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A Study on the Special Pedestal of the Mukogimi Series of Ancient Kibi Region in the Late Yayoi Period
Get PDFapplication/pdf吉備地方の弥生後期後半に発達した特殊器台形土器は，初期，前期，中期，後期に大別できる。そのうち，中期は西山式と上原式の西山系だけであるが，後期は宮山系，向木見系，矢藤治山系の３系列に分岐している。
向木見系は矢部南向式，西江2式，西江3式，向木見式の順に変遷する。特殊器台は，同一型式が地域をこえて出土しているが，胎土分析の結果によると，特定の地域で製作した製品が移動したのではなく，特定の地域に住む人が移動して製作したと考えるほかない。
向木見系最古の矢部南向式と矢藤治山系の矢藤治山式は，足守川地域でのみ見つかっている。矢藤治山系は，向木見式の器形に西山系の上原式の文様を施しているので，向木見式の後に成立したものである。向木見系と矢藤治山系の2系列は足守川地域で生成したのであろう。その一方，宮山系の柳坪式と宮山式は総社東部地域からのみ出土しているので，宮山系はこの地域で生成したのであろう。そして，都月系円筒埴輪の最古型式は足守川地域で見つかっているだけでなく，矢藤治山式特殊器台からの変換を型式学的に説明できるので，円筒埴輪はこの地域で生成したと考える。
特殊器台前期には楯築，同中期には鯉喰神社の大型墳丘墓がともに足守川地域に存在する。しかし，2系列に分岐した同後期には，大型墳丘墓の築造は止み，その最後に足守川地域に矢藤治山墳丘墓，総社東部地域に宮山墳丘墓が築かれている。特殊器台を祭祀的統合の象徴的器物として使っていた備中の勢力は，向木見系と宮山系が成立する前に，東と西に分裂したのであろう。
その後，宮山系特殊器台の最終型式，都月系円筒埴輪の初期型式が大和の箸墓古墳や西殿塚など超大型前方後円墳にたててあった事実は，吉備勢力の象徴とそれを祀る人を取り込んで前方後円墳が成立したことをつよく示唆している。The special pedestal pottery developed in the Kibi Region in the latter half of the Late Yayoi Period can be divided into four periods: the first-, early-, middle-, and late-period pedestals. Among them, the middle-period pedestals were grouped as the Nishiyama series, which is split into the Nishiyama and Uehara types, whereas the late-period pedestals are classified into three series: the Miyayama, Mukogimi, and Yatojiyama series
. The Mukogimi series was developed in the following order: the Yabe-Minamimukai, Nishie II, Nishie III, and Mukogimi types. Although the same types of special pedestals were excavated in different parts of the Kibi Region, the analysis of their clay indicates that they are unlikely to have been produced in and distributed from a specific site but likely to have been mode by producers moving one place to another within a specific area.
The special pedestals of Yabe-Minamimukai type (the oldest type of the Mukogimi series) and those of Yatojiyama type from the Yatojiyama series were unearthed only in the Ashimorigawa Area. The special pedestals of the Yatojiyama series are shaped in the same way of those of Mukogimi type and decorated with the pattern of Uehara type from the Nishiyama series, which indicates that this series may have been established after the Mukōgimi series. The Mukōgimi and Yatojiyama series are likely to have been created in the Ashimorigawa Area. On the other hand, the Miyayama series is considered to have been established in the eastern part of Soja Area because the special pedestals of Yanagitsubo and Miyayama types from the Miyayama series were only found there. Cylindrical haniwa sculptures are also considered to have been born in the Ashimorigawa Area because the cylindrical haniwa sculptures of the oldest type of the Totsuki series were excavated there and because they typologically originated from the special pedestals of Yatojiyama type.
Early- and middle-period special pedestals were found in the large mound burials of the Tatetsuki and the Koikui Shrine, respectively, both of which were located in the Ashimorigawa Area; however, in the late period, when special pedestals were divided into two series, large mound burials were no longer created. The last large mound burials were Yatojiyama Mound Burial in the Ashimorigawa Area and Miyayama Mound Burial in the east part of the Soja Area. The powerful clans that had used special pedestals as symbolic tools for ritual integration in Bicchu may have been split into two, one moving to the east and the other to the west, before the Mukogimi and Miyayama series were established.
As strongly indicated by the fact that special pedestals of the last type of the Miyayama series and cylindrical haniwa sculptures of the early type of the Totsuki series were later erected on extra-large keyhole tombs, such as Hashihaka Tumulus and Nishitonozuka Tumulus in the Yamato Region, the culture of keyhole tombs was established integrating the symbols of the Kibi group and those who had worshipped it.departmental bulletin pape
The Factor and Background of Characteristic of Jomon Society in Kansai District
Get PDFapplication/pdf関西地方の縄文社会の地域的特色，それを醸し出した要因や背景を問うた。議論のポイントは，〈資源の収穫期間の長さ〉と〈資源利用の方向性と強化の程度〉である。そこで，出土堅果類，打製石斧数，磨製石斧数，堅果類貯蔵量の数量的分析などを行った。
結果，東日本に比べ，遺跡出土の堅果類はより多様で，収穫期間もより長く，集約的な労働編成の必要性が低かった可能性を改めて見いだした。また，土地・森林の開発強化には消極的で，資源利用の強化の程度も低く抑えられていたことも見いだせた。関西縄文社会の集団規模は極小さく，求心的な社会構造も生まれていないが，それは資源環境が貧しいからではなく，集団の求心性よりも世帯の自律性が優先され続け，社会の階層化や財・権力の集中にブレーキをかける仕組みが保持されていたからであり，収穫期間がより長い森林資源環境が，その地域的特色の維持を支えていたと考えられる。This paper discusses the factor and background of characteristic of Jomon society in Kansai district. The points of the discussion are “Length of the harvest time”, and “Direction of the subsistence system and the degree of the reinforcement”. Therefore I analyzed the variety of nuts which were excavated, the amount of the tool, and the amount to be stored of the nut. As a result, I got the following conclusions.
In the Kansai district, harvest season is considered to be was longer, because kinds of nuts of the remains exhumation are various than East Japan. The Jomon society of the Kansai district avoided the active reinforcement of the environmental development, and they held down the degree of the reinforcement of the use of resources. The scale of the Kansai-Jomon society is very small, and never made centripetal social structure. It was not because resources environment was poor. It was because “underproduction style” was maintained. They continued to give priority to autonomy of the household, and to hold the mechanism to apply a brake to the concentration of social hierarchy and goods and power. Since forest vegetation in the Kansai region had a long harvest season, it was difficult born the need for intensive labor organization. Such a resource environment maintained the character of the Kansai Jomon society.departmental bulletin pape
Dam Construction and Community Displacement in the Late 1950s
Get PDFapplication/pdf本論文は，高度経済成長期に向かう時代，昭和30 年代初期のダム建設と水没集落の対応に一つの形があることに注目して民俗誌的分析を試みたものである。広島県の太田川上流の樽床ダム建設で水没した樽床集落（昭和31～32 年に移転）と前稿でとりあげた福島県の只見川上流の田子倉ダム建設で水没した田子倉集落（昭和31 年に移転）とは，どちらも農業を主とした集落で，移転時には民具の収集保存や村の歴史記録の刊行，移転後の故郷会の継続など，故郷とのつながりの維持志向性が特徴的であった。とくに，樽床の報徳社を作った後藤吾妻氏，田子倉の13軒の旧家筋の家々などが，村人の面倒見がよく，村の存続の危機への対応のなかで村を守る連帯の中心となっていた。村の中には貧富の差が大きかったが，富める者が貧しい者の面倒をみるという近世以来の親方百姓的な役割が村落社会でまだ活きていた可能性がある。それに対して，岩手県の湯田ダム建設で水没した集落（昭和34～35年に移転）は農家もあったが鉱山で働く人が多い流動的な集落で，代替農地の要求はなかった。さらに樽床ダムより約30年後に建設された太田川上流の温井ダムの場合には1987年に集団移転がなされたが，その際村人たちは受身的ではなく能動的に新たな生活再建を進めた。このように，移転時期による差異や定住型か移住型かという集落の差異が注目された。そして，故郷喪失という生活展開を迫られた人たちの行動を追跡してみて明らかとなったのは，土地に執着をもたず都市部に出て行った人たちの場合は新しい生活力を求めて前向きに取り組んだということ，その一方，農業で土地に執着があった人たちはその故郷を記憶と記念の中に残しその保全活用をしながら現実の新たな生活変化に前向きに取り組んでいったということである。つまり，更新と力（移住型）と記憶と力（定住型）という2つのタイプの生活力の存在を指摘できるのである。もう一つが世代交代の問題である。樽床も田子倉も湯田もダム建設による移転体験世代の経験は子供世代には引き継がれず，「親は親，子供は子供」という断絶が共通している。This paper performs an ethnographic analysis based on the assumption that there were certain patterns in the resettlement of communities displaced by dam construction in the late 1950s, just before the rapid economic growth period started in Japan. The community of Tarutoko, submerged by the Tarutoko Dam on the upper Ōta River in Hiroshima Prefecture (displaced in 1956-1957), and the community of Tagokura, submerged by the Tagokura Dam on the upper Tadami River in Fukushima Prefecture (displaced in 1956; analyzed in a previous paper), were both agriculture-oriented villages and characterized by the tendency to maintain ties with the homeland. They collected folk implements for conservation purposes and wrote the histories of their villages at the time of displacement and maintained associations of fellow villagers after resettlement. This solidarity was built around Azuma Gotō, a founder of Hōkusha of Tarutoko, and the 13 old-established families of Tagokura as they provided attentive support to their fellow villagers when the villages were on the verge of extinction. There were large disparities between the rich and poor in the villages, but a world where rich people take care of poor people, as seen in a leader-follower relationship of the early modern period, seem to have survived in those communities. On the other hand, when a fluid community inhabited not only by farmers but also by many miners was submerged by the Yuda Dam in Iwate Prefecture (displaced in 1959-1960), villagers did not ask for alternative agricultural land. After the Act on Special Measures concerning Measures Related to Water Resources Areas was established in 1973, a community displaced by the Nukui Dam on the upper Ōta River in 1987 witnessed the villagers rebuilding their lives actively rather than passively. Thus, there were differences between communities, depending on the time of displacement or the type of community (whether renewed or sedentary). An analysis of the behavior of those who needed to restore their livelihoods after they lost their hometowns reveals two different patterns of livelihood rebuilding: renewed livelihoods (renewal and capacity) and sedentary livelihoods (memories and capacity). Those who did not feel attached to land and resettled in cities explored new lives while those who had engaged in farming and felt attached to their land preserved the memories of their hometowns and rebuilt their lives while paying tribute to these memories. Another insight from the analysis is related to a change of generation. The experiences of people displaced by the Tarutoko, Tagokura, and Yuda Dams were not passed down to their children. Discontinuation between parents and children was one thing displaced communities shared in common.一部非公開情報ありdepartmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Change of Local Communities in Suburban Rural Communities : The Case of Yamato City and Environs, Kanagawa Prefecture
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Possible Social Dynamics in Central Japan in the Late Jomon Period
Get PDFapplication/pdf近年の縄文時代研究では，様々な分野で縄文時代観の見直しが指摘されている。社会についても縄文時代の後半期において，一定程度の複雑化が指摘されることが多い。しかしそうした議論は関東以東の東日本で盛んな一方で，中部日本以西の地域ではあまり見られない傾向にある。それには社会複雑化を示す指標が必要であるが，本稿では中部日本にみられる特産品の流通・消費から，中部日本の社会動態と社会複雑化を検討した。
中部日本では，東海地方でみられるような小地域ごとの特産品の存在と，小地域間での流通・消費が指摘される。さらには，黒曜石や硬玉など列島各地へと広域に流通する優位な特産品が存在する。優位な特産品の存在は，現代的な経済観からすれば，流通・交易において社会的優位な状況を想定させる。大型磨製石斧や小型石棒類など，中部日本内で流通・消費される特産品については，その原産地と考えられる北陸・岐阜県飛騨地域などが流通を掌握し，独自の意義付けなどを行っていた状況もうかがえる。一方で，より遠隔地へともたらされる黒曜石や硬玉については，その消費・出土量は東北・関東地方に主体があり，中部日本の特産品であっても他地域主導により行われていた可能性が指摘される。
このように，晩期中部日本における特産品の流通・消費には複雑かつ多様な状況がみられ，その背景となる社会自体についても，一定程度の複雑化が想定される。しかし特産品の流通は，他地域による流通網・流通原理に組み込まれていた可能性が指摘され，流通網を掌握する東北・関東地方で描出されるような社会の複雑化が，中部日本では見えにくい可能性が考えられよう。あるいは中部日本の社会自体が，主体的に複雑化していく状況ではなく，受動的あるいは従属的に複雑な社会へと傾倒し，晩期中部日本の社会自体は複雑化と呼べるような段階に至っていない状況として評価した。Recent studies on various aspects of the Jomon period have suggested new perspectives. Many have also indicated that the late Jomon society reached a certain degree of complexity. However, most of such studies have focused on Eastern Japan (areas eastward from the Kanto region), paying little attention to Central and Western Japan (areas westward from the Chubu region). Therefore, this paper examines the social dynamics and complexity of Central Japan by using the distribution and consumption of the local specialties of the region as indicators of social complexity.
In Central Japan, the local specialties of each sub-region (e.g. the Tokai sub-region) were traded and consumed locally within the region. Meanwhile, the local specialties of the region, such as obsidian and jadeite, were widely distributed around the Japanese Archipelago. From a modern economic perspective, it is presumed that such prominent products established the social dominance of the region in commerce and trade. There is also evidence implying that products traded and consumed locally within the region, such as large polished stone axes and small stone rods, seem to have enabled their production centers (presumably, the Hokuriku sub-region and the Hida sub-region in Gifu Prefecture) to dominate the commerce of the region and attach unique significance to them. On the other hand, the products distributed beyond regional boundaries, such as obsidian and jadeite, were consumed mainly in the Tohoku and Kanto regions as many have been excavated from these areas. Although they were the staples of the Chubu region, they are likely to have been traded under the control of other regions.
Thus, the distribution and consumption patterns of local specialties increased in complexity and variety in Central Japan in the late Jomon period, behind which the society itself presumably reached a certain degree of complexity. However, the local specialties of the region are likely to have been integrated into the distribution networks/systems established by the Tohoku and Kanto regions. Seemingly, society was not as complex in the Chubu region as it was in the regions that had established their dominance in trade. Otherwise, it is presumed that in Central Japan, society was developing, not independently but dependently or passively, and had not reached the level of complexity in the late Jomon period.departmental bulletin pape
Introduction and Transformation of Advanced Technology : A Case Study of Unglazed Kyoto-style Earthenware Produced in Eastern Japan at the Beginning of the Medieval Period
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では，12～13世紀に京都の影響を受けて地方で作られた，いわゆる京都系かわらけについて，成・整形技法の視点から分析を行い，京都系かわらけの東国への導入と変容について検討する。分析にあたっては，平泉・鎌倉・韮山の4遺跡，7基の井戸および井戸状遺構に廃棄された京都系かわらけを含む一括資料を対象とした。これらを遺構ごとに成・整形技法の特徴を抽出し，数量的な傾向をみることにより，共通点や差異を導き出し，京都の成・整形技法と比較を行った。
たとえば，口径の比較では，同時期の京都系かわらけであっても，地域間で最大1.5cmほど差が生じており，京都産かわらけとも必ずしも一致していない。また，京都産かわらけではみられないナデ調整の工具が使われたり，口縁部のナデ調整が逆方向に行われる例もある。
このように，それぞれの地域において京都の技法とは異なるものがみられ，また地域間にも成・整形技法の違いがあることから，東国への系統的な技術の伝播・伝承が行われていた状況を想定することはむずかしい。京都系かわらけの導入にあたっては，在地の土器製作者が見聞きした京都産かわらけの技法に学びつつも，これまでの製作方法を応用して模倣形を製作したと考えられる。This article examines unglazed earthenware produced in provincial areas in the 12th and 13th centuries by drawing inspiration from earthenware produced in Kyoto (referred to as “unglazed Kyoto-style earthenware”) from the perspective of forming and shaping techniques to analyze the introduction and transformation of unglazed Kyoto-style earthenware in eastern Japan. This analysis is conducted on collections of unglazed Kyoto-style earthenware and other objects unearthed from four sites and seven wells or their structural remains in Hiraizumi, Kamakura, and Nirayama to identify distinct forming and shaping techniques and categorize them by location. Then, these characteristics are examined from a quantitative point of view to determine similarities and differences and compared with Kyoto's forming and shaping techniques.
The results indicate that each of the regions developed some techniques different from those of Kyoto. This analysis also reveals differences in forming and shaping techniques between the regions. It is unlikely that the forming and shaping techniques were systematically transferred from Kyoto to eastern Japan when unglazed Kyoto-style earthenware was introduced to the latter. Rather, local potters seem to have adapted their own production techniques to imitate unglazed earthenware made in Kyoto while observing the techniques of Kyoto's unglazed earthenware artisans.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] About the Change of the Coins Casting Government Office Judging from Government Organization
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An Analysis of the Rise and Decline of Late Yayoi Settlements as Factors behind the Emergence of Clusters of Prominent Chiefs' Tombs in the Early Kofun Period : Why Did Mounded Tombs Appear There? (Part III)
Get PDFapplication/pdf熊本県地域における弥生時代後期から古墳時代前期の集落動向，および古墳時代前期の有力首長墓（前方後円墳）築造動向を検討した結果，弥生時代後期にきわめて優位な地域であった菊池川中流域などには有力な前期古墳は築造されず，一方，相対的に劣位であった宇土半島基部地域にきわめて有力な前期の首長墓系譜が形成されたことが明確となった。河川や平地部のありかたをみれば，宇土半島基部地域に比べて菊池川中流域は水田稲作をはじめとする農耕の生産力が圧倒的に高いと考えられるが，そうした生産性の高さが古墳時代前期における古墳の築造や集落の維持には直結していない。すなわち，少なくとも熊本県地域では，弥生時代後期の拠点的大規模集落の領有圏がそのまま古墳時代前期の有力首長墓築造の基盤にはなっていないのである。
宇土半島基部地域は，甕棺や武器形青銅器などといった北部九州地域を特徴づけるさまざまな弥生文化要素の分布南限域である。近畿地方中央部にあった中央政権は，古墳にさまざまな階層的要素をもちこみ，それによって生み出された秩序にもとづいてみずからの中心的立場を確立していくが，その地理的射程は，前方後円墳分布域を根拠にすれば，弥生時代に水田稲作が主要な生業として定着した範囲であったと考えられる。その場合，北部九州地域の主要な弥生文化がおよぶ南端域であった宇土半島基部地域は，中央政権側からみた内なる世界の最前線の位置にあたる。すなわち，外なる世界に対する内なる世界の共同性を象徴する場所としてとくに重視されたからこそ，宇土半島基部地域に大規模な前方後円墳がいちはやく築造されたと推測した。
このように従来の経済基盤を越えたところに前方後円墳の築造がなされる場合があることは，古墳が相当の政治性を帯びた存在であることを如実に示している。This article examines the rise and decline of settlements in the late Yayoi and early Kofun periods and the trend of constructing mounded tombs (keyhole tombs) for powerful chiefs in the early Kofun period in the Kumamoto area. This study finds that no prominent early tombs were built in the Kikuchi River Middle Basin, which was prosperous in the late Yayoi period, while a cluster of early tombs for prominent chiefs was formed at the root of the Uto Peninsula, which was relatively worse off in those days. Although the geographical features, such as rivers and plains, imply that farmers, especially rice producers, in the Kikuchi River Middle Basin had much higher productivity than those at the root of the Uto Peninsula, this high productivity was not directly related to the creation of mounded tombs or maintenance of settlements in the early Kofun period. In other words, the territories of large settlements serving as district centers in the late Yayoi period did not coincide with the areas where prominent chiefs' tombs were constructed in the early Kofun period, at least in the Kumamoto area.
The root of the Uto Peninsula is considered as the southern border of the Yayoi culture, whose elements, such as burial jars and bronze weapons, have characterized the northern Kyūshū region. The central government, located in the Kinai region, introduced various hierarchical elements into the tumulus system and used the order built on them to establish its position as the mainstay of the state. The geographical range of influence of the government, presumed from the distribution of keyhole tombs, is considered to have coincided with the areas where rice production was accepted as a means of livelihood in the Yayoi period. If this is the case, the root of the Uto Peninsula on the southern border of the Yayoi culture, which was dominant in the northern Kyūshū region, seems to have been regarded as the forefront of the inside world from the perspective of the central government. In other words, it is presumed that some of the first large keyhole tombs were constructed at the root of the Uto Peninsula because the central government placed a particularly high value on the area as a symbol of solidarity of the inside world (vs. the outer world).
Thus, some keyhole tombs were constructed outside the conventional economic sphere. This fact clearly indicates that tumuli were of considerable political significance.departmental bulletin pape