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[Research Materials] An Introduction to the Photographs of “Aomori Nebuta Festival” by HAGIWARA Hidesaburō
Get PDFapplication/pdfdepartmental bulletin pape
An Analysis of the Background of Japanese-style Tombs Built in the Southwestern Korean Peninsula in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries (Part IV)
Get PDFapplication/pdf近年，朝鮮半島西南部で5，6世紀に倭の墓制を総体的に採用した「倭系古墳」が築かれた状況が明らかになりつつある。本稿では，大きく5世紀前半に朝鮮半島の西・南海岸地域に造営された「倭系古墳」，5世紀後葉から6世紀前半頃に造営された栄山江流域の前方後円墳の造営背景について検討した。
5世紀前半頃に造営された西・南海岸地域の「倭系古墳」を構成する諸属性を検討すると，臨海性が高く，北部九州地域における中小古墳の墓制を総体的に採用している。よって，その被葬者はあまり在地化はせずに異質な存在として葬られたと考えられ，倭の対百済，栄山江流域の交渉を実質的に担った倭系渡来人として評価できる。そして，西・南海岸地域の在地系の古墳には，多様な系譜の副葬品が認められることから，海上交通を基盤とした地域集団の存在がうかがえる。倭と百済，または栄山江流域との交渉は，このような交渉経路沿いの要衝地に点在する地域集団の深い関与のもとで，積み重ねられていたと考えられる。
5世紀後葉から6世紀前半頃，栄山江流域に造営された前方後円墳と，在地系の高塚古墳には，古墳の諸属性において共通性と差異性が認められる。これまで両者の関係は排他的もしくは対立的と把握される場合が多かったが，いずれの造営集団も，様々な交通路を利用した「地域ネットワーク」に参画し，倭や百済からの新来の墓制を受容していたという点において，併存的と評価すべきである。したがって，前方後円墳か在地系の高塚古墳かという違いは，諸地域集団の立場からみれば，新来の墓制に対する主体的な取捨選択の結果，ひいては百済中央や倭系渡来人集団との関わり合い方の違いの結果と評価できる。
このような意味合いにおいて，その被葬者は基本的には百済や倭と緊密な関係を有した栄山江流域の諸地域集団の首長層と考えられる。ただし，倭や百済との活発な交渉，そこから渡来した集団の一部が定着した可能性も考慮すれば，その首長層に百済，倭に出自を有する人々が含まれていた可能性もまた，考慮しておく必要はある。In the southwestern Korean Peninsula, some tombs were built based on the burial practices of Yamato in the fifth and sixth centuries. While recent studies are elucidating the background of these Japanese-style tombs, this article broadly examines the background of Japanese-style tombs built in the southern and western coastal areas of the Korean Peninsula in the early fifth century and keyhole tombs built in the Yeongsan River Basin in the late fifth and early sixth centuries.
Japanese-style tombs built in the southern and western coastal areas of the Korean Peninsula in the early fifth century were characterized by their nearness to the sea and their burial practices informed by those of small and medium-sized tombs in the northern Kyūshū region. These characteristics imply that the occupants of Japanese-style tombs had not assimilated into the local culture and were buried as foreigners. They seem to have been Japanese immigrants who played a substantial role in negotiations between Yamato and Baekje or other kingdoms in the Yeongsan River Basin. Moreover, the diversity in grave goods unearthed from local-style tombs in the southern and western coastal areas indicates the existence of local clans thriving with marine trades. The active engagement of such local clans based in major hubs along trade routes seems to have strengthened diplomatic relations between Yamato and Baekje or other kingdoms in the Yeongsan River Basin.
Keyhole tombs and local-style burial mounds built in the Yeongsan River Basin in the late fifth and early sixth centuries have similarities and differences in their burial practices. Although most previous studies suggested that they had been exclusive or opposed to each other, the fact that all of the clans that built these tumuli participated in a regional network of various trade routes and accepted new burial practices from Yamato and Baekje implies that these two styles of tumuli coexisted without excluding each other. From the perspective of local clans themselves, the selection between keyhole tombs and local-style burial mounds was a mere result of their decisions on what new burial practices to adopt and what relations to build with the central government of Baekje and Japanese immigrants.
In this sense, Japanese-style tombs in the Yeongsan River Basin are principally attributed to chiefs of local clans who had close relationships with Baekje and Yamato. Given that these local clans interacted so actively with Baekje and Yamato and that some of immigrants may have settled in the basin, it is also worth considering the possibility that some of the chiefs interred in Japanese-style tombs originally came from Baekje or Yamato.departmental bulletin pape
Regional Variation of Jomon People as Viewed from Cranial Metrics
Get PDFapplication/pdf縄文人の地域性を探ることによって，その成立過程を探ることは可能だろうか。日本列島はその地史的環境から，ヒトの移住ルートが限られる。したがって，縄文人の成立過程を，その初期集団の日本列島各地への拡散と，外部からの（仮想的な）移住集団の影響によると考えると，その結果が縄文人の地域性に現れると考えることができる。この論考では，縄文人頭骨の計測値をもちいて，日本列島の縄文地域集団の変異を分析した。その結果，縄文人頭骨の形質には，北から南への地理的勾配があること，それぞれの縄文地域集団の形成には異なった背景があることが示唆された。さらに大胆に解釈すると，縄文人の形成の中心は西日本（中国，九州）にはなさそうだということ，九州縄文人は孤立した集団史により形成された可能性があること，北海道縄文人は比較的長い集団形成の歴史をもつかあるいは形成期に外部集団からの影響があった可能性が示唆された。Phenotypic variation of Jomon population can be interpreted in terms of formation of its population structure. Because the population structure is an outcome of the population history, regional variation can reflect the formation process of the Jomon population by considering it as the mixture of expansion of an initial population with the extrinsic influence of hypothetical immigrants. This paper analyzes the regional variation of Jomon population using craniometric data. Results indicate that the Jomon skulls exhibit geographical cline along the Japanese archipelago, and that each region possesses different population histories with their local backgrounds. The following speculation can be made with caution, the process of Jomon formation seemed to be centered out of West Japan (Chugoku nor Kyushu regions), Kyushu Jomon could have a small-sized and isolated population history, and that of Hokkaido Jomon could have been deeply rooted or partially affected by extrinsic immigrants.departmental bulletin pape
Production Activities in Shichijō-machi and Hachijōin-chō in Medieval Kyoto : Focusing on Copperwork
Get PDFapplication/pdf京都七条町・八条院町界隈は，銅細工をはじめとした職人や商人が活動した地であることが，説話や『東寺百合文書』を主とした文書類からうかがうことができる。さらにこの地域では発掘調査がしばしばおこなわれており，鋳造関連遺物を中心に具体的な職人の姿を知ることができる。そこから浮かび上がるのは，中世日本最大の金属製品工房街である。
鋳造関連遺構が集中する地区を分けると，七条町に近い北東地区から生産が始まり，ピークを迎える14世紀には南の八条坊門小路から梅小路辺りで鏡生産が集中的におこなわれた推移がわかる。しかし14世紀半ばの戦乱によって，この地は大打撃を受けて職人たちは四散し，工房街の歴史は幕を閉じた。この約300年の間に，七条町・八条院町界隈では次々と新しい意匠の鏡が開発され，またそれを実現するための技術も向上したことが，出土した鋳型からうかがえる。全国に流通した鏡のほとんどが京都産であり，その多くがこの工房街で生産されたと考えられる。なかには中国や朝鮮半島にまでもたらされた製品もあり，それらから偽作品や模倣品も作られた。この地の技術力が，当時の東アジア世界のなかでもトップクラスであったことがわかるのである。
これらを製作した銅細工とは，東寺領院町の年貢台帳類に記載された「百姓」と呼ばれる階層である。そして，発掘調査によって明らかになったのは，通りに面した間口の狭い町屋こそが彼らの工房であり，その小規模な工房の総体が大金属製品工房街の実態であったことである。これまでに積重ねてこられた発掘調査成果に加え，文献資料を併せて用いることで，中世日本の技術力を支えた職人の姿を追う。According to historical narratives and written sources, such as Tōji Hyakugō Monjo (medieval documents preserved at Tōji Temple), Shichijō-machi and Hachijōin-chō in Kyoto were once home to merchants and artisans of copperwork and other crafts. In these districts, excavations have been frequently made, yielding concrete findings on artisans. In particular, many casting artifacts have been unearthed, which indicates the existence of the largest metalworking community in medieval Japan.
The distribution of remains of metalworking activities shows that the production of copper mirrors started in the northeastern block near Shichijō-machi and then concentrated in the southern block between Hachijō-bōmonkōji and Umekōji Streets during its heyday in the 14th century. These areas, however, sustained massive damage due to a civil war in the mid-14th century. Artisans were scattered, and the history of the metalworking community came to an end. The molds excavated from Shichijō-machi and Hachijōin-chō indicate that artisans designed new mirrors one after another and developed techniques to make them a reality during the 300 years between the rise and fall of these districts. Most of the mirrors distributed in Japan were produced in Kyoto, and many of them are considered to have been produced in these metalworking districts. Some of the mirrors were exported to the Chinese continent and the Korean Peninsula, and they were copied and imitated there. These findings indicate that artisans in Shichijō-machi and Hachijōin-chō had the most advanced technology in the Eastern Asia at that time.
These copper artisans fell into the “hyakushō” class (the masses), according to the tax ledgers for Inchō, the estate of Tōji Temple. Archaeological findings indicate that townhouses with a narrow frontage on the street were used as workshops and that these small workshops constituted this large metalworking community. In addition to these archaeological sources collected over a long period of time, written sources are analyzed in this study to reveal the nature of the artisans who supported the technical advancement of medieval Japan.departmental bulletin pape
An Ethnographic Study of Okinawa from the Post-War Reconstruction to the Rapid Economic Growth Period : Case Studies of Communities Seized by the US Forces and Graves Rebuilt after the End of the War
Get PDFapplication/pdf戦後の米軍統治下における沖縄の高度経済成長という課題に対し，沖縄の戦後史の先行研究から改めて学び，その上で復帰前の沖縄の復興の指標として全国の自動車台数と人口の統計から自動車の普及率を比較した。米軍統治下の沖縄には，日本本土から生活物資・自動車が輸入されていたが，その資金は基地収入に依拠し，沖縄の生産力は成長せずに輸入超過の状態だった。戦後沖縄の米軍統治下における高度経済成長は，日本の高度経済成長と同時進行ではあるものの収支のバランスや生産力の面では全く異なるものだった。
民俗学からの高度経済成長の研究を進めるため，当事者たる人々自らが記録した字誌・門中誌などの資料を参照し，戦争・戦後体験の記述から当時の生活を知ることを試みた。まず軍に接収されたシマ（村落）について，返還されても帰れなかったシマ，返還後に帰れたシマ，いまだに帰れなくとも人間関係の維持に取り組んでいるシマから，人々が置かれた状況下で生活を取り戻したことを今回は土地を中心に論じた。
次に，戦後の復興期から経済成長期に門中の団体が実施した戦災後の墓の再建を分析した。それは戦前以来の祖先祭祀の再開であり，生き残った人間関係の構築であり，亡くなった戦死者の供養にもつながる事業だった。本稿では，戦後間もなくの墓の「移葬」（1952年）と「墓地修復事業」（1953年），那覇市の都市計画による墓の「移転」（1954年，1951年～55年），「遷葬」と偉人の顕彰（1955年～58年），門中有志の寄付による墓の「修復・改修」（1958年，1970年）の7事例を挙げた。祖先祭祀の中核となる墓所の再建は土木工事をともなうため門中で資金を集めることが必要であり，その実施に向けてそれぞれの事情や苦労がうかがえた。
復帰以降も今日に至るまで，門中にとって大きな事業である墓地の改修という事例は，沖縄の戦後史・現代史，そして民俗学の研究・調査にとって多くの可能性を抱く考察対象である。This paper reviews previous studies on the post-World War II history of Okinawa to examine its rapid economic growth at the time of its occupation by the US Forces and analyses its reconstruction before its reversion to Japan by using the ratio of its vehicle ownership rate (number of vehicles divided by population)to the national average as an indicator. While being occupied by the US Forces, Okinawa imported daily commodities and automobiles from the main islands of Japan. As the costs were covered by profits from military bases, the production capacity of Okinawa did not grow, leading to trade deficits. Thus, although the rapid economic growth of Okinawa under the US occupation kept pace with that of Japan, these two economies were totally different in terms of their productivity and balance of trade.
This research takes an ethnographic approach to analyze the rapid economic growth, reviewing Okinawan community and family chronicles compiled by community and family members themselves and reconstructing their lives from their descriptions of their experiences during and after the war. First, this paper discusses land-based livelihood restoration by comparing the following three types of communities seized by the US Forces: (i) those not returned after the reversion; (ii) those returned after the reversion; and (iii) those not returned but maintaining personal ties.
Then, this study analyses the graves rebuilt by family-based organizations from the post-war reconstruction to the rapid economic growth period. It was a restart of ancestor-worship rituals that had been discontinued since the start of the war, relationship building between survivors, and memorial services for the war dead. This paper uses the following seven examples as case studies: (i) the relocation of graves soon after the end of the war (1952); (ii) the graveyard reconstruction project (1953); (iii) (iv) the grave relocation projects implemented under the urban planning of Naha City (1954, 1951-1955); (v) the transfer of graves and the public honoring of great figures (1955- 1958); (vi) (vii) the grave repair and restoration projects supported by donations from families (1958, 1970). Although the rebuilding of graves was placed at the core of ancestor worship, the implementation processes were different and difficult as the engineering works required fundraising from surviving families.
Even after the reversion of Okinawa to Japan, the reconstruction of graves has remained important to Okinawan families up to the present day. This issue is open to further consideration and discussion from the viewpoint of the post-war and contemporary history of Okinawa and from an ethnographic perspective.departmental bulletin pape
Use of the Character Database for Comparison of Rekihaku A and B Versions of Folding Screens of Scenes in and around Kyoto
Get PDFapplication/pdf国立歴史民俗博物館が所蔵する二つの初期洛中洛外図屏風「歴博甲本」と「歴博乙本」について、描かれた人物すべて（甲本＝一四二六人、乙本＝一一七二人）をデータベース化する作業を終え、横断検索も可能となったため、両者のデータを定量的に比較する形で、その違いについて、特に不明な点が多かった乙本について考察を試みた。
乙本は全体的に甲本よりも簡略化されており、またひとつの場面に、場面と関わる形で特定の種類の人物を集中させる傾向が見られる。生業の種類が少ないことや、僧侶を宗派別に描かないことなど、人物に個性が乏しく、また男性の老人が全く見られないことや尼僧をほとんど描かないなど、偏りもかなり著しい。
しかし、それは単純に甲本よりも質と量が下がったことを意味するのではなく、乙本独自の観点ないし嗜好から選択が行われた結果でもある。尼僧が排除される一方で着飾った女性が目立つし、振売や農民について、野菜を扱った独自の場面が多く見られる。祭礼については、神輿が渡御する祭礼を二つ描き、内裏でも賑やかな三毬杖(さぎちよう)の場面を描いており、全体を華やかに仕立てようとする意識が見られる。
このような差は、発注者や絵師の個性でもあろうが、時代差の問題と考えられるものも多く見られる。尼僧が少ないことは、後家尼の地位が下がって、家長として表に出なくなったためと思われるし、また、兜に「変り兜」的なものが見られることや、幟旗など多様な指物が見られること、髷では「丁髷」に近い髷が多いことなども、甲本よりも時代が下がったことによる近世的な現象と見ることができよう。作品の年代観としては、乙本の年代をおよそ一五八〇年代、豊臣期ころとした従来の推定と本稿での検討結果に違和感はなく、大きな変更は必要ないと思われる。A database has been compiled of all the figures depicted in two sets of early folding screens of Scenes in and around Kyoto (Rakuchū-Rakugai-Zu) in the possession of the National Museum of Japanese History, Rekihaku A and B Versions (containing 1,426 and 1,172 persons, respectively), and prepared for federated search. Using this database, this paper makes a quantitative comparison of the two paintings to present their differences while focusing on Version B, which remains unknown in many aspects.
In general, depiction is more simplified in Version B than in Version A. Version B tends to bring certain types of people together in a scene while showing the relationship between these characters and the scene. Meanwhile, the painting as a whole lacks the variety of characters. Version B does not describe a wide variety of occupations or distinguish priests by their sects. Moreover, the selection of characters is unbalanced. It contains no old men and only a few priestesses.
However, this does not mean that Version B is of lower quality and quantity than Version A. This is merely a result of selection depending on the specific perspective and preference of the Version. While including only a few priestesses, Version B contains many women in beautiful attire as well as many unique scenes depicting vegetables handled by street venders and farmers. Version B also portrays two festivals with portable shrines carried around as well as the lively scene of Sagichō Festival held at the Imperial Court. These features imply the intention to adorn the whole scene.
These differences can be attributed to the preferences of the clients and painters but also ascribed to the difference of times. The reason why only a few priestesses are included in the picture seems to be because they lowered their profile as representatives of their families after their social status had dropped. The early-modern phenomena described in Version B, such as the emergence of decorative helmets, the wide variety of vertical flags and banners, and the spread of the chonmage knot hair style, imply that it was painted later than Version A. With regard to the date of the painting, this analysis finds no evidence against our assumption that Version B dates back to the 1580s under the rule of Toyotomi Hideyoshi.departmental bulletin pape
The Mataga Clans of Nagano-no-sho in Iwami Province : The Landscape of their Bases, their Subsistence, and their Dispute
Get PDFapplication/pdf山陰地方に広大な荘域を有する石見国長野荘では、山野河海それぞれの地形環境に応じた多様な在地領主本拠が形成されており、彼らの動向は文献史料・地域資料から追うことが可能である。しかし、三宅御土居跡をはじめとした益田荘と益田氏の研究蓄積に比べると、これまで本格的な検討がなされてこなかったフィールドであった。山陰地方の中世地域社会の具体像を明らかにする上で、長野荘の検討は必須であろう。
そこで本稿は、石見国長野荘豊田郷に本拠を定めた西遷御家人内田氏の庶流俣賀氏を事例に、文献調査・現地調査に基づきつつ、(1)系譜復元、(2)領主本拠の現地比定と本拠景観・生業環境の復原、(3)山野紛争をめぐる在地領主一族の結合形態とその秩序変容、の三点について検討を加えた。
その結果、(1)そもそも俣賀氏一族の系譜は、鎌倉期に上俣賀氏と下俣賀氏の二系統に分かれており、現地調査の結果、(2)前者では丘陵部尖端の舌状地に、後者では河川沿岸部の谷戸に領主居館を比定することができた。また後者の生業環境は、広範な山野用益権を有しつつ河川流通に関与するなど、庶流ながらも俣賀氏一族内では優越した存在だった。(3)鎌倉末期、惣領内田氏・両俣賀氏の間で三つ巴の山野紛争が断続的に勃発する。その背景には、狩倉内における、在地住人による焼畑や小村の成立という生存圧力があり、新たに発生した権益をめぐって、領主間の山野紛争が表面化したのである。この三つ巴の山野紛争は、領主間で従来貫かれてきた山野用益の共同利用という原則を放棄することとなり、狩倉の分割領有という結果を招く。つまり、山林資源の共同利用を原則として掲げる在地領主間の結合形態や一族の秩序・規範に、大きな影響を及ぼすことになったのである。
かつて筆者は、在地領主本拠の分析視角として、「生活の場」という視座を導入し、実態社会（＝「中身」）と領主支配・社会制度（＝「外皮」）とが切り結ぶ過程の重要性を述べたことがある。本稿の事例は、まさに実態社会での、山間部における権益発生という住人の活動が、かかる山野用益権を共同利用とする領主間の結合形態や秩序・規範に影響を及ぼした事例と評価できる。また、在地領主間での山野紛争勃発のメカニズムを構造的に示す好個の素材ともいえよう。そうした「生活の場」での変化が、次の南北朝内乱という未曾有の全国内乱に、いかにして結びついていくのか。こうした課題を意識しつつ、本稿は、山陰地方の石見国長野荘における個別領主研究の成果を提示するものである。Nagano-no-sho in Iwami Province covered a vast territory in the Sanin Region, and a variety of bases for rural feudal lords had been formed there as appropriate to each surrounding terrain―mountain, plain, river, or sea. Their actions can be traced from historical documents and regional resources. However, compared to research accumulated on Masuda-no-sho, which includes the Miyake Odoi Site, and the Masuda Clan, this is a field which had not been given full attention. A study of Nagano-no-sho must be an integral part of gaining a concrete image of regional society in medieval Sanin Region.
Accordingly, this report takes as a case the Mataga Clan, an offshoot of the Uchida Clan, a gokenin (vassal) who migrated west and established his base in Toyoda-go in Nagano-no-sho in Iwami Province. Through document and field investigations, this report furthers the study of the three topics of (1) reconstruction of lineage, (2) comparative identification of the location of the feudal lord base and restoration of the base's landscape and subsistence environment, and (3) the form of cohesion between the rural feudal lord families involved in the dispute over mountains and plains and the transformation of its order.
As a result, (1) the lineage of the Mataga Clan had split into the two lines of the Kamimataga Clan and the Shimomataga Clan during Kamakura Period, and as a result of the field investigation, (2) the residences of the feudal lords were comparatively identified, on a narrow strip of land at an end of a hilly area for the former, and on an eroded valley on a shore of a river for the latter. The subsistence environment for the latter was a superior one among the Mataga clans despite being an offshoot, including retaining their rights to use an extensive area of mountains and plains while participating in distribution using the river. (3) Toward the end of Kamakura Period, the heir apparent Uchida Clan and both Mataga clans were intermittently at odds in a three-sided dispute over mountains and plains. Behind this was the threat to survival, of fields being burnt and small villages being established by rural residents in Karikura, and the dispute over mountains and plains between the feudal lords rose to the surface over the rights which newly emerged. This three-sided dispute over mountains and plains resulted in abandoning the principle of shared use of the mountains and plains which had been conventionally maintained among the feudal lords and in dividing Karikura into separate possessions. In other words. this greatly affected the form of cohesion between rural feudal lords who had adopted the principle of shared use of forest resources and the order and norms of their families.
The writer has previously introduced as a viewpoint in analyzing the bases for rural feudal lords the vantage point of "the place of daily life" and presented the importance of the process in which society in its actual state (the "substance") and the rule of the feudal lord and its social system (the "veneer") cross swords. The case in this report can be pronounced as a case in which activities of residents, interests emerging in the mountains of society in its actual state, truly affected the form of cohesion between feudal lords who had shared their rights to use mountains and plains, as well as their order and norms. It is also an excellent material which structurally indicates the mechanism of how disputes arose over mountains and plains between rural feudal lords. How did such changes in "the place of daily life" lead to the civil war between the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the unprecedented nation-wide civil war? Keeping such issues in mind, this report presents research of individual feudal lords of Nagano-no-sho in Iwami Province in the Sanin Region.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activities] Bon Rituals in Northern Outskirts of Kyoto
Get PDFapplication/pdf京都北郊における盆の行事は，一族の者が8月7日前後の墓まいりの日に集まる傾向が強かった地域と，盆に集まる傾向が強かった地域が見られるなど，各地域，さらには各家庭で少しずつ異なっていた。一族の者が墓まいりの日に集まる傾向が強かったのは，かつて農村としての性格が強かった地域であり，墓まいりが田仕事の慰労会の意味を持っていたと考えられる。
精霊を接待する期間には長短が見られ，14日だけ接待して，15日早朝に精霊を送ってしまうところも多く見られる。精霊を送るのは16日でも，接待を終えるのは15日というところも見られる。16日まで接待をせずに精霊を送ってしまうのは，若嫁が実家へ「やぶ入り」あるいは「洗濯」と称して帰るのをできるだけ妨げないようにという配慮によってであった場合が見られる。
盆踊りは，京都市左京区市原野のハモハ踊り，松ヶ崎の題目踊り，北区西賀茂の六斎念仏などのように，先祖の霊を歓待し，慰め，送るために，村という共同体によって行われた行事であった。しかし戦前には盆踊りはたいてい江州音頭にあわせて踊られるようになり，踊る時期に関しては，精霊を送ってからという場合が多く見られるようになっていた。それは，盆が先祖の霊をまつるための期間であるともに，この世にいる人たちの楽しみの期間でもあったからであろう。
地蔵盆は，京都北郊では念仏講と呼ばれる講の人たちが中心となって行った行事であり，大念仏数珠繰り，ご詠歌詠唱が行われていたが，京都の町中では，戦前には子どもを楽しませる行事となっており，京都北郊では昭和30年代～昭和40年代に子ども中心の行事になっていった。
地域社会の消失・核家族化が進んだ最近では，盆の行事はかつてのにぎわいを失っている。そして現代の人は盆の行事をしようと思っても，何をしてよいのかわからなくなり，六道珍皇寺などで教えられる通りに行事を行うようになり，地域の特徴が失われつつある。departmental bulletin pape