National Museum of Japanese History Repository
Not a member yet
2571 research outputs found
Sort by
[Research Notes] A Study on the Use of Diaries : A Case Study of Ogata Tomoyuki’s Diaries in 1932 (Part IV)
Full text linkdepartmental bulletin pape
[Article] Relationship between Kasuga Shrine/Kofuku-ji Temple and Nanto Onmyoji in the Early Middle Ages of Japan
Full text link本稿は中世前期の南都陰陽師について検討したものである。南都には中世後期から近世にかけて賀茂氏の庶流である幸徳井家が定住していたことがよく知られている。同家は初代友幸以降、大乗院門跡と密接な関係を結ぶことによって三位に昇進し、賀茂氏の嫡流勘解由小路家の断絶以降、賀茂氏を代表する存在となった。しかし、南都陰陽師の嚆矢は幸徳井家ではない。すでに十三世紀の段階で興福寺には安倍氏の庶流陰陽師である安倍時資・晴泰が興福寺の「寺住陰陽師」として確認できるのである。彼らは南都に定住し、興福寺や春日社で発生した怪異に対する占筮や呪術を担い、造作の日次勘申を行っていた。ただ、そのすべてを取り扱っていたのではなく、国家行事や藤原氏氏長者に関する日次勘申は在京の官人陰陽師が行い、南都陰陽師は寺社内部に関する事柄を扱っていた。また、怪異が発生した場合も軽事は南都陰陽師が吉凶を占い、それが重事と判断されると京へ注進するといったような分業体制が取られていた。興福寺や春日社では頻発する怪異や寺社内部の活動が細分化されてゆく状況に迅速に対処するため、近辺に陰陽師を定住させたと考えられる。これら十三世紀から確認できる南都陰陽師には二つの系統がある。一つは安倍氏庶流晴道党の晴泰、晴氏の系統、もう一つは安倍氏嫡流泰親流から分かれた時資、資朝の系統である。ただし、留意しておきたいのは、前者は複数の系図に確認できるのに対して、後者は「陰陽家系図」（宮内庁書陵部所蔵）にしか確認できない点である。また、同系図によれば時資の子孫が幸徳井友幸の先祖に当たるというが、傍注に明らかな事実誤認が複数確認できることから、後世の作為とみるのが妥当だろう。さらに吉川家文書（国立歴史民俗博物館所蔵）の「陰陽雑書写」から、時資らの先祖の本姓が惟宗氏であることが推察される。すなわち、幸徳井家はもともと惟宗氏であり、それが十三世紀の段階で安倍氏を名乗るようになり、十五世紀に賀茂氏へ改姓するのである。このように十五世紀に南都陰陽師として登場する幸徳井家は十三世紀の南都陰陽師安倍時資らの存在を前提としたものであったのである。This paper examines Nanto Onmyoji in the early Middle Ages of Japan. It is well known that the Kotokui family, a branch of the Kamo clan, settled in Nara from the late medieval period to the early modern period. After Tomoyuki I, this family was promoted to third rank by forming a close relationship with Daijo-in Monzeki. After the discontinuation of the Kadenokoji family, the main line of the Kamo clan, he became a representative of the Kamo clan.However, the origin of Nanto Onmyoji was not the Kotokui family. Already at the stage of the 13th century, Abe Tokisuke and Haruyasu, Abe’s branch-school onmyoji, can be confirmed as ‘Terazumi Onmyoji’ of Kofukuji.They lived in Nara, performed fortune-telling and sorcery on the monsters that occurred at Kofuku-ji Temple and Kasuga-jinja Shrine, and chose the day of creation. However, it did not cover everything. Onmyoji, a bureaucrat living in Kyoto, conducted daily kanshin on national events and the head of the Fujiwara clan, while Nanto Onmyoji dealt with internal problems of temples and shrines. In the event of an apparition, the Nanto Onmyoji would foretell fortunes for light problems, and if it was judged to be a serious one, they would be sent to Kyoto. In this way, a system of division of labor was adopted. Kofuku-ji Temple and Kasuga-jinja Shrine had onmyoji settled nearby. This is because they wanted to quickly deal with frequent occurrences of apparitions and fragmented activities within temples and shrines. Nanto Onmyoji that appeared in the 13th century has two lines. One is the lineage of Hareyasu and Hareuji of the Harumichi party, a branch of the Abe clan, and the other is the lineage of Tokisuke and Suketomo, who separated from the Yasuchika line of the Abe clan. However, there is one caveat. The former can be confirmed in multiple genealogies. On the other hand, the latter can only be confirmed in the ‘Onmyouka-Keizu’ (Kunaityou-Syoryoubu). This genealogy also states that Tokisuke was the ancestor of Tomoyuki KOTOKUI. However, there are clear factual errors in the content. Therefore, it would be appropriate to judge it as an act of posterity. Furthermore, it can be inferred from the Yoshikawa family document ‘Onmyou-Zassyo’ (National Museum of Japanese History) that the original surname of Tokisuke’s ancestor was the Koremune clan. The Kotokui family was originally the Koremune clan, took the name Abe clan in the 13th century, and changed their name to the Kamo clan in the 15th century. In this way, the Kotokui family was based on the existence of the Nanto Onmyoji of the 13th century.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Materials] Kan’ei Hachinenban (1631) Ozatsusyo : Description and Translation / Reproduction
Full text linkdepartmental bulletin pape
[Article] Basal Topography of the Alluvium and Sea Area during the Holocene Highstand around the Yodogawa Lowland Plain, Osaka Basin, Japan
Full text link淀川低地の沖積層基盤地形および完新世高海水準期の海域について，7360本のボーリングデータと考古遺跡の地層データから検討した。その結果，沖積層基盤地形には最終氷期最寒冷期直前の古淀川河谷や古長瀬川河谷，古西除川河谷とともに基盤グロックの沈降部に形成された深野湿原が現れた。また，ボーリングデータベースから作成した柱状図断面で波食棚や海食台とみなせる平坦面や緩傾斜面を抽出し，完新世高海水準期の淀川低地に広がる海域を復元した。その海域は伊丹台地，千里丘陵，富田台地，枚方丘陵の前縁，生駒山地の西麓，上町台地の周縁に沿って広がり，淀川三川合流点付近にも到達していたとみられる。In this study, basal topography of the Alluvium and sea area during the Holocene highstand around the Yodogawa Lowland Plain are investigated using 7,360 drilling data and some stratigraphic data from archaeological sites. As a result of this study, the channel valleys of Plaeo-Yodo River, Paleao-Nagase River and Plaeo-Nishiyoke River just before the Last Glacial Maximum were reconstructed on the basal topography with Fukono Swamps in tectonically subsiding area on the basement block. In addition, flat surfaces and gently slops as shore platform or abrasion platform were identified from the geological columnar sections using by borehole database, and the sea area during the Holocene highstand was reconstructed. It was clear that the sea area spread along on feet of Itami upland, Senri hills, Tomda upland, Hirakata hills, Ikoma mountains and Uemachi upland and reached the Yodo River Sansengoryuten (Three rivers confluence) moreover.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of Human Bones of the Middle Yayoi Period Excavated at Yatsuhagi Cave Site, Gunma Pref.
Full text linkdepartmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Notes on Scutellastra optima Excavated from Oike Site A in Takarajima Island, Toshima Mura, Kagoshima Pref.
Full text linkdepartmental bulletin pape
[Article] Production, Landscape and Local Lords’ Clan in Hanfuyu Village during the Kamakura Period : The Case of Ifuku and Okawa Villages in Hizen Province (Part I : The Warrior Lords and Livelihood・Production・Distribution in the Region)
Full text link半不輸とは本年貢・公事の一部を寺社などの荘園領主に給付し、残りを国衙に納めさせる荘園制のシステムである。
本稿では半不輸領の村落の構造と、そこに存立した在地領主の姿を探っていく。こうした村落は荘園領主と国衙に両属し、複合的な支配を受けたが、その両属性のなかで在地領主はどのような役割を果たしたのだろうか。分析の素材として肥前国伊福村・大河村を取り上げ、特に大河氏という在地領主に焦点をあてたい。
上記の課題に応えるため、生業・景観の問題に注目した。まず、伊福村・大河村の場合、荘園領主・国衙の支配はそれぞれ畠作と稲作という異なる生業に結びついていた。こうした村落の生業（畠作・稲作）を前提としつつ、半不輸のシステムは荘園領主・国衙の合意のもとで立券にて確定された。
しかし、現地の生業・景観は常に変化する。そのために、例えば畠地の田地化などを通じて、畠作・稲作の実態は過去の立券の記載から乖離した。
こうした変動的な村落の生業・景観に対して、これを荘園制の枠組みとつないでいたのが、在地領主の大河氏であった。大河氏は現地で稲作の拡大を推し進めたのだろうが、一方で、半不輸領の沙汰人として出発したがゆえに、本質的に既存の荘園制の枠組みに依拠せざるを得ない性格も持っていた。
そして、一四世紀前半になると、荘園領主・国衙への両属を意識した文言が大河氏の一連の譲状に出現する。現地の生業・景観が過去の立券から乖離するなかでも、大河氏は容易に既存の荘園制を否定できず、むしろかつて半不輸領の沙汰人として出発したという像を自己のうちに再確認した。荘園制のなかで存立してきた在地領主の一つの自己像をここに認めたい。The system called hanfuyu (半不輸) allowed the absentee manorial proprietor to share half of its land revenues with the local administrative provincial office. This article is taking into consideration the case of the hanfuyu system as applied to the villages of Ifuku (伊福) and Okawa (大河) in Hizen Province (肥前国), by looking at their local lords, the Okawa clan (大河氏), and the way in which they managed their village’s agricultural production.
The above mentioned villages were subjected to the hanfuyu system, and as such they were under the control of both Usa Shrine (宇佐宮), the largest manorial proprietor in Kyushu, and the Hizen administrative provincial office (肥前国衙). The role of the Okawa clan was the one of mediator between the Shrine, the Administrative office, as absentee landlords, and the local people. Farmers paid taxes in goods such as grains, mulberry leaves, and ramie to Usa Shrine. While they paid taxes in rice to the Administrative office. For this reason Usa Shrine and the Administrative office sought to increase their revenues by controlling diverse agricultural lands like dry tongue-shaped plateaus and wet valleys suitable for cultivation of different plants.
Thus, in villages subjected to the hanfuyu system, each absentee landlord’s control was connected to a variety of agricultural crops. However, from the 12th to the 14th century the farming techniques evolved dramatically, for example in areas facing the seashore by using irrigation techniques, waste land was used as paddy fields and in fertile valleys rice came to replace other crops.
Therefore, as time went by, although the amount of taxes levied remained the same, from the 12th to the early 13th century, the agricultural rice production in these newly cultivated lands managed by local lords increased, creating a gap between the tax levied on cultivated rice paddies that were known to Usa Shrine and the Administrative office, and unpaid tax on the newly cultivated rice paddies concealed to these offices, used by the farmers under local lords. In addition to this there was also a decrease of other crops such as grains, mulberry leaves, and ramie, cultivated on farmland now used as rice fields, which was hidden from the above−mentioned offices. The changes in crop production and the absconding of farmland by the local lords and farmers allowed a departure from the framework of hanfuyu system, in which the Okawa clan benefited greatly. They played a role in finding beneficial opportunities as local lords for their farmers in the changes that occurred in the agricultural production within the hanfuyu system.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Jito-ukesho Policy of the Kamakura Shogunate and the Manor Sysytem (Part II : The Political Trend of Warrior Lords)
Full text link本稿では、鎌倉幕府の地頭請所政策の展開を荘園制と関連づけて通時的に検討する。地頭請所とは、鎌倉幕府に補任された地頭が一定額の年貢上納を請け負い、上級領主から現地支配の委任を受ける所領支配・年貢上納の形態である。
鎌倉初期における幕府の地頭請所政策は、治承・寿永内乱（および鎌倉初期の政争）からの地域復興と荘園制の再建事業の一環として展開した。すなわち鎌倉幕府が特殊な支配権を得た東日本において、地頭による荒野開発（および再開発）が政策として展開し、その一環として地頭請所もこれらの地域に多く設定されたことを明らかにした。そして、都市領主たちも、地頭請所が荘園制の再建につながることを察知し、地頭たちと私的に請所契約を結んだことを論じた。
鎌倉幕府の地頭請所政策が展開した次の段階は、寛喜の飢饉の影響下にあった1230年代である。この時期、地頭・地頭代に年貢上納の責任を負わせることで、寛喜の飢饉という大災害から地域と年貢を回復させる幕府の政策が、直轄領・北条氏所領における請所の展開というかたちで現れた。さらに、13世紀後期、幕府は、20箇年の知行年紀法と「寛喜以後」に成立した請所を保護する幕府法によって、地頭請所を広く保護する政策をとった。これらの事実を明らかにした上で、幕府の一連の政策は、地頭請所の設定による直轄領・北条氏所領における民衆救済・年貢の維持政策を、他の都市領主の所領にまで及ぼすことで荘園制全体の維持を図るものであったことを論じた。
13世紀最末期以降の鎌倉幕府は、関東口入請所以外の地頭請所保護政策を後退させるが、私請所についても無前提に保護政策を後退させたわけではなかった。そして、関東御領においては、民衆救済をともなう地頭請所の設定が継続された。鎌倉幕府は、一貫して荘園制を維持する媒介として地頭請所を位置づけていたのである。In this paper, I examine the development of the Kamakura Shogunate’s policy of Jito-ukesho in relation to the manor system from a diachronic perspective. Jito-ukesho was a form of land control and nengu (land tax) payment system in which a Jito (land steward) appointed by the Kamakura Shogunate undertook payment of a certain amount of nengu and was entrusted with local control by a superior lord.
The Shogunate’s policy of Jito-ukesho in the early Kamakura period was developed as part of the regional reconstruction from the Jisho-Juei Civil War (as well as the political strife in the same period) and the reconstruction of the manor system. Here I made it clear that in eastern Japan, where the Kamakura Shogunate had special control, land development (and redevelopment) by Jito was implemented as a Shogunate’s policy, and as part of this, many Jito-ukesho were established in these areas. In addition, I argued that urban lords also sensed that Jito-ukesho would lead to the reconstruction of the manor system and made private ukesho contracts (contracts of delegation) with Jito.
The next phase of the Kamakura Shogunate’s Jito-ukesho policy developed in the 1230s, when the Kangi Famine affected Japan.
During this period, the Shogunate’s policy of restoring regions and nengu system from the great disaster of the Kangi Famine by making Jito and Jito-dai (deputy Jito) responsible for the payment of nengu appeared in the form of development of Jito-ukesho in the direct control territories and the Hojo clan’s territories. Furthermore, in the latter half of the 13th century, the Shogunate took a policy of broadly protecting Jito-ukesho by the Shogunate law, which protected the Jito-ukesho controlled by a lord for 20 years (Under the Chigyo Nenkiho, the legal principle for the statute of limitations on land in possession, if a territory had been effectively controlled for 20 years, the control was considered legitimate regardless of the circumstances.) and the Jito-ukesho established “since Kangi era”. After clarifying these facts, I argued that the series of policies of the Shogunate aimed to maintain the whole manor system by extending the policy of saving the people and maintaining the nengu system in the direct control territories and the Hojo clan’s territories through the establishment of Jito-ukesho to the territories of other urban lords.
After the end of the 13th century, the Kamakura Shogunate backed away from the protection policy of Jito-ukesho other than Kanto-kunyu-ukesho (a kind of Jito-ukesho which was established as a result of Kamakura Shogunate’s request to the superior lords of manors and public lands to establish ukesho), but it did not mean that it backed away from the protection policy of private ukesho without any premise. In the Kanto-goryo (Kamakura Shogunate’s private lands), the establishment of Jito-ukesho with the policy of saving the people was continued. The Kamakura Shogunate consistently positioned Jito-ukesho as an intermediary to maintain the manor system.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Financial System of Daijosai in Heian Period (Part 2)
Full text link本稿では、大嘗祭の経費調達制度と、大嘗祭事務を取り仕切った機関である行事所について、平安時代を中心に考察した。
まず『延喜式』践祚大嘗祭式における大嘗祭経費の調達方法を整理し、律令官衙財政に則った中央保管庫からの支出がある一方で、部民制的収取など律令制以前の国制に由来する制度が見いだされると整理した。特に斎国の財政的負担は両国の天皇に対する服属儀礼としての性格に由来し、節会における歌舞等も含め成立期の大嘗祭は畿外豪族の服属儀礼を集約したものであったと想定した。
これに対し、平安時代には新たに大嘗祭を運営するための臨時の機関として行事所が成立する。行事所は律令官司の枠を超えて実務に長けた者を柔軟に編成しつつ、実務を簡略化する合理性を有していた。本稿では行事所における政務の具体像を明らかにしたが、特に行事所は斎国の正税・調庸雑物を財源として有し、行事所の諸儀における饗宴に斎国が奉仕した点が注意される。斎国国司が直接準備過程に奉仕する体制から、行事所を介した奉仕に転換したのであり、ここに大嘗祭運営の性格上の転換が見られる。
行事所の特徴として、斎国以外の諸国に対しても雑物の賦課を九世紀段階から行なっていたことは重視すべきである。これを前提に十世紀後半以降、行事所召物が成立し、正税を前提としない受領への賦課を行なう機能を持つようになる。氏族制的収取は社会の変化に応じて性格を変え、受領の負担と認識されるようになった。大嘗祭以外の行事所も十世紀後半以降成立していくが、人員編成など初期の行事所との相違が見られ、行事所召物の徴収や造営行事所の国宛など、十世紀後半の新たな財政制度の成立に対応して、受領と対峙して料物を徴収することを主たる目的としておかれたものと言える。The purpose of this article is to clarify the finance system of the first fruits ceremonies (Daijosai), and the office to run Daijosai (Gyojisyo), mainly in Heian period.
According to Engi shiki, expenses of Daijosai is mainly procured from the national treasury. But there are a lot of finance systems based upon before the Taika Reform. In Daijosai, the provinces of the Yuki and Suki, chosen for providing rice used in ceremony, pay large expenses. It was related to the ritual of obedience of powerful local clan.
In Heian period, Gyojisyo established for managing preparation Daijosai. Gyojisyo is formed by competent personnels belong to different office, and simplify its business. This article clarify concrete image of cfficial business of Gyojisyo. A financial resources of Gyojisyo is provided from Yuki and Suki. Moreover, Yuki and Suki serve banquets in Gyojisyo. Preparation system probincial governor directly attend changed to that serving mediate Gyojisyo, it is essentially turning of dispsition of Daijosai.
An important specifications of Gyojisyo is collecting expenses for Daisyosai from every provinces except for Yuki and Suki. With this historical background, Gyojisyo Meshimono, imosing expenses on provincial gobernor is established. In the end of the 10th century, Gyojisyo is established for national ivents except for Daijosai. But there are some differet specifivations form Daijosai. The purpse of establishing them is collecting expenses from provincial gobernor, as a new system of national finance.departmental bulletin pape