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Jomon Cultural Adaptations to the Northern Environment
Get PDFapplication/pdf縄文文化は，温暖湿潤気候と山岳地形に由来する箱庭的景観が特徴的な日本列島の環境に適応した，極東型新石器文化群のひとつである。縄文文化の担い手が分布する範囲は，寒冷地適応の限界と関係して，列島北辺域における温帯性の延長線上にある生活域にとどまる性質にあった。居住環境が必要条件を満たさない場合，縄文集団は適応困難な北方寒冷地に積極的に進出しないことが多かった。そのなかで道東北は，海産食料資源や石材資源が豊富に存在するため，縄文集団にとって占地するメリットがあった。しかし，オホーツク海沿岸では極端な気候変化が起こりやすく，温帯性の生活構造を持続させることが難しく，撤退を余儀なくされることもあった。また，温暖環境の拡大にともなって出現したサハリンや千島方面の適地に縄文集団が進出／占地した可能性はある。しかし，完新世初頭以降縄文晩期に至るまで，そうした動きは一過性であり，生活システムを転換させてまでして，新たな生態系に進出して，持続的な適応を果たしたことはなかった。気候が亜寒帯に近づけば近づくほど，縄文集団の居住要件は満たされにくくなる。つまり，日本列島北辺域に分布する亜寒帯性の生活環境は，縄文集団にとって進出するリスクが大きい地域であったと指摘することができる。The Jomon culture is one of the Far East Neolithic cultures, which adapted to the “miniature garden” world formed by the temperate humid climate and mountainous landscapes of the Japanese Archipelago. The people of the Jomon culture tended to settle in habitable areas just beyond the northern border of the temperate zone of the Japanese Archipelago due to difficulties in adapting to the cold climate. The Jomon population were not willing to expand northward into cold climate areas that were difficult to inhabit unless the living environment met their needs. Among such cold areas, the Jomon population found it worth their while to settle in northeastern Hokkaido because it was rich with marine resources and stones; however, the extreme weather conditions in the Okhotsk coast made it difficult for them to maintain the same lifestyle as in temperate areas and left many no choice but to withdraw from the area. In addition, some of the Jomon population are likely to have expanded into Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands when these areas became habitable as a result of the expansion of the temperate zone, but during the period of the early Holocene to the final Jomon they did not long term settle there as they could not change their lifestyle or adapt sustainably to the different ecosystem. The closer to the subarctic zone they got, the more difficult it became to fulfill the living needs of the Jomon population. In brief, it was extremely risky for them to expand into the subarctic zone in the northern boundary region of the Japanese Archipelago.一部非公開情報ありdepartmental bulletin pape
A Review of the Study of Population Dynamics in the Kinki and Chugoku Regions in the Jomon Period with Focus on Methodological and Theoretical Issues in the Archaeological “Ebb and Flow Diagram” Research
Get PDFapplication/pdf遺跡や竪穴住居等の遺構の少ない近畿・中国地方における縄文時代の集団動態論は，遺跡を列記していく空間軸と，土器型式ないし相対的な時期表現の目盛りからなる時間軸とで構成される，＜遺跡の消長＞と呼ばれる図表を作成しながら，個別データを解釈する形で進められてきた。50年以上前にその手法によって研究が進められたときには，定着性を帯びた定住的狩猟採集民，という前提的な認識のもとで，①遺物がわずかでも出土していればその時期の人間活動を認め，②その時期を細別型式で示し，③同一型式内でも時間差を設け得ることを認め，④全貌が知られている遺跡（群）を対象にする，といった方法的・論理的な特性がうかがえた。その後は，人間活動の質や量に対する評価基準が定まらないままに，考古資料の増加によって，遺跡の数も遺跡内での活動時期の数も増加してきている。しかし，集団が定着的なことを前提とする以上は，遺跡数が増加すれば集団の領域は狭くなり，遺物や遺構の数の少なさと相まって，必然的に，＜小規模集団が狭い領域で拡大を控えて活動していた＞という解釈に向かう。あるいは，活動時期が増加すれば，定着性の高い集団による固定的な領域の占有という認識も強化される。また，基礎データ不足のところでは，その前提の適用や典型的地域の成果援用によって，典型地域と同質な状況にあると想定されがちで，画一的な復元像が形成されやすい。このように，検証されることのない前提に縛られ，人間活動の質・量の判断基準や表現が不十分なままに資料が増加していく状況では，推論も資料操作も特定の解釈へ誘導的になり，＜小規模集団が小規模空間を固定的に保持しながら，拡大することなく継続的に活動を続けた＞という復元像が各地で画一的に生み出されていく。今後は，豊富な資料から縄文社会の多様性を読み解くための，個別事象をたゆまず精査し仮説を前提化せずに検証する方法と論理が期待される。The analysis of population dynamics in the Jomon period in the Kinki and Chugoku regions, which are sparsely dotted with archaeological sites and structural remains such as pit dwellings, has been developed based on the so-called Archaeological Diagram of Ebb and Flow, which shows the locations of archaeological sites along the spatial axis and the typology or relative chronology of pottery along the temporal axis, together with the interpretation of individual data. When archaeologists started to use this approach over five decades ago, they assumed that the regions were populated by sedentary hunter-gatherers who settled in permanent villages. This approach was characterized by the following four methodological/theoretical features, though they were not explicitly stated. First, if artefacts were found at all, they were treated as evidence of human activities at that time. Secondly, the measurement unit for such activity period was a chronological subdivision of the relative dating of pottery. Thirdly, it was accepted that even a single unit of activity period could include the time difference in activity between two sites. Fourthly, the research targeted (clusters of) archaeological sites that were revealed in their entirety. Later, as more archaeological evidence was found, the number of archaeological sites increased, and so did the total number of activity periods represented as chronological subdivisions at each site, though neither quantitative nor qualitative criteria were developed for assessing human activities. Under the assumption of sedentary populations, an increase in archaeological sites would mean ever smaller territories for individual groups; therefore, the absolute numbers of artefacts and structural remains in a site being small inevitably leads to the conclusion that small population groups were confined to small territories. Meanwhile, the increase of chronological subdivisions which are represented as activity periods reinforces the presumption that sedentary population groups occupied their fixed territories. When this presumption is applied, along with the results of studies of typical districts, the districts that lack basic data are often assumed to have been similar to typical districts, which results in the reconstruction of uniform images. Thus, when research materials increase in quantity while assumptions are left unchallenged and the quantitative and qualitative criteria for assessing and describing human activities are left underdeveloped, the data is apt to be analysed, manipulated, and interpreted uniformly. As a result, the same conclusion can be drawn for different districts: small population groups held small fixed territories and continued activities within the boundaries without expanding. Going forward, it is essential to develop methodologies and theories that can lay the foundation for examining individual cases without putting too much trust in assumptions so that the abundant archaeological data can be properly interpreted to gain insights into the diversity of the Jomon society.departmental bulletin pape
Basic Consideration of the Empress Zingu Period Diplomatic Article (Part II)
Get PDFapplication/pdf「大和朝廷の任那支配」の歴史的根拠として長い間扱われてきた『日本書紀』神功紀四十九年三月条の「加羅七国平定記事」は，百済三書の客観性と広開土王碑文への信頼性により支持されてきた。しかしながら，いずれの根拠も薄弱であることを研究史および基礎史料の再検討により明らかにした。
「百済記」における百済側の主張は，「百済本記」にしばしば回顧されているように，加羅に対して影響力を有するようになった起源伝承として記録されたものである。「百済記」由来の肖古王代の史実は，甲子（三六四）年七月以来の百済と卓淳国との交渉記事と，それに続く百済への卓淳国と倭人の来朝と斯摩（麻）宿禰＝職麻那那加比跪の遣使・報使の記載のみであり，以後にみえる百済の久弖と倭の千熊長彦の頻繁な往来についての三年分ほどの記事は造作であった。さらには，神功紀四十九年三月条にみえる倭国と百済の「盟約」を前提とした七支刀が百済から贈られた記述のみであった。金石文の年代を重視すれば，三六九年が本来の百済と倭国の通交開始年代と考えられる。一方，「百済記」由来の毗有王代の史実としては四二九年に百済の将木羅斤資が倭の沙沙奴跪とともに，卓淳国に集結して新羅・加羅を討ったこと，四四二年，倭が沙至比跪を派遣して加羅を討ったこと，百済の木羅斤資は加羅の乞師により沙至比跪らの倭兵を討ったことなどが確認される。百済が主導し倭国も参加した加羅・新羅に対する軍事行動が，加羅に対する倭国の軍事行動の起源としてわざわざ干支三運下げた神功紀に記載されたと推測される。
以上によれば，「加羅七国平定記事」は毗有王代の史実が，増幅されて『日本書紀』編者により神功紀の伝承として記載されたものと考えられ，肖古王代の己巳（三六九）年に倭王が新羅討伐の軍を出したことは否定される。The “Report on the Conquest of Seven Gaya Kingdoms” in the third lunar month of the 49th year of the reign of Empress Jingū (249) in Nihon Shoki (Chronicle of Japan) has been long regarded as historical evidence of the conquest of Mimana (also known as “Imna” according to the Korean pronunciation) by the Yamato Court, backed by the objectivity of the three books of Baekje and the credibility of the Gwanggaeto Stele text. However, a review of research history and basic historical materials indicates that they are all ill-founded.
As often mentioned in Kudara Honki (Original Records of Baekje), the statement of the Baekje Dynasty in Kudara Ki (Records of Baekje) was intended to explain how the dynasty had gained influence over Gaya. With regard to the history of Baekje in the reign of King Chogo, Kudara Ki presents only two historical facts, (1) negotiations between Baekje and Taksun starting in the seventh lunar month of 364 and (2) following visits of delegations from Yamato and Taksun to Baekje, including an envoy named Shima no Sukune (now identified as Chikuma Nagahiko), but the following description of frequent interactions between Kute, an envoy of Baekje, and Chikuma Nagahiko, an envoy of Yamato, over three years is found to be fictitious. Aside from them, a description of the seven-branched sword given to Yamato from Baekje as a token of friendship between the two states is related to the report in the third lunar month of the 49th year of the reign of Empress Jingū. However, if the Stele text is given more credence, the first official diplomatic relations between Baekje and Yamato are considered to have started in 369. With regard to the history of Baekje in the reign of King Biyu, Kudara Ki contains three historical facts: (1) Mokurakonshi, General of Baekje, formed a joint army with Sachihiko from Yamato and defeated the joint army of Silla and Gaya in Taksun in 429; (2) Yamato dispatched troops led by Sachihiko and defeated Gaya in 442; and (3) Mok Nageunja fought against Yamato's troops led by Sachihiko, in response to the request from Gaya, and defeated the opponents. It is presumed that the chronicle of Empress Jingū refers to the military action led by Baekje and participated in by Yamato to fight against Gaya and Silla as the first military mission of Yamato against Gaya by taking the trouble to assign it a date 180 years earlier than the actual time.
The above findings indicate that the “Report on the Conquest of Seven Gaya Kingdoms” was included in the chronicle of Empress Jingū by editors of Nihon Shoki by misrepresenting a historical fact in the reign of King Biyu. In other words, these findings disprove that the King of Yamato dispatched his troops to fight against Silla in 369 during the reign of King Chogo.departmental bulletin pape
Childrearing and Breastfeeding as Seen from Fatal Accidents : Focusing on Newspaper Articles and Childrearing Books
Get PDFapplication/pdf本論は『朝日新聞』，『読売新聞』の記事から，添い寝中に子どもが死亡する事故について，なぜ発生するのか，死因，住環境，授乳姿勢，死亡年齢を検証することにより，添い寝と授乳の実態と変化を明らかにした。さらに育児書の検討から添い寝がどう捉えられていたのか，適当とされる授乳期間はどの程度だったのか明らかにした。
添い寝で死亡する事故は明治期から発生しており，時代によって死因は異なった。1870～1910年代は80%以上が乳房で圧死していた。1920年代になると乳房で圧死は67%，布団と夜具での死亡事故が20%となる。1930年代には乳房での圧死が50%まで減少し，布団と夜具での死亡事故が26%となる。こうした事故は職業には関係なくあるゆる住宅地で発生していた。
1940～1960年代前半には深刻な住宅不足問題を背景に，スラムなど極めて劣悪な住環境に居住するブルーカラーの家で事故が発生した。1960年代後半にも住宅の狭小が原因による圧死事故が発生するが，高度経済成長による所得の増加による家電製品の普及とともに，タンス，学習机などの物があふれて部屋が狭小化し，そのため圧死するという事故が発生した。1970年代にはアメリカの育児法が紹介され，うつぶせによる乳児の死が問題視され，さらに死の多様化が進んだ。
18冊の育児書の検討から11冊の育児書が添い寝を否定，5冊が注意すべきこととされたこと，また添い寝中の授乳により乳房で窒息死する危険性を指摘する育児書が12冊あったことからも，添い寝の危険性を喚起する新聞記事と一致し，社会問題となっていた。
20冊の育児書の検討から，適当とされた離乳開始時期は5ヶ月頃からが3冊，10～12ヶ月が4冊，もっとも遅いのは2～3年だった。時代による離乳期の特徴は特にみられなかった。離乳時期は遅く4～5歳児への授乳，特に末子は5～6歳まで授乳するケースもあった。授乳は母親にとって休息がとれる貴重な時間であり，それが遅い離乳の要因の一つだった。
母子健康手帳では添い寝が否定されたが，現実には多くの母親は添い寝をしていた。育児における民俗知と文字知にはズレがみられる。1985年に『育児読本』が大幅改訂され，これまで否定されていた添い寝が，親子のスキンシップとして奨励されるように変化した。This research uncovered the state of and changes in cosleeping and breastfeeding by analyzingaccidental fatalities of children during cosleeping as to why it occurred, the cause of death, the livingenvironment, breastfeeding positions, and the age of death from articles of the Asahi Shimbun and theYomiuri Shimbun. It also made clear how cosleeping was viewed and what the recommended length ofbreastfeeding was by studying childrearing books.
Fatal accidents due to cosleeping have been occurring since the Meiji period, and the cause ofdeath differed according to the times. From 1870-1910, over 80% were crushing deaths at the breast.In the 1920s, crushing deaths at the breast accounted for 67%, and accidental deaths due to beddingand bedclothes accounted for 20%. Crushing deaths at the breast decreased to 50% in the 1930s, andaccidental deaths due to bedding and bedclothes accounted for 26%. Such accidents had occurredregardless of occupation, in various residential areas.
Accidents occurred in the 1940s and the first half of the 1960s in blue-collar households livingin significantly poor living environments such as slums, in the context of severe housing shortages.Crushing deaths due to cramped housing also occurred in the second half of the 1960s, however,crushing death accidents were caused by cramping of rooms due to the proliferation of householdappliances and overcrowding by things such as wardrobes and study desks which accompaniedthe increased income due to rapid economic growth. In the 1970s, American childrearing methodswere introduced and deaths of infants lying facing down was seen to be a problem, leading to furtherdiversification of deaths.
Of the 18 childrearing books studied, 11 rejected cosleeping, and 5 warned about it. The dangerof suffocation by the breast when breastfeeding while cosleeping was indicated by 12 childrearingbooks. These agree with newspaper articles warning of the dangers of cosleeping, indicating that it hadbecome a social issue.
In studying 20 childrearing books, the start of weaning deemed appropriate was around 5 monthsin three books, 10 to 12 months in four books, and the latest was 2 to 3 years. No patterns specific toyears were found for weaning periods. Late cases of weaning included breastfeeding 4-to-5-year-olds,the youngest, in particular, being breastfed until 5 to 6 years old. Breastfeeding is time precious for themother when she is able to rest, and this was one of the main causes of late weaning.
Cosleeping was rejected in the Boshi Techo (Mother and Child Health Handbook), but, inreality, many mothers practiced cosleeping. Discrepancy was observed in folk knowledge and printedknowledge regarding childrearing. A major revision of the Ikuji Dokuhon was published in 1985, andcosleeping, which had been rejected, was now recommended as physical contact between parent andchild.departmental bulletin pape
Transition of Lacquering Techniques and Social Dynamics in Medieval Japan
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では中世的漆器生産へ転換する過程を，主に食漆器（椀皿類）製作技術を中心に，社会文化史的背景をふまえながらとりあげる。平安時代後期以降，塗師や木地師などの工人も自立の道を求めて，各地で新たな漆器生産を開始する。新潟県寺前遺跡（12世紀後半～13世紀）のように，製鉄溶解炉壁や食漆器の荒型，製品，漆刷毛，漆パレットなどが出土し，荘官級在地有力者の屋敷内における，鋳物師と木地・塗師の存在が裏付けられる遺跡もある。いっぽう次第に塗師や木地師などによる分業的生産に転換していく。そうしたなかで11～12世紀にかけて材料や工程を大幅に省略し，下地に柿渋と炭粉を混ぜ，漆塗りも1層程度の簡素な「渋下地漆器」が出現する。これに加えて，蒔絵意匠を簡略化した漆絵(うるしえ)が施されるようになり，需要は急速に拡大していった。やがて15世紀には食漆器の樹種も安価な渋下地に対応して，ブナやトチノキなど多様な樹種が選択されるようになっていく。渋下地漆器の普及は土器埦の激減まねき，漆椀をベースに陶磁器や瓦器埦などの相互補完による新しい食膳様式が形成された。漆桶や漆パレットや漆採取法からも変化の様子を取り上げた。禅宗の影響による汁物・雑炊調理法の普及は，摺鉢の量産と食漆器の普及に拍車をかけた。朱（赤色）漆器は古代では身分を表示したものであったが，中世では元や明の堆朱をはじめとする唐物漆器への強い憧れに変わる。16世紀代はそれが都市の商工業者のみならず農村にまで広く普及して行く。都市の台頭や農村の自立を示す大きな画期であり，近世への躍動を感じさせる「色彩感覚の大転換」が漆器の上塗色と絵巻物からも読み解くことができる。古代後期から中世への転換期，及び中世内の画期において，食漆器製作にも大きな変化が見られ，それは社会的変化に連動することを紹介した。This article examines the transition from late ancient to medieval modes of lacquerware production, with a special focus on the production techniques of lacquered tableware (bowls and plates), by analyzing its social and cultural background. Artisans, such as lacquerers and woodturners, who wanted to be self-reliant, opened new lacquer workshops around Japan in the late Heian period. In fact, some sites, including the Teramae site (dating back to the late 12th to 13th century) in Niigata Prefecture, have yielded archaeological evidence for the existence of casters and woodturners-cum-lacquerers working at the residences of local elites of the bailiff class. The unearthed objects include iron-melting furnace walls, rough-cut bowls and plates before applying lacquer, lacquered bowls and plates, and lacquer paint brushes and palettes. Later, lacquer artisans became more specialized and divided into distinct professions, such as woodturners and lacquerers. Meanwhile, persimmon lacquer (undercoated with a mixture of persimmon tannin and carbon powder and covered with a layer of lacquer) appeared from the 11th to 12th century. It was a simpler process with fewer steps and fewer materials. In addition, the technique of lacquer painting was introduced as a simpler alternative to gold lacquering. These new techniques boosted the demand for lacquerware. In the 15th century, the variety of woods used for cheap persimmon-lacquered tableware increased to include Japanese beech and horse chestnut, which further promoted the spread of persimmon lacquerware and caused the rapid decline of pottery bowls. As a result, a new style of tableware was established with lacquered bowls as its basis and with ceramic ware and unglazed earthen bowls as complementary elements. Some significant changes were also seen in lacquer paint tools, such as buckets and palettes, and lacquer-collecting techniques. Moreover, the growing popularity of soups and rice porridge, under the influence of the Zen Buddhist Sect, spurred the mass production of mortars and the spread of lacquered tableware. Another change in medieval Japan was the meaning of red lacquerware. Although it had remained popular since ancient times, its meaning changed from a symbol of the high social status of those who owned it to a reminder of Chinese lacquerware, such as red lacquerware of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. In the 16th century, red lacquerware gained more widespread popularity, not only among artisans and merchants in urban areas but also among farmers in rural areas. This drastic change in the color symbolism seen in lacquerware and picture rolls was a milestone in the transition towards the early modern period, representing the rise of cities and the independence of rural communities. Thus, this article insists that the production of lacquered tableware changed significantly in parallel with social changes at the transitional phase from the late ancient to medieval times as well as at each milestone of the medieval period.departmental bulletin pape
Distribution and Possession of Mirrors in the Kofun Period (Part I)
Get PDFapplication/pdf古墳時代に副葬した鏡は，古墳時代社会の政治構造を究明する重要な資料の一つである。製作・入手時期と副葬時期を隔てた保有鏡が少なくないため，長期保有鏡の解釈は政治関係や社会体制の議論に大きな影響を与える。ことに，製作時期と副葬時期が隔たる中国鏡ではそれが顕著である。本論では，鏡の分配時期を認識するプロセスを整理し，中国鏡にも倭鏡にも適応が可能な，生産現象にも副葬現象とも整合する理解の構築を目指した。
先ず，古墳に副葬した中国鏡と倭鏡を対象に，鏡にみる4つの時間相を整理し，分配時期の抽出プロセスを比較検討した。分析において副葬時期のもつ意味・意義が大きいことを改めて確認し，鏡の分配は，製作・入手時期に対応した分配を主体としつつ，一部が長期にわたり分配を継続するという理解モデルを提示した。
その理解モデルを，倭鏡の創出における中国鏡の保有と，主題を共有する中国鏡と倭鏡の副葬推移の比較という，二つの視点を重ねて検証した。模倣の対象という視点から，中国鏡の入手時期・分配時期の定点が与えられることを示し，同じ主題を共有する中国鏡と倭鏡の相互関係を検討した。盤龍鏡を対象とした分析では，両者が相互に補完しつつ，長期にわたり副葬を継続したことを示した。
製作・入手時期と対応する短期分配を中心としつつも一部は保有を継続し分配に供したという，鏡分配の理解モデルを検証し，分配主体による保有の継続は，分配の継続を目的とするだけではなく，分配主体も器物を保有する「分有」の性格を帯びた分配故の，本質的なものであることを指摘した。鏡の長期分配を認めうることから，分配論に基づく政治秩序の変動を，継続性の視点から展望した。Mirrors buried as grave goods in the Kofun period are one of the most important pieces of evidence that elucidates the political structure of the Kofun society.
There was often a large time gap between the production/acquisition and burial of mirrors. Depending on the interpretation, such mirrors possessed over a long period of time may have a large impact on discussions on political relationships and social structures. The influence is even more significant in the case of Chinese mirrors as the time gap between their production and burial was very large. This article aims to establish a process to determine when mirrors were distributed and develop a simulation model applicable to both Chinese and Japanese mirrors and consistent with the time of production and burial.
First, Chinese and Japanese mirrors buried in mounds are divided into four periods of time according to the mirror-based chronology. Then, the processes of determining the time of distribution are compared to one another. This analysis reconfirms the significance of dating the burial of grave goods and suggests a simulation model in which the time of distribution is determined mainly based on the time of production/acquisition but also based on the assumption that some mirrors were distributed over a long period of time.
This simulation model is examined from two points of view: (1) the analysis of relationships between the emergence of Japanese mirrors and the possession of Chinese mirrors and (2) the comparison of transitions in Chinese and Japanese mirrors of the same style buried as grave goods. The results show that we can determine the time of acquisition and distribution of Chinese mirrors by analyzing which types of Chinese mirrors were imitated. The relationships between Chinese and Japanese mirrors of the same style are compared to one another. The analysis of curved dragon mirrors indicates that Chinese and Japanese mirrors complemented each other and were used as grave goods over a long period of time.
This study examines the simulation model based on the assumption that most mirrors were distributed just after production/acquisition but some were distributed long after production/acquisition. This article also highlights that distributors kept mirrors over a long period of time, not only because they wanted to continue distributing mirrors but also essentially because distribution was transformed into shared possession (i.e. distributors kept some mirrors while distributing the rest to others). Because it is presumed that mirrors were distributed over a long period of time, this article examines the dynamics of political order based on the distribution theory from the viewpoint of continuity.一部非公開情報ありdepartmental bulletin pape
A Study of the Ritsuryō Tax Exemption System
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿は日本古代国家の租税免除制度について、法制・実例の両面から検討することにより、律令国家の民衆支配の特質とその展開過程を明らかにすることを目指した。
律令制において租税制度を定めた篇目である賦役令の租税免除規定は、（1）身分的特権、（2）特定役務に任じられた一般人民、（3）儒教思想に基づく免除、（4）民衆の再生産維持のための免除、の四種類に分類することが可能である。こうした構造は唐賦役令のそれを継受したものであるが、（1）は律令制以前の畿内豪族層の系譜を引く五位以上集団の特権という性格を持っていたこと、（2）は主として中央政府の把握のもとに置かれた雑任を対象とし、在地首長層の力役編成に依拠した地方の末端職員は対象とならなかったことなど、唐の制度を日本固有の事情により改変している。一方（3）（4）の免除は中国古来の家父長制的支配理念や祥瑞災異思想を背景とするもので、日本の古代国家はこうした思想を民衆支配に利用するため、租税免除規定もほぼそのまま継受した。
六国史等における実際の租税免除記事を見ると、八世紀には（3）（4）の免除は即位や改元など王権側の事情、災異など民衆側の事情を契機とし、現行支配の正当性を主張するために国家主導で実施された。しかし九世紀になると、王権側の事情による租税免除は次第に頻度を減少させていくように、儒教的支配理念が民衆支配の思想としては機能しなくなる。災異の場合も王権主導の免除は減少し国司の申請による一国ごとの免除が主流になっていき、未進調庸の免除も制度的に確立するが、これは国司の部内支配強化に対応し国司を通じた地方支配体制の進展に対応するものであり、十世紀には受領に対する免除として再解釈されていた。ただし天皇による恩典としての租税免除の思想は院政期まで存在しつづけたのであり、ここに古代国家の最終的帰結を見いだすことも可能であろう。This paper examines the ancient Japanese state's tax exemption system in terms of its legal and practical aspects to elucidate the characteristics and developments of the sovereignty of the Ritsuryō polity over the people.
The tax exemptions provided by the Buyaku Ryō, a taxation law under the Ritsury system, can be categorized into four types: (1) status-based privileges; (2) exemptions for general people assigned to specific positions; (3) exemptions based on Confucianism; and (4) exemptions granted to maintain the reproductive capacity of the people. Although this exemption structure was modeled after that of Tang's taxation law, some alterations were made according to the unique conditions of the Japanese Ritsuryō state. For example, the Exemptions (1) were given to those positioned in the Fifth Rank or above and descended from the clans that had dominated the Kinai Region before the Ritsuryō system was established. Moreover, the Exemptions (2) were applied only to those assigned to low-ranking official positions set under the control of the central polity and not to those assigned to low-ranking local official positions set based on the labor levy structure of provincial lords. On the other hand, the Exemptions (3) and (4) were based on the ancient Chinese concepts of patriarchal leadership and good and bad omens. In order to use these ideas to rule the people, the ancient Japanese polity set forth the almost same tax exemption provisions as those of the Chinese dynasty.
According to the descriptions of tax exemptions in the six historical compilations and other documents, the Exemptions (3) and (4) were made available when specific events happened to the polity (e.g. the enthronement of new emperors and the change of era names) and the people (e.g. disasters), respectively, in the eighth century. These exemptions were authorized by the central polity so as to claim its legitimacy. In the ninth century, however, as implied by the declining frequency of political affairs-related tax exemptions, the Confucian concept of sovereignty could no longer be used to support the legitimacy of the polity to rule the people. Likewise, disaster-related exemptions were less frequently issued by the central polity. Rather, it became more common for them to be granted to individual provinces based on application from provincial governors. Moreover, an exemption scheme was introduced for unpaid craft produce and corvée labor taxes in response to the strengthened rule of provincial governors over their jurisdictions and the institutional development of local administration through provincial governors. In the 10th century, this exemption was reinterpreted as a privilege for top-ranking provincial governors. Meanwhile, the idea that tax exemptions were privileges given by the emperor lasted until the Insei Period. This may be interpreted as the final result of the ancient state.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Materials] Historical Document Research ; Over-Written Manuscript of "Kanenaka Kyouki" 1288, July and August Scroll
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