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The Positioning and Ideology of the Hokkaido University Struggle
Get PDFapplication/pdf1960年代後半の北海道大学の事態（北大闘争）は，戦後民主化闘争の流れと，ベトナム反戦運動や大学が抱えていた諸矛盾，さらには党派間の対立がぶつかり合うなかで生じた。本論は学内に大量に散布されたビラや当該期の学長の関係文書を中心に，学生新聞の紙面も追跡しながら，学生教職員の心情にまで踏み込んだ分析を試み，北大闘争の普遍性・個別性そして個人性の解明をめざした。
北大闘争は周回遅れの大学闘争に見えたが，戦後の大学民主化においては1947年に全国に向けて大学制度改革案を発表するなど先駆的役割を果していた。大学をあげて取り組んだ1950年のイールズ闘争も知られている。大学民主化運動は60年代後半の北大闘争の渦中でも，栄えある「革新」史として回顧された。しかし一方で，他大学と同様に反戦運動，寮自治，軍事研究などが問題化していた。こうした大学民主化の伝統と1950年代半ばから60年代半ばに蓄積された大学の諸矛盾解決の焦点として，1967年に「革新学長」が誕生する。以後，北大闘争は(1)「革新学長」を先頭とし，学生自治会や教職員組合が推し進める大学民主化路線と，(2)それに批判的で大学そのものの存在意味を問うクラス反戦連合や全共闘，新左翼の大学解体路線が対抗し，(3)その間に解放大学運動などを通じて大学の内実を大幅に変革しようとする「造反」教員が位置するという構図をとる。
北大闘争のピークは1968年ではなく1969年であり，(1)～(3)のアクターは激烈な対立を見せつつ，それぞれの内部にも複雑な構造をはらんでいく。(1)には強固な革命思想や暴力志向，(2)には反マルクス主義的傾向やロマンチシズム，(3)には敗北主義・諦念主義が見られた。
北大闘争とは，戦後民主化の系譜に立つ北大民主化運動が60年代から70年代にかけた政治情況と大学の大衆化のなかで展開しきれず，大学という存在が地域社会における絶大な知的権威にとどまることで，社会変革の主体として形成されなかった歴史である。The Hokkaido University Struggle occurred in the latter half of the 1960s amidst the outbreak of the post-war struggle for democracy, the anti-Vietnam War movement, the various conflicts that erupted in universities, and the frequent confrontations and skirmishes between party factions. This thesis aims to elucidate the universality, the individuality, and the distinctiveness of the Hokkaido University Struggle through an in-depth analysis focused on the copious quantities of flyers distributed on the campus and documents pertaining to the University President of that time, while tracking reports published in student newspapers, as well as the feelings expressed by students and staff members.
The Hokkaido University Struggle appeared to be behind the times, but in the post-war democratization of universities, this university played a pioneering role by presenting a nationwide reform plan of the university system in 1947. The 1950 protest against W.C. Eells involving the university is also well known. The movement for the democratization of universities is retrospectively seen as a glorious episode of "reform" even in the midst of the Hokkaido University Struggle in the late 1960s. However, in conditions similar to other universities, the anti-war movement, the autonomy of student dormitories, and military research became problematic. As an aspect of the democratization of universities and the focus on the resolution of the numerous university conflicts that had picked up speed from the mid-1950s to the mid-1960s, the office of the "University President of Reform" was instituted in 1967. After the establishment of this post, the Hokkaido University Struggle took the following three-pronged form: 1. The "University President of Reform" led the path to the democratization of universities supported by the students associations and the teachers' union; 2. This move was opposed by the proponents of the dissolution of universities, headed by Class Anti-War Coalitions, All-Campus Joint Struggle League, and the New Left that criticized democratization and questioned the very existence of universities; 3. "Rebel" teachers were positioned to extensively reform universities from within through the university liberation movement, among other endeavors.
The Hokkaido University Struggle peaked not in 1968 but in 1969, with the actors who participated in the three above mentioned ways locked in fierce confrontations and with complex structures also being conceived within each division. Unyielding revolutionary ideas and the inclination for violence could be observed in the proponents of democratization; anti-Marxist tendencies and romanticism became visible in the anti-war lobby; and the principles of defeatism and resignation took hold of the rebel teachers.
The Hokkaido University Struggle could not evolve fully within the political circumstances of the 1960s and the 1970s in terms of the lineage of the post-war democratization and the popularization of universities. Historically, the university as an entity was confined to the function of acting as an immense intellectual authority within the local community. Thus, it could not take the shape of an independent unit of social change.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Locations of Origin of the Domestic Raw Materials for Leaded Copper and When They Started to Be Used as Seen from Bronze Bowls Excavated in Chugoku and Shikoku Regions
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では中国四国地方で出土した6～7世紀の銅鋺の考古学的知見とともに鉛同位体比，金属成分比の分析結果を報告し，あわせてその分析結果から派生する問題として国産銅鉛原材料の産出地と使用開始時期について言及した。
すなわち，理化学的分析によってTK209 型式期の須恵器が共伴する無台丸底の銅鋺（津山市殿田1号墳，黒本谷古墳）に朝鮮半島産原材料，TK217 型式期の須恵器が共伴する無台平底の銅鋺（津山市荒神西古墳，竹原市横大道8号墳）に国産原材料の使用が推定され，形態的特徴と原材料との相関性とともに，国産原材料の使用開始時期が7世紀中葉に遡る可能性を示し，特に荒神西銅鋺，横大道銅鋺の鉛同位体比が古和同を含む和同開珎と近似する数値を示しており，近い値を示す長登，香春岳やその周辺の銅鉱山の開発が7世紀中葉に遡る可能性を論じた。
さらに亀田修一による渡来人の関与による7世紀中葉以前に遡る国内銅生産を指摘する見解や馬淵久夫によるTK43型式期での出雲市後野産原材料使用を指摘する鉛同位体比分析結果などを踏まえると，国産原材料の使用開始時期が6世紀後葉に遡る可能性すらあることを示した。また銅鉛原材料産出地についても従来考えられてきた長登銅山周辺だけでなく香春岳や出雲市後野など，北部九州から中国山地東部にまで目を向けて探る必要性も説いた。いずれ本稿を端緒にした研究の深化を期待するものである。This paper reports archeological findings of bronze bowls from the 6th to 7th centuries excavated in the Chugoku and Shikoku regions along with the results of lead isotope ratio and metallic composition ratio analyses, and comments on locations of origin of the domestic raw materials for leaded copper and when they started to be used.
Specifically, physicochemical analysis points to raw materials originating in the Korean Peninsula in footless, rounded-bottom bronze bowls which co-occur with the type TK209 period of Sue pottery (Tsuyama City Tonoda Tumulus No.1 and Kuromotodani Tumulus) and domestic raw materials in footless, flat-bottom bronze bowls which co-occur with the type TK217 period of Sue pottery (Tsuyama City Kojinnishi Tumulus and Takehara City Yokodaido Tumulus No.8), indicating the correlation between the morphological characteristics and the raw materials and indicating the possibility that the start of domestic raw material use may go back to the mid-7th century. In particular, the lead isotope ratios of Kojinnishi bronze bowls and Yokodaido bronze bowls indicate values similar to Wadokaichin coins, including Kowado ("old Wado"), and this report discusses the possibility that the development of Naganobori, Kawaradake, and nearby copper mines, which show similar values, may go back to the mid-7th century.
When such findings are taken along with Shuichi Kameda's opinion pointing out domestic copper production involving foreign settlers going back to before mid-7th century and Hisao Mabuchi's lead isotope ratio analysis results pointing out use of raw materials originating in Ushirono, Izumo City in the type TK43 period, this paper indicates that the start of domestic raw material use may even go back to the late 6th century. This paper also makes a case for the need to consider from northern Kyushu to eastern Chugoku Mountains when seeking locations of origin of the raw materials for leaded copper, including Kawaradake and Ushirono, Izumo City, in addition to the traditionally expected Naganobori copper mine area. I hope this paper intensifies further research on this topic.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Issues with Cultural Asset Rescue in Large-Scale Disasters : From the Experience of Cultural Asset Rescue in the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster
Get PDFapplication/pdfわが国において，災害で被災した文化財に対しておこなわれる文化財レスキューがはじまったのは，1995年の阪神・淡路大震災である。その後，文化財レスキューは，地震や水害などの災害が発生するたびに，被災地の状況に応じておこなわれ，実践事例を積み重ねてきた［村田2014，中村2014，日髙・内田2014］。そして，阪神・淡路大震災から約15年後となる2011年に東日本大震災が発生し，これまでおこなわれてきた文化財レスキューの集大成ともいえる活動が展開された。
東日本大震災では，これまでの文化財レスキューで経験したことのない広範囲にわたる被災地と大量の被災文化財に対して，阪神・淡路大震災以来となる全国規模の支援体制のもと，文化財レスキューがおこなわれた。2011年度から2012年度の2年度にわたっておこなわれたこの文化財レスキューは，阪神・淡路大震災の経験はもちろん，それ以降の災害において実践されてきた文化財レスキューの経験を活かし，大きな成果を上げたと評価できる。一方で，東日本大震災の文化財レスキューは，今後の大規模災害を想定した場合，いくつかの課題が明らかになった活動でもある。
そこで本論では，筆者自身が参加した東日本大震災における文化財レスキューの体制について課題を示し，文化財レスキューの拠点施設となる被災地の県立博物館・美術館の役割の重要性を明らかにする。次に，文化財レスキューの対象として示された「文化財等」という表現に着目し，その所見を述べる。また，文化財レスキューの対象となった文化財が，地域の文化財として再び利用される一つの方法として，展示活用の在り方を示すとともに，これら地域文化財が，平常時から地域で活用，保存されるための仕掛けづくりの必要性と実現のための可能性について示唆する。Cultural asset rescue, performed for cultural assets damaged in disasters, started in Japan with the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake Disaster of 1995. Cultural asset rescue has been performed in the years since according to the circumstances of the disaster-stricken area every time a disaster occurred, including earthquakes and flood damage. A repertoire of actual cases have been built [Murata 2014, Nakamura 2014, Hidaka and Uchida 2014]. The Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster occurred in 2011, approximately 15 years after the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake Disaster, and what could be called the culmination of cultural asset rescue up to that time was set in motion.
Cultural asset rescue for the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster was performed over a larger disaster-stricken area and for a greater amount of affected cultural assets than ever before experienced in cultural asset rescue, with a support system of a national scale for the first time since the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake Disaster. This cultural asset rescue, which took place over the two fiscal years 2011 and 2012, utilized the experience gained from the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake Disaster and in cultural asset rescue implemented in disasters since, can be pronounced to have achieved major results. However, cultural asset rescue in the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster was also one which revealed some issues to consider for future large-scale disasters.
This paper raises issues about the system for cultural asset rescue for the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster, which the writer personally participated in, and reveals the importance of the role of prefectural museums and art museums of the prefecture of the disaster-stricken area, which would become the base facility for the cultural asset rescue. Next, it focuses on the expression "cultural assets etc." indicated as the target of cultural asset rescue and presents the writer's view. Further, it indicates a way of utilizing exhibits as one method for the cultural assets which were the target of cultural asset rescue to be used as cultural assets of the region once more and suggests the necessity and possibilities for implementation for these cultural assets of the region to be utilized and preserved in the region in ordinary times as well.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Funerals of the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster Victims in Kesen-numa City
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[Article] Forest Development and Forestry Heritage in Protected Areas : Its Meaning, Present State and Issue of Preservation
Get PDFapplication/pdf本研究の目的は，保護地域においてかつて行われた森林開発の持つ現代的意味について，保護地域における「保護」概念の検討，および保護地域に残る林業遺産の事例を通して明らにすることである。そこで，日本の中核的な保護地域である国立公園を取り上げ，「保護」概念について世界的な視点を踏まえつつ検討した。つぎに，北海道の国立公園を事例として森林開発の歴史や林業遺産の現状を検討し，林業遺産が持つ意義や保存の現状と課題について考察した。その結果，日本の国立公園は，「生態学的プロセスの保護を目的とした自然性の高い地域」とともに，「長年にわたる人と自然との相互作用が形成した特徴の保護を目的とする地域」を対象としており，前者は原生的な自然環境，後者は文化的景観を保護対象としていると考えられた。国立公園ではかつて大規模な森林開発が行われた歴史があり，そうした森林開発によって形作られた森林景観は，文化的景観という側面を持っている。文化的景観は文化遺産としての価値を有しており，さらに当時の森林開発に関わる施設の遺構などは林業遺産としての価値を有していると考えられる。そこで，北海道の支笏洞爺国立公園，大雪山国立公園内に残る林業遺産のうち，森林鉄道に関連する遺構に焦点を当てて現状把握を行った。その結果，多くの遺構は保存状態が悪く，いずれは消滅してしまう状況にあることが明らかとなった。文化遺産の概念が神社仏閣や遺跡から産業遺産までも含むものへと拡張して生きているこんにち，伐採跡地や人工林といった文化的景観と一体となって地域に残る林業遺産は，現行の保護地域制度では保護の対象とはなりにくいものの，人と森林との関係性の記憶を現在にとどめる文化遺産として，保護地域においても大きな意味を持っており，そうした遺産を積極的に保存していくこともまた，保護地域の役割として重要な意味を持っていると考えられる。This study clarified the modern meaning of forest development, which was previously implemented in protected areas, by examining the concept of "protection" and investigating forestry heritage that remains in protected areas. First, the author examined the present state of Japan's national parks, the core protected area category in Japan, based on "protection" from the global perspective. Second, the author reviewed historical forest development, investigated forestry heritage's present state in Hokkaido's national parks as examples, and examined the meaning and issue of preserving forestry heritage. Results showed that Japan's national parks were intended to be designated "highly natural areas to protect the ecological process" and "areas to protect characteristic features formed by long-term interaction between man and nature"; the former is aimed at protecting the wild natural environment, while the latter is aimed at protecting cultural landscapes. Previously, large-scale forest development was implemented in national parks, and therefore, forest landscapes resulting from such development are characterized as cultural landscapes, which have value as cultural heritage; moreover, remains of forestry facilities used for past forest development have value as forestry heritage. Therefore, the author investigated the present state of the remains of forestry railroads as examples of forestry heritage in Shikotsu Toya and Daisetsuzan National Parks in Hokkaido. Most remains were found in a poor state of preservation and so will disappear in the future. Because the range of cultural heritage is now spreading from shrines, temples, and archaeological ruins to industrial heritage, the forestry heritage that remains, together with cut-over areas and planted forests in protected areas, has significance as cultural heritage. However, preserving forestry heritage under the present protected area system is difficult. Because forestry heritage upholds the memory of the relationship between man and nature, preserving such heritage proactively plays an important role in protected areas.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Kenkōtaishi (Envoys Sent as Interim Proxies for Governors in the Provinces) and Court Envoys in the Heian Period
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[Article] Gilding and the Bureau of Artisans in Ancient Japan : On the Ratio of Gold and Mercury
Get PDFapplication/pdf古代の代表的な金属加飾技法である鍍金は、水銀と金を混和して金アマルガムを作り、これを銅製品などの表面に塗り、加熱して水銀を蒸発させ、研磨して仕上げるものである。本稿は、『延喜式』巻十七（内匠寮）の鍍金に関する規定について、近世の文献や金属工学での実験成果、また錺金具製作工房での調査を踏まえ、金と水銀の分量比や工程を中心に考察を行った。
古代の鍍金については、今日でも小林行雄『古代の技術』を代表的な研究として挙げることができる。専門とする考古資料のみならず、文献史料も積極的に取り上げ、奈良時代の帳簿からみえる鍍金と内匠式の規定を比較することを試みている。しかしながら、内匠式における金と水銀の分量比をめぐっては、明快な解釈には至っていない。氏の理解を阻んでいるのは、奈良時代の史料が鍍金の材料を金と水銀で表すのに対し、内匠式が「滅金」と水銀を挙げていることにある。「滅金」が何を指し、水銀の用途は何であるのか、また、なにゆえこうした規定となっているのかが課題となっている。
内匠式では「滅金」は金と水銀を混和した金アマルガムを指し、その分量比は一対三としている可能性が大きいこと、それに続く水銀は「酸苗を着ける料」として梅酢などで器物を清浄にする際に混ぜ、また対象や部位によりアマルガムの濃度を調節するのに用いるものとして、式が立てられていると解した。鍍金の料物を挙げる内匠式の多くの条文では、水銀が滅金の半分の量となっており、全体に金と水銀が一対五の分量比となるよう設定されている。この分量比は、奈良時代の寺院造営や東大寺大仏の鍍金のそれとほぼ同じである。以上のような滅金と水銀による料物規定は内匠式特有のものであり、実際の作業工程に即して式文を定立したことによると評価できるGilding, one the most representative decorative techniques for metals used in ancient Japan, consists in the mixture of mercury and gold to produce gold amalgam, which is then applied to the surface of copper artifacts. These are heated up to let the mercury evaporate, and finally polished. In this paper I have, on the basis of early modern written sources, metallurgical experiments, and visits to workshops active in the traditional arts of metal decoration, examined the ratio of mercury and gold, and the process of production with regard to regulations for gilding found in the seventeenth scroll of the Engishiki (Bureau of Artisans).
When discussing gilding in ancient Japan, Kobayashi Yukio's book Kodai no gijutsu (Techniques of ancient Japan) can still be considered a classic. In this work, Kobayashi uses not only archeological materials, which are his specialty, but also written historical materials, and he compares ledgers from the Nara period that mention gilding to the regulations found in the "Procedures for the Bureau of Artisans" from the Engishiki. However, he confines himself to raising some issues based on his interpretation of the latter without reaching a conclusion. A problem in Kobayashi's analysis is constituted by the fact that while Nara period records indicate that the materials used for gilding are gold and mercury, in the "Procedures for the Bureau of Artisans" it is written that mercury and mekki 滅金 should be used. This raises various questions: what does mekki refer to? How is mercury used? Why are the regulations on gilding phrased in this way?
We think it is highly possible that mekki in the "Procedures for the Bureau of Artisans" indicates gold amalgam produced mixing one part of gold with three parts of mercury; that mercury was mixed with plum vinegar, which was used to remove oil content from the surface of containers, in order to make the plum vinegar adhere when the containers were cleaned; and that the concentration of mercury in the amalgam was adjusted on the basis of the target object and specific part. In many of the articles in the "Procedures for the Bureau of Artisans" that deal with gilding, mercury is half the quantity of the amalgam, so that the total ratio of gold to mercury is one to five. This ratio is almost identical to the one used in temple construction works during the Nara period, and for gilding the great buddha statue at Tōdaiji. These regulations on mekki and mercury are unique to the "Procedures for the Bureau of Artisans", and it can be said that the text of these procedures was shaped by the actual production process.departmental bulletin pape
Transformation of Towada as a Horse-breeding Region from the Late 1950s to the Early 1980s : Focused on the Changes of Livestock Breeding
Get PDFapplication/pdf農耕・運搬・厩肥生産などに用いられるため，多くの家で飼養されていた家畜は，農業用機械や自動車の普及などにより飼養が激減した。家畜飼養の激減を受け，家畜の生産地帯ではどのような変化が起こったのか。本稿は青森県十和田市を事例とし，家畜生産地帯であった農村における家畜飼養の変化を明らかにするものである。十和田市は古くからの馬産地であり，現在も畜産が盛んに行われている地域である。冷涼な気候のため農業による十分な収入が見込めなかった当地において，家畜，特に馬を売ることで得る収入は大きかった。そのため，馬産は重要な生業であり，馬は不可欠な存在であった。しかし，現在の十和田市では馬産を行う家は少なく，盛んに飼養されている家畜は肉用牛と豚である。かつての馬産地から現在の肉用牛・豚の生産地への転換は，どのように行われたのか。また，家畜飼養者は飼養する家畜をどのように選択してきたのか。十和田市における家畜飼養が大きく変化したと考えられる昭和30～50年代の様子を明らかにすることで，これらの問に答えていく。❷では統計資料や十和田市の広報誌などを用いて，十和田市の家畜飼養の変遷の全体像を把握する。馬産地であった十和田市が現在のような肉用牛・豚の飼養が盛んになった時期を明らかにすると同時に，飼養する家畜が変化した要因を明らかにする。❸では性格の異なる2集落を取り上げ，集落における家畜飼養の変遷を記述する。かつては集落のほとんどの家で飼養されていた家畜が，特定の場所で特定の人により飼養されるようになっていく過程を明らかにする。❹では飼養する家畜を選択する際に，家畜を飼養する「手間」と家畜から得られる「儲け」が重視されてきたことを指摘する。兼業化や耕作地の増加など，家畜以外による収入が増加することで，「手間」がかからず「儲け」の大きい家畜が選択されるようになっていった。Many households used to raise domestic animals for farming, transport, and fertilizer production, but the number plunged due to the mechanization of agriculture and the spread of automobiles. What changes this sharp drop in livestock numbers brought to ranching regions? This paper focuses on Towada City in Aomori Prefecture as a case study to examine the changes in livestock breeding in ranching villages. Towada is located in a long-established horse breeding region where the livestock industry is still dominant. In this region with a cold climate that makes farming unprofitable, livestock, especially horses, used to be an important source of income for farmers. Horse breeding was a major livelihood, and horses were invaluable. Nowadays, however, only a few farmers breed horses. Instead, beef cattle and pigs have become popular as livestock in the city. How horse breeding was replaced by cattle and pig breeding? What factors influenced the choice of livestock to breed? In order to answer these two questions, this paper analyzes the actual situation of Towada from the late 1950s to the early 1980s, when the city went through a significant change in livestock ranching. Chapter 2 examines statistics and municipal bulletins to draw a whole picture of transformation of livelihood breeding in Towada. It is aimed to identify exactly when horse breeding was replaced by beef cattle and pig breeding and why this shift occurred. Chapter 3 focuses on two communities with different characteristics, examining the changes in their livestock breeding. It is aimed to reveal how the livestock that used to be raised around the communities were monopolized by certain people in certain areas. Chapter 4 presents that laboriousness (how laborious it would be to raise the animal) and profitability (how profitable the animal would be) were important factors that influenced the choice of livestock to breed. Farmers developed a preference to less laborious and more profitable animals while they were raising their incomes from other than livestock by operating side businesses or expanding agricultural land.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Materials] Folk in the 1960s to the 1980s : Photos by HAGIWARA Hidesaburō : Catalog and Bibliographical Introduction
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