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[Article] The Expansion of the Modern Industrial Development Policy and Participation in the Exposition : Expositions, the Salt Industry, and Management Entities
Get PDF本論は，明治期に開催された内国勧業博覧会，水産博覧会，水産品評会，共進会など，各種博覧会に焦点を当て，博覧会政策が殖産興業に与えた成果と限界を明らかにするものである。
具体的には，これまでの博覧会研究は，博覧会そのものにスポットが当てられていたのに対し，本論では塩の出品，塩業界の動向に注目し，具体的に博覧会参加の意味や歴史的評価を示すものである。
明治前期における塩業界の課題は，品質改良と増産であった。近代産業として登場する化学工業の原料塩として，漁獲物の清国輸出の塩蔵用として，塩の品質改良は不可避であった。しかし，実際には苦汁分を含んだ差塩の方が国内市場のニーズは高く，漸進的な品質改良しか見られない。増産においても，むしろ製塩量が少ない方が高く売れ，経営的にも高い利益があがるため，期待通りの成果は得られなかった。
博覧会では，天日塩田や流動式・枝篠架式塩田など革新的な製塩法も提示されることがあったが，実際には実用化には至らず，技術的にも漸進的な進歩にとどまっている。結局，政府としても，出品物に対する評価を下し，課題を提示することはあっても，実際に製塩業に採用するのは塩業者個々に委ねられていたのである。また，博覧会開催前に明示された「博覧会規則」や「出品人心得」などによって，展示の意図が明示されているため，自主性や独創性よりも，特定課題に回答を示すことが高評価を得ることとなり，結果，内容の標準化は目指せるが独自性は消されていく。この点が，博覧会政策の成果と限界といえるだろう。
また，博覧会開催にあわせて水産諮問会を開催している。出品展示とは別に，製塩業者のみならず，問屋などの販売店，官僚などが集まり，業界の発展を展望する意見交換の場になっている。This paper clarifies the achievements and limitations of the Meiji-era exposition policy on Shokusan Kogyo (“encouragement of new industry”). The challenges for the salt industry during the Meiji era were to improve the quality and increase production, the former of which was inevitable as salt is a raw material for the chemical industry and for salting fish catches. In reality, however, the domestic market demand for sashijio salt, which contains nigari (“bittern”) content, was higher, with only gradual quality improvements seen. In addition, since a fewer amount of salt could be sold at a higher price, increased production did not yield the expected results.
Although innovative salt production methods were exhibited at the exposition, they were not adopted in practice with technological progress being gradual. While the government presented the challenges and evaluated the exhibits, it was left to the individual salt producers to make concrete improvements. The intent of the exhibition was clearly stated in Hakurankai Kisoku (“Exposition Regulations”) and Shuppinnin Kokoroe (“Instructions for Exhibitors”), etc., which were issued beforehand, so that the exhibits were highly evaluated if the intent was met. This was the achievement and limitation of the exposition policy.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] The Relationship between Study of Genre History and Kimono Drawn in Bijin-ga in Modern Times
Get PDF明治21年(1888)の月岡芳年画「風俗三十二相」を嚆矢として，明治24年(1891)から26年(1893)の水野年方画「三十六佳撰」，明治29年(1896)の小林清親画「花模様」，明治29年から30年(1897)の楊洲周延画「時代かがみ」というように，明治20年代には，歴史的に各時代の風俗を振り返って捉えた，いわゆる「時代風俗」の視点で女性を描く錦絵のシリーズ物の版行が相次いだ。それだけ人気のあったテーマであったことが推し量られるが，興味深いのは，女性の時代風俗を描いたシリーズはあっても，男性のそれは確認できないことである。
本稿では，そうしたアンバランスが生じた理由について，まずは考察した。結果，明治20年代の歴史回顧熱と流行に対する関心の高さ，そして，流行が女性の領域とされていたこと，さらには，流行の装いをした女性に美が見出されること，以上の要件が合いまり，男性にはない時代風俗を描く女性のシリーズが創案され，なおかつ人気のあるテーマになったことが導き出された。
続いて，既に詳細な解説がなされている「風俗三十二相」を除き，「三十六佳撰」「花模様」「時代かがみ」について，時代考証の在り方を検証し，画家たちが抱えていた課題を指摘した。すなわち，江戸時代の風俗考証に依拠していることが明らかとなった。そして，このような課題を克服しようとしていた風俗史の研究，中でも小袖の研究に関わる動向を追いかけ，その後の美人画制作に研究成果がいかに反映されているのかを確認した。さらには，美人画と現実の着物との関係について見たうえで，従来言われているように，着物姿の「女性」が「日本」の「美」を象徴するのか考察した。すると，着物姿が必ずしも日本的とは言えない事実が浮かびあがってきた。Yoshitoshi Tsukioka painted Fūzoku Sanjyū-ni Sō in 1888, Toshikata Mizuno painted Sanjyū-roku Kasen from 1891 to 1893, Kiyochika Kobayashi painted Hana Moyō in 1897, and Chikanobu Yōshū painted Jidai Kagami from 1986 to 1897. Thus, In the Meiji 20s (1887-1896), series of nishiki-e prints depicting women from the perspective of so-called “jidai fūzoku”, which historically looked back on the customs of each era, were published one after another. It is speculated that this theme was very popular at that time. And what is interesting is that while there are series depicting women's era customs, those of men cannot be confirmed.
This paper first examined the reasons for such imbalances. In the Meiji 20s, there were growing interests in historical retrospectives and phenomenon of fashion. In addition, the fashion was regarded as a women's territory, and beauty was found in women dressed as fashion. In response to these, it was derived that series of women, which depict the customs of the times, were created and became a popular theme.
Subsequently, this paper confirmed how the painters were conducting historical studies on Sanjyūroku Kasen, Hana Moyō and Jidai Kagami, and pointed out the problems they faced. Then, I followed the trends related to the study of customs history, especially the study of kosode, which was trying to overcome such problems, and confirmed how the research results were reflected in the production of bijin-ga. Furthermore, after looking at the relationship between bijin-ga and actual kimono, I considered whether the “woman” in kimono symbolizes the “beauty” of “Japan”, as has been said so far. Then, the fact that wearing kimono did not always symbolize Japan came to light.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of Oike Site A in Takarajima Island, Kagoshima Pref.
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[Article] Development of the Historical Destiny Theories on Calendrical Systems of the Han Dynasty
Get PDFapplication/pdf漢代に流行した暦運説について、総合的な考察を試みた。天文律暦学との関連性を探りながら数理構造を解明し、その形成過程を明らかにした。そして、思想的、社会的な作用を多角的に検討し、漢代思想革命に果たした役割を明確にした。
変革の周期性に着眼した立論は、五百年周期で聖人が出現するという孟子の言説に始まる。秦漢には、素朴な周期説から数理思想に発展し、伏生『尚書大伝』等において、三皇五帝、三王五伯の王朝変革が唱えられ、夏殷周の三正説、五行相剋による五徳終始説と関連づけがなされた。
やがて、暦運説は前漢末の終末論として大流行する。その契機は、天文暦法との数理的な結合にある。変革のサイクルには、古四分暦（顓頊暦、前漢六暦）の暦定数が用いられている。秦から漢初に用いられた顓頊暦について、馬王堆漢墓から出土した『五星占』を手がかりに数理的考察を試みると、水準の高い惑星運動論が展開されていることがわかる。漢の高祖が漢中に入った時に生起したとされる五星会聚現象も、これまで翌年の天体現象を流用したと見なされてきたが、『五星占』に掲載する周期説によって理論的に導き出せる。顓頊暦とそれに派生する前漢六暦がユニークな暦元説や年代記を唱え、それが暦運説の数理的基盤となったのである。緯書では、それをさらに発展させ、独自の暦構造と古帝王伝説を展開する。そこで、その暦術の構造的把握を試み、古四分暦に三統暦も含めて比較、検討を行った。
社会的な作用としては、王莽の政権簒奪から光武帝の漢王朝復興に至る政治的変革を引き起こしたことが、最も注目される。そこで、『漢書』に詳論される革命と予言の記録を読み解くことで、暦運説が援用されていく具体的様相を追跡した。そして、前漢末の災異説から讖緯説への変容、後漢の緯学の成立という流れのなかで、思想界に与えた影響を探った。We attempted a comprehensive analysis of the historical destiny theories that were popular during the Han dynasty. We investigated their relationship with calendars based on astronomy and uncovered their mathematical structures to discover their formation processes. Then, we performed a multifaceted consideration of its philosophical and social effects and made clear the role the theories played in intellectual revolution in the Han dynasty.
Theories that focus on the cyclical nature of change started with the idea of Mencius that a sage would arise every 500 years. During the Qin and Han dynasties, simple cyclical theories developed into mathematical thought: Fu Sheng’s Shangshu Dazhuan and other writings theorized on the change of dynasties of “Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors” and “Three Kings and Five Hegemons,” and they made connections to the “three first-months” of the three calendars Xia, Yin, and Zhou and to the theory of five virtues based on the correlation of the five phases.
Historical destiny theories eventually gained great popularity as eschatology toward the end of the Former Han dynasty. Their advantage was their mathematical link with the astronomical calendar. For the cycle of changes, the length of the year used was based on the old quarter-remainder calendar (the Zhuanxu calendar and the six calendars of Former Han). We attempted a mathematical analysis of the Zhuanxu calendar, used in Qin and early Han, referencing Divination Based on the Observation of Five Planets unearthed at Mawangdui Han tombs, and found that the theory of planetary movement had been developed to a high level. The close assembling of five planets that is said to have occurred when Gaozu of Han entered Hanzhong had been considered an appropriation of an astronomical event that happened the following year, but the theory of periodicity described in Divination predicted it. The Zhuanxu calendar and the six calendars of the Former Han derived from it presented unique starting dates and chronologies, and these became the mathematical bases for historical destiny theories. These theories were expanded on in Weishu, and independent calendrical structures and ancient emperor legends were developed. We attempted to grasp the structures of these calendars and compared them with old quarter-remainder calendars, including the Santong calendar.
What is most of note is the social effect of political changes: from the usurpation of power by Wang Mang to the restoration of the Han dynasty by Emperor Guangwu. We thus deciphered the record of revolutions and prophecies detailed in the Book of Han to follow specific aspects that supported historical destiny theories. We then investigated the effect the theories had on the intellectual world: in the transformation from the natural calamity theory to the theory based on apocryphal texts at the end of Former Han, and in the establishment of the study of Weishu in Later Han.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Materials] Handbook “Museum & Gender” : Fruit of a Research Project in University Oldenburg, Germany
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[Research Materials] Ainugo no Yakukai (Ainu Glossary with Translation and Annotation in Japanese) Compiled by FUKUSHIMA Kotozo
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[Article] Fire and Reconstruction of Tagajo, And the Suppression Army
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では、多賀城南面における街並み形成の前提として、宝亀十一年（七八〇）の伊治公呰麻呂の謀反を契機とする多賀城の火災と復興、それらと征討との関連を検討した。まず、多賀城の火災が律令制的な支配や国家の威光を象徴する政庁等の主要施設を中心とした点に注目し、本来は小規模な単位からなる蝦夷の部隊が呰麻呂の謀反で一斉蜂起し、国司の逃走と籠城した百姓の四散で空城となった多賀城に襲来した結果とみた。蝦夷は貴重な物品がありそうな施設に殺到し、略奪を尽くしたうえで放火したと考えられる。
次に、派遣された征東軍と火災との関係、征討の経過を検討した。呰麻呂の謀反と多賀城炎上の経緯を記す『続日本紀』同年三月の史料は後にまとめられたものであり、政府は国司の逃走を五月、多賀城の炎上を七月になって認識したとみられる。このため謀反の第一報直後に派遣された征東使は現地で想定外の難局に直面し、天皇との間で征討に対する考え方の差が開いた。征討は容易に実施できず、征東使の刷新と天皇の厳命によって十一月以降に大崎地方等の城柵を復したが、翌年五月には軍を解散した。その後、天皇は上京させた征東副使の説明で現地の詳細を十分認識した結果、考えを改めて征東使等を賞したと考える。
多賀城の復興はまず征東使が手がけ、その帰還後は新たな陸奥守内蔵全成と按察使の大伴家持が進めたとみられる。具体的な経過については政庁跡出土漆紙文書に注目し、多賀城の政治的機能は征東軍の駐留によって宝亀十一年九月頃にはある程度回復したものの、仮設の第Ⅲ―１期政庁は天応元年（七八一）以降、本格的な同２期政庁は延暦三年八月を上限とする延暦四年（七八三）頃の竣工を考えた。同年前半には家持と全成が陸奥国を去って多治比宇美が按察使と守、鎮守副将軍を兼ねる呰麻呂謀反以前の紀広純の頃の体制に戻り、上京した家持の申請による多賀・階上郡の真郡化で多賀城の防衛が強化されたことと符合する。The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the actual situation of the fire at Tagajo due to the rebellion of Emishi in the year Houki 11 (780), the process of suppressing the rebellion, and the process of rebuilding Tagajo. Tagajo, surrounded by castle walls, was the political and military base of the ancient Mutsu Country. Consideration of the excavation historical materials revealed that the fire of Tagajo was centered on major facilities, such as central government offices and castle gates, that symbolize the dignity of the nation. I think that the situation was the result of the Emishi fighting group originally composing of small units, attacking Tagajo with all at once. Also Tagajo at that time was an uninhabited castle because the leaders and people who defended the castle fled after hearing the mass uprising of Emishi. Emishi rushed to a high-grade facility in the castle like a mob and repeatedly looted. And finally an arson was performed.
Next, I presented a new historical interpretation of the process of suppressing this rebellion. After hearing the report of the rebellion, the Emperor immediately dispatched a force of suppression army from the capital. However, the suppression did not proceed as expected by the Emperor. The reason is that the scale and damage of the revolt were larger than expected, such as the fall of Tagajo. Lack of damage information and lack of preparedness for the suppression army were also added. As a result, the suppression army arriving in the Mutsu Country were in a severe situation. Military action was carried out by a strong order of the Emperor, but the outcome of the war was limited to the recovery of castles and areas lost in the rebellion. In light of this result, I pointed out that there was a large difference between the suppression army and the Emperor at perceptions of the situation in areas devastated by the rebellion.
On the other hand, the reconstruction of Tagajo was first started by the suppression army. Next, I think that Yakamochi Otomo and Matanari Kura, who have been newly appointed as leaders of Mutsu Country, had advanced a full-scale reconstruction. In addition, I examined the process of reconstruction based on paper documents, which had used for container lid with lacquer, excavated at the central government office of the Tagajo ruins. As a result, I think that a temporary central government office was completed after the first year of Tenou (781). Next, in the first half of the year Enryaku 4 (783), I concluded that the central government office, which consisting of full-scale buildings, and the main facilities of the entire castle were rebuilt.departmental bulletin pape