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[Research Materials] Modern Japanese Translation of Scroll 39 of the Engishiki, “Seishinshi” (Tentative)
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[Research Materials] Critical Edition of Scroll 14 of the Engishiki (Tantative)
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] On the Bureau of Medications and Scroll 37 of the Engi shiki
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Radiocarbon Age Calibration of Human Bones Exavated in the 5th and the 6th Examination of Otomo Site, Karatsu-shi, Saga Pref.
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of Human Bones of the Jomon Period Excavated in Kagoshima Pref. : Izumi Shell Midden and Kunugibaru Shell Midden
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[Article] A Theory of Royal Authority in the Old Ryukyu Period : The Ruling Philosophy and the “Periphery” Islands
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿の目的は、古琉球期に王権と不可分に生成された一次史料(金石文)の分析を軸として王権の支配理念を析出するとともに、それを手がかりとして、王権と「周縁」(周辺と辺縁)の諸島との関係性を明らかにすることであり、以下のような結論を得た。
尚泰久代に東アジアの普遍的な仏教・儒教イデオロギーによる支配理念が形成された。その担い手は儒仏一致を基本とする京都五山系の禅僧であった。この段階では王位継承が不安定で、君臣関係も未成熟であり、「周縁」諸島の支配も緩やかだった。それゆえ、尚泰久は琉球国中山王・大世主という制度的・実体的地位だけでなく、法王・〈皇帝〉・〈天子〉としての理念的地位を標榜し、沖縄島内外の統合を図った。
尚泰久代に形成された支配理念は、第二尚氏王朝への移行後も、しばらくは王権のあり方を規定した。尚真代の前半においては、禅僧による王権の称揚が一段と進み、王の「皇帝」(帝王)や「天子」としての理念的地位が明示されるに至った。
尚真代の後半には、奄美諸島の大島・喜界島に中央集権支配が及び、その〈周辺〉化が進展した。さらに先島の武力制圧を契機として、宮古諸島は〈辺縁〉から〈周辺〉への移行が進み、八重山諸島は〈辺縁〉に位置づけられた。尚真の武断的な姿勢は、王権の最盛期を現出させたが、従来の仏教・儒教イデオロギーにもとづく支配理念とは相反するものであり、それに代わって琉球独自の神祇イデオロギーが支配理念の中核を占めることとなった。
尚真代から尚清代にかけて、太陽思想の高揚が図られ、太陽神は聞得大君を媒介として王に武力を授ける存在となり、「島討ち」「国討ち」の「おもろ」が創作された。儒学思想における舜帝は、琉球独自の「天」観念と結合して「舜天」となり、王統の始祖と位置づけられた。従来の「天下」「上国」という観念も、儒学的なものから琉球独自のものへと変容をとげた。こうした支配理念の転換を支えたのは、琉球人による官人組織と聞得大君を頂点とする神女組織であり、その表現手段として選択されたのが「かな文字」であった。This paper seeks to identify the ruling philosophy of the royal authority through an analysis of primary historical materials, including kinseki-bun (ancient inscriptions on monuments) that were created as integral elements of the royal authority in the Old Ryukyu Period. This is taken as the key to clarifying the relationship between the royal authority and the various “periphery” (peripheral and border) islands. This paper reached the following conclusions.
The ruling philosophy was formulated based on Buddhist and Confucian ideologies that were widespread in East Asia during the era of Sho Taikyu. The carriers of this philosophy were Zen priests of Kyoto Gozan who took the convergence of Buddhism and Confucianism to be the basis of the philosophy. At this stage, there was instability surrounding the succession to the throne, the relationship between the ruler and the ruled had not yet evolved, and control of the “periphery” islands remained moderate. Furthermore, in addition to claiming to be the Ryukyu-koku Chuzan-o (King of Chuzan of the State of Ryukyu) and the Oho-yononushi, Sho Taikyu also declared himself to hold the idealistic position of Houou (Imperial Holiness), Koutei (Emperor or King of Kings), and Tenshi (Emperor with a heavenly mandate). He also tried to gradually integrate the islands inside and outside Okinawa.
The ruling philosophy that took shape in the era of Sho Taikyu took hold as the established ideal royal authority for a period of time and remained in place even after the transition to the Second Sho-shi Dynasty. In the first half of Sho Shin’s reign, the Zen priests further glorified the royal authority, and the idealistic position of the Emperor as Koutei (Emperor or King of Kings), Teio (Monarch), and Tenshi (Emperor with a heavenly mandate) became well defined.
In the latter half of Sho Shin’s reign, centralized rule developed again on both Oshima Island of the Amami Islands and on Kikaijima Island, and further expanded to the periphery. In addition, following the military suppression of the Sakishima Islands, the Miyako Islands transitioned from border to periphery islands, and the Yaeyama Islands were positioned as a border island. Sho Shin’s militaristic stance, which marked the highest stage of development of the royal authority, stood in contrast to the ruling philosophy based on the traditional ideologies of Buddhism and Confucianism. Instead, Ryukyu’s unique Jingi ideology became the core of the ruling philosophy.
During the period stretching from Sho Shin’s reign to Sho Sei’s reign, the Taiyo ideology was promoted and the Taiyoshin (the sun god) came to be considered the only power to bestow military power on the King through Kikoe-ogimi (the royal priestess), and the [Omoro] of [island conqueror] [country conqueror] was created. In Confucian thought, the Shun Emperor combined with the unique Ryukyu idea of ten (heaven), and became shunten, and was positioned as the earliest ancestor of the royal line. The traditional ideas of tenka (ruling power) and jokoku (province of the highest rank) also transformed from Confucian concepts into unique Ryukyu concepts. It was the Kannin (government officials) system overseen by the people of Ryukyu and the Noro (female priestess) system that considered Kikoe-ogimi to be the highest rank that supported this transformation in the ruling philosophy, and Kanji characters were selected to express this.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Revisiting Chikama Family in Medieval Satsuma
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Collecting Data on Lacquerwares Excavated from Early Modern Sites in Edo
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[Article] The Conditions and Characteristics of Chinese Ceramics Excavated from Sites of the Goryeo Dynasty : A Study Focused on Archaeological Findings from South Korea
Get PDFapplication/pdf高麗は初期から中期まで宋・遼・金との持続的な交流があり，後期には元と交流した。こうした状況によって，その時々の中国の多くの文物が高麗に流入し，とりわけ相当量の中国陶磁器が高麗の全域で消費される傾向がみられる。中国陶磁器は高麗の全時期のなかでも，とくに高麗中期の遺跡から出土する。出土の地域と遺跡の性格を探ると，京畿道・忠清道・全羅道・慶尚道・済州地域で確認されており，宮城・官庁関連遺跡・寺刹(寺址)・建物址・墳墓，全羅・忠清地域の海底などである。器種別の出土の様相を探ると，青磁は越州窯産・龍泉窯産が確認されており，五代末～北宋代の越州窯産から，北宋～元代と編年されるものまで及ぶが，宋代のものが大部分である。白磁は北宋・南宋代の定窯産・景徳鎮窯産が最も多く，このほか磁州窯産や福建・広東の窯の製品が少量確認される。とりわけ高麗中期には12～13世紀代の景徳鎮窯産青白磁の出土量が多く，発見地域も広範囲にわたる。黒釉は福建の建窯・建窯系・吉州窯・磁州窯産のものが確認されており，そのほか磁竈窯・鈞窯産のものもある。高麗時代の陸上遺跡(韓半島本土の遺跡)から出土する中国陶磁器の特徴をいくつかに整理すると，以下のとおりである。
第一に，中国陶磁器の流入は高麗中期に集中し，なかでも青磁が非常に少なく，中国陶磁器の大部分を占めるのは白磁である。福建・広東地域産のやや質が劣る白磁類が少量あり，比較的に品質が良い定窯産・景徳鎮窯産白磁が主として消費されたことがわかる。当時，高麗の内部で白磁に対する消費欲求が高かったことと比較して，質的に優れた白磁の製作が困難な環境であった。このため，主に高麗白磁の代替品として消費されたものであり，上流層が富や実力を誇示するための手段と認識して専有・使用したものとみられる。
第二に，中国青磁は一部の地域では少し確認される程度であるが，当時の高麗は象嵌青磁をはじめとして，質的に優れた青磁を製作しており，相当量の高麗青磁が中国に輸入されたことは，寧波・杭州などの最近の出土事例によっても知ることができる。したがって，高麗の窯業の状況を反映して，青磁の需要が白磁よりも低かったと考えられる。
第三に，済州島では中国陶磁器は寺刹・官衙址・城郭・祭祀遺跡・生活遺跡などで出土しており，龍泉窯青磁が最も多く，次いで景徳鎮窯青白磁が多い。このほかにも越州窯青磁，定窯白磁，福建同安窯青白磁，江蘇宜興窯と河北磁州窯の褐釉瓶なども発見された。済州島では，高麗の陸上遺跡で発見される頻度が非常に低い福建産白磁，江蘇または河北の褐釉磁器，浙江龍泉窯青磁がいくつかの遺跡で大量に発見されており，同時期の陸上遺跡における中国陶磁器の出土の様相とは，やや異なる傾向をみせることがわかる。これは済州島が中日海上交通における中継拠点としての役割を果たしたためであるとの見解もあるが，今後，もう少し綿密な分析と研究が必要であろう。
第四に，泰安馬島海域と新安黒山島海域では，韓国の陸上遺跡からは出土事例がほとんどない中国陶磁器が発見された。これらの海域で中国陶磁器が発見されたのは，当時の宋・日本間の貿易ルート上に位置するためだとみるべきなのか，宋・高麗間の貿易ルート上に位置するためだとみるべきなのかは，いくつかの見解がある。筆者は，韓国の陸上遺跡で中国南方産の陶磁器が部分的に出土するという様相にもとづき，宋・高麗間の貿易過程で沈水したものが発見されたものと考える。ただし，今後，より詳細な研究によって明らかになることを期待したい。The Goryeo Dynasty had constant trade with the Song, Liao, and Jin Dynasties in its early and middle periods and with the Yuan Empire in its late period. Against this backdrop, a variety of Chinese objects of each period were introduced to the Goryeo Dynasty. In particular, a great deal of Chinese ceramics were distributed throughout the territory of the Goryeo Dynasty. Although they had been imported throughout the Goryeo period, many were found in sites of the mid-Goryeo period. An analysis of the distribution and characteristics of these sites indicates that Chinese ceramics were excavated from the ruins of palaces and government buildings, temples (and their remains), the ruins of buildings, and tombs in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, Jeolla, and Gyeongsang Provinces and the Jeju Region and from the bottom of the sea in the Jeolla and Chungcheong Regions. According to an analysis of types of ceramics, the discovered celadons were produced at the Yuezhou kilns and the Longquan kilns, ranging from Yuezhou ware dated to the end of the Five Dynasties period to the Northern Song period to porcelains dated to the Northern Song period to the Yuan period, though most of them were produced during the Song period. The white porcelains were mostly produced at the Ding kilns or the Jingdezhen kilns during the Northern and Southern Song periods, and a few were made at the Cizhou kilns and other kilns in Fujian and Guangdong. In particular, celadon and white wares produced at the Jingdezhen kilns from the 12th to 13th century account for most of the ceramics discovered from sites of the mid-Goryeo period across South Korea. In addition, black-glazed ceramics were excavated, including Jian wares, Jian series, Jizhou wares, Cizhou wares from Fujian, Cizao wares, and Jun wares. Moreover, the following paragraphs describe the characteristics of the Chinese ceramics excavated from terrestrial sites of the Goryeo Dynasty (within the Korean Peninsula).
First of all, most of the Chinese ceramics found in the Korean Peninsula were imported during the mid-Goryeo period. There were a few celadon wares, but most of the imported ceramics were white wares. Among them, there were a few lower-grade wares produced in Fujian and Guangdong, but the main imports of the Goryeo Dynasty were higher-quality white wares produced at the Ding kilns and the Jingdezhen kilns. Compared to the high demand for white ceramics in the Goryeo Dynasty at that time, the domestic supply of high-quality white wares was very limited. Therefore, Chinese white wares were imported as substitutes for Goryeo white porcelains, owned and used by upper classes to demonstrate their wealth and power.
Secondly, Chinese celadon wares were found only in parts of South Korea, but the Goryeo Dynasty had produced high-quality celadon wares, including inlaid celadons, and exported them to China at that time, as indicated by recent archaeological excavations in Ningbo and Hangzhou. This situation of the Goryeo ceramic industry would account for the lower demand for celadons than for white wares in the Korean Peninsula.
Thirdly, in Jeju Island, Chinese wares were excavated from the ruins of temples, government buildings, fortresses, ritual sites, and livelihood sites. Most of the Chinese wares unearthed in the island were Longquan celadon wares, followed by Jingdezhen white wares. Archaeological excavations in the island also unearthed Yuezhou celadon wares, Ding white wares, bluish white wares produced at the Tongan kilns in Fujian, and brown-glazed bottles produced at the Yixing kilns in Jiangsu and at the Cizhou kilns in Hebei. In addition, some archaeological excavations in the island unearthed a number of white wares from Fujian, brown-glazed wares from Jiangsu and Hebei, and Longquan celadon wares from Zhejiang though they were rarely found in other terrestrial sites of the Goryeo period, which makes an interesting contrast between the island and the peninsula. Some studies assumed that this was because Jeju Island had served as a transit point for maritime trade between China and Japan, though further studies and a more detailed analysis are needed to confirm this assumption.
Fourthly, underwater archaeological excavations near Ma Island in Taean County and Heuksan Island in Sinan County unearthed Chinese ceramics rarely found in terrestrial archaeological sites in South Korea. There is an argument whether these underwater archaeological findings are attributed to trade between the Song Dynasty and Japan or trade between the Song Dynasty and the Goryeo Dynasty. Given the fact that ceramics made in South China have been found in terrestrial archaeological sites in South Korea, the author assumes that the Chinese ceramics retrieved from these underwater sites are products that were lost at sea while they were transported from Song China to Goryeo. Further studies are expected to elucidate details.departmental bulletin pape