄県南部に位置する斎場御嶽の観光地化、「聖性」の商品化の動態を民族誌的に論じたものである。二〇〇〇（平成一二）年に世界遺産登録されたこの御嶽は、近年急激な訪問者の増加と域内の荒廃が指摘されており、入場制限や管理強化が進んでいるが、関係主体の増加によって御嶽への意味づけや関わり方もまた錯綜している。例えば現場管理者側は琉球王国に繋がる沖縄の信仰上の中心性をこの御嶽に象徴させようとする一方、訪問者は従来の門中や地域住民、民間宗教者に加え、国内外の観光客、修学旅行客、現場管理者の言うところの「スピリチュアルな人」など、極めて多様化しており、それぞれがそれぞれの仕方で「聖」を消費する多元的な状況になっている。メディアにおける聖地表象の影響を多分に受け、非伝統的な文脈で「聖」を体験しようとする「スピリチュアルな人」という、いわゆるポスト世俗化社会を象徴するような新たなカテゴリーの出現は、従来のように「観光か信仰か」という単純な二分法では解釈できない様々な状況を引き起こす。例えばある時期以来斎場御嶽に入るには二〇〇円を支払うことが必要となり、「拝みの人」は申請に基づいて半額にする策が採られたが、新たなカテゴリーの人々をどう識別するかは現場管理者の難題であるとともに、この二〇〇円という金額が何に対する対価なのかという問いを突きつける。
古典的な枠組みにおいて消費の民俗学的研究は、伝統社会における生活必需品の交易と日常での使い方に関してもっぱら議論されてきたため、情報と産業によって欲求を喚起されるような高度消費社会的な消費実践にはほとんど未対応の分野であったと言える。しかし斎場御嶽に明らかなように、信仰・儀礼を含む既存の民俗学的対象のあらゆる領域が「商品」という形式を介して人々に経験される時代において、伝統社会から「離床」した経済現象としてこれを扱うことは、現代民俗学の重要な課題となっている。This paper presents a folklore study of consumption, focusing on Sēfā Utaki located in southern Okinawa Prefecture. This is an ethnographic analysis of the development of the sacred site as a sightseeing spot and the commercialization of holiness. Inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2000, this Utaki has attracted an increasing number of tourists. As this has caused damage to the site, protective measures are being taken, such as imposing a limit on the number of visitors and strengthening maintenance management. This increase in the number of people concerned, however, has led to the diversification of interpretations and involvements. For example, while the field administration wants to make the Utaki the central symbol of the local religion originated from the Ryūkyū Kingdom, the Utaki itself attracts diverse people, ranging from conventional visitors, such as Munchū, local community residents, and folk devotees, to overseas and domestic tourists, study tour participants, and those the field administration call “spiritual people,” and each of them consume the holiness in their own ways, creating a multi-faceted situation. In particular, the emergence of a new category of people that symbolizes the so-called post-secular society (“spiritual people” who try to get a holy experience in an untraditional context affected by mass media's depiction of sacred places) has created a complicated situation where visitors cannot be simply classified as either sightseers or religious explorers. For example, when Sēfā Utaki started to charge visitors an admission fee of 200 yen, which will be reduced by half for visitors for prayer if they request it, the field administration encountered two difficult problems: (i) how to identify those classified into the new category; and (ii) what the fee of 200 yen is actually charged for.
An ethnographic study of consumption in a classical framework has mainly focused on the trade of daily necessities and their use in daily lives in a traditional society, yet it has hardly covered the perspective of what consumption means in a high-level consumer society where consumers' desire is stirred up by information and other industries. As illustrated by the example of Sēfā Utaki, now that all the existing ethnographic subjects, including religions and rituals, are commercialized so that general people can experience them for themselves, contemporary folklorists are faced with a new important question of how to deal with these economic phenomena deviated from the traditional society.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] A Study of the Form and Internal Structure of the Merchant District in the City at the Beginning of the Early Modern Period : A Study of the Renovation of the Moated City of Sakai, Examining its Transformation from a Medieval to an Early Modern City
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[Research Notes] A Review and a Prospect of the Ethnographic Studies of Marriage : From Kunio Yanagita to Kenji Ishii
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An Approach to Aesthetic Criteria as Material for Folklore Studies : A Case Study of the Ōsato Tanabata-Odori in Ichikikushikino City, Kagoshima Prefecture
Get PDFapplication/pdf柳田國男は一九三〇年代から、特定の時代・地域の人びとにおける「良い／悪い」や「好き／嫌い」といった感性的な価値判断を「趣味」という言葉でとらえ、心意現象の一部として民俗資料に含めることを提唱していた。これを展開した千葉徳爾は、芸術・娯楽に関わる民俗資料に「審美の基準」を位置づけた。本稿は、従来の民俗学が十分に論じてこなかったこの「趣味」や「審美の基準」を、民俗芸能の具体的事例にもとづいて論じる試みである。
鹿児島県いちき串木野市大里の七夕踊りは、ナラシと呼ばれる一週間の稽古の過程において、各集落から選ばれた青年による太鼓踊りの評価が行われる。その評価が地域の人びとの関心を集め、多様な「良い踊り」に関する多様な言語表現や、流派に関する知識、技法の細部へのこだわり、踊りの特徴を継承する筋の意識などを生み出し伝えている。それらを手がかりとして、この踊りに関わる人びとにとって「良い踊り」という評価がどのように構成されているのかについて考察した。
大里七夕踊りの場合、その評価の際だった特徴は、「成長を評価する」ということである。単に知覚的（視覚的・聴覚的）に受けとられる特徴だけでなく、踊り手がどれだけ十分に各人の個性を踊りで表現し得たかが評価の観点として重視されていた。これは近代美学における審美性の理解からは外れるかもしれないが、民俗芸能として生活に即した環境で演じられる踊りの評価に、文化に内在する様々な価値が混然として含まれるのは自然なことであろう。大里七夕踊りの場合、そのような価値を形成してきた背景には、近代以降に人格の陶冶の機関として地域の生活に根付いてきた青年団（二才）によって踊りが担われてきたという歴史が強く作用していると考えられる。During the 1930s, Kunio Yanagita started to use the word “tastes” to mean the sensitivity possessed by people in specific regions and times to judge good and bad or likes and dislikes, and proposed treating them as subject of study in regard to mental phenomena. Following this idea, Tokuji Chiba treated aesthetic criteria as material for folklore studies related to art and entertainment. Since then, however, other folklorists have not paid adequate attention to tastes or aesthetic criteria. This paper examines such tastes and aesthetic criteria through a study of an example of folk performing art.
This paper deals with the Tanabata-odori performed in the Ōsato district of Ichikikushikino City in Kagoshima Prefecture. The Tanabata-odori includes a competition for young male taiko (drum) dancers, who have been selected as representatives from each community involved, in the week-long practice called narashi. The results of competition are the focus of great interest among the local population, which has resulted in the creation of various expressions to describe a “good performance,” the accumulation of knowledge about various styles, the paying of close attention to technical details, and a consciousness of a dance legacy by which the features of their dance are passed down. By examining these factors, this paper considers how the people involved evaluate what a “good performance” is.
In the case of the Ōsato Tanabata-odori, the evaluation is characterized by its focus on how dancers have grown. People value not only the perceptual (visual or auditory) characteristics of dancing but also dancers' ability to express their own personality through their performance. This may be substantially different from the common view of modern aesthetics, but in evaluating a dance performance that, as a folk art, takes place in an environment that conforms to people's lifestyles, it is quite natural to include in their entirety the various values that are inherent in the culture. In the case of the Ōsato Tanabataodori, a strong historical influence can be seen to have shaped this set of values via the role of the local youth groups (nise/seinendan). These groups, with their roots in the life of the locality, have been the educators and cultivators of local young men in modern times, and have become the custodians of the dance performance.departmental bulletin pape
The Development of Kunio Yanagita's Interest in Field Studies and the Turning Point in His Life : Focusing on His Three Archaeological Artifacts and His Life in the First Decade of the 20th Century
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では、柳田國男旧蔵考古資料のうち国内で採集したと推測される三点を対象とし、それらを採集するにいたった背景を推認し、柳田の学問的関心と相関させることを目的としたい。この三点の採集時期は一九〇〇年代（以後一九〇〇〜一〇年の範囲を示すために「〇〇年代」と記す）と思われる。〇〇年代は、『遠野物語』『石神問答』『後狩詞記』といったいわゆる柳田初期三部作をめぐる博物学的関心を深化させていった時期と位置づけられる。またあわせて大学卒業、農商務省任官、養嗣子、婚約といった人生のさまざまな転機を経験した時期でもある。対象とした採集遺物三点それぞれに貼られた注記ラベルからは、産業組合関係の全国をめぐる講演旅行の過程や早稲田大学で農政学の講義を持っていた時期での採集と読みとれる。〇〇年代は農政官僚としての仕事と同時に、『石神問答』に見られる山中共古達との三四通の書簡のやりとり、十三塚への興味関心そして樺太旅行での考古遺物の採集を行った時代の中で、この考古資料三点は捉えることができる。〇〇年代は日露戦争、日韓協約と韓国併合への道筋をたどる、日本が外交上大きなうねりの中にあった時期ではあるが、この時期柳田自身は官僚として国外、つまり日本の外側に向けた活動よりも、日本の国内、日本列島に住まう人々とその歴史を考える内側への関心を深めていったともいえる。柳田國男旧蔵考古資料は、〇〇年代当時、青壮年期の柳田が深化させていった博物学的関心の一端を垣間見ることができると評価できるのである。This paper examines the archaeological materials collected by Kunio Yanagita to deduce the context of his collecting practices and correlate them with his academic interests. In particular, the focus is on three ancient artifacts he allegedly obtained in Japan. They seem to have been added to his collection in the first decade of the 20th century (hereinafter referred to as “the '00s”). It corresponded to the time when he developed an interest in field studies while working on his early trilogy: “Tōno Monogatari (The Legends of Tōno),” “Ishigami Mondō (Dialogue on Ishigami),” and “Nochi no Karikotoba no Ki (A Record of Boar Hunting).” The '00s were also the decade when he went through various life transitions, such as graduating from university, finding employment with the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, becoming an adopted heir, and getting engaged to be married. According to the labels on these three artifacts, they came into his possession while he was on a lecture tour around Japan for the Industry Association or while he was serving as a lecturer of agro-politics at Waseda University. He seems to have collected these three archaeological materials as reference information for his research activities in the '00s. During this period, he exchanged 34 letters with Kyōko Yamanaka and others for “Ishigami Mondō,” worked on the study of the Thirteen Mounds, and collected archaeological artifacts on a trip to Sakhalin while working for the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce. Although the '00s were the time when Japan was involved in a major transformation of international relations through the Russo-Japanese War, the Japan-Korea Convention, and the annexation of Korea, Yanagita was developing an interest in domestic issues (the anthropology and history of the Japanese archipelago), rather than engaging in foreign affairs (diplomatic activities) as a government official. Thus, the archaeological materials collected by Yanagita were considered as evidence that he developed an interest in field studies as a young adult in the '00s.departmental bulletin pape