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[Article] The Imperial Edict of the Qianlong Emperor and the Second Occupation (British occupation) of Macao in 1808
Get PDF「広東体制」は，質とスケールを異にしながら重層する複数の機能を，その領域を使って同時に統制する，中国側から構成された機構である。1793年のマカートニー使節団に続く，イギリスによる1808年の第2次澳門占領事件（長崎におけるフェートン号事件をその一環としていた）は，中国沿海地方の天津・寧波・舟山と接続する澳門の占領を企て，さらに澳門と省城の間の境界を越えて，深く東アジア海域内に入り込み長崎に到ったという点において「広東体制」の領域の外部に逸脱し，同時に軍隊を率いた海軍少将ドルリーが澳門から省城広州に進入し総督との会見を要求したという点では「広東体制」の領域の内部を侵犯するものであった。この事件に際して両広総督呉熊光は，当初，乾隆帝の勅諭（マカートニー使節団が提出した呈禀中の6条にわたる要求に反駁したこの勅諭を継承し，これに準拠することが広東官僚に指示されていた）を参照することを怠り，イギリス兵による澳門砲台占領の長期化およびドルリーの黄埔・省城十三行への進入を許した廉で罷免・問罪されたが，他方，省城においては乾隆帝の勅諭を踏まえた朝貢儀礼にもとづく謁見を設定し，対等の会見を求めるドルリーの省城入城を許さなかった。その後，第2次澳門占領事件と同様の性格を持つアマースト使節団を経て，「広東体制」を逸脱・侵犯する運動は，かたや1832年のロード・アマースト号（厦門・福州・寧波・上海・山東・朝鮮・琉球），1835年のヒューロン号（福建・浙江・江蘇・山東），1837年のモリソン号（日本の鹿児島・浦賀），かたや1830年のベインズ事件（省城十三行における増築と女性の滞在）・1834年のネピア事件（貿易監督官ネピアによる省城十三行進入および対等のコミュニケーション・会見の要求）という互いに独立した2つのベクトルへと分岐し，やがて前者はアヘン戦争を経た南京条約による五港開港（これはやがて日本の開国にも連動していく），後者は広州入城問題とアロー戦争を経た北京条約による外国公使の北京常駐へとそれぞれ逢着することになる。The Canton system was a mechanism that sought to control multiple complex functions using the territory of Canton. The second occupation (British occupation) of Macao in 1808—a military operation that also included the Phaeton incident in Nagasaki that same year—aimed to subjugate Macao, a coastal Chinese region contiguous with Tianjin, Ningbo, and Zhoushan, and push the HMS Phaeton further into the East Asian Sea to reach Nagasaki, thus deviating from the Canton system from outside its territory. Simultaneously, Adm. William Drury, the leader of the British troops, entered the hongs of Canton from Macao and demanded a meeting with the governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces, thus violating the Canton system from within its territory. When the incident took place, the governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces, Wu Xiongguang, initially failed to consult the Qianlong emperor's imperial edict, rejecting a similar demand from the Macartney Mission and, as the British occupation of the fort of Macao continued, allowed Drury to enter Huangpu and the hongs of Canton—a decision for which he, Wu Xiongguang, would be dismissed and criminally charged. However, Wu Xiongguang did consult and follow the Qianlong emperor's imperial edict when he denied Drury's request to enter Canton to engage in a meeting as equals and instead granted him an audience based on Chinese tributary rituals.
After the 1816 incident involving the HMS Alceste, which belonged to the Amherst Mission, deviations from the Canton system from outside its territory and violations of it from within its territory, proceeded in parallel: On the one hand, there was the English ship Lord Amherst, which landed in Xiamen, Fuzhou, Ningbo, Shanghai, Shandong, Korea, and Ryukyu in 1832; the American ship Huron, which landed in Fujian, Zhejiang, Jiangsu, and Shandong in 1835; and the American ship Morrison, which landed in Kagoshima and Uraga, Japan, in 1837. On the other hand, there was the Baynes incident, when William Baynes, with no authorization, reorganized the hongs of Canton and brought women there in 1830, and the Napier incident, when William John Napier, chief superintendent of the British trade in China, entered the hongs of Canton and demanded equal communication with the Chinese side and a meeting with the governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces in 1834. Afterward, the first of a series of events led to the opening of five treaty ports following the Treaty of Nanjing after the Opium War, which was later linked to the opening of Japanese ports as well. The second event continued with a question of entry into the city of Canton and led to appointing foreign ministers to the court of Beijing at the 1860 Beijing Convention after the Arrow War.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Diplomatic Letters of the Tokugawa Shōgun in the Late Edo Era : Paleographical Analysis
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[Article] Hiraizumi Legends Found in the Historical Materials of Medieval Southern Kyushu : “Sako Ankokuji-moushijo” (酒匂安国寺申状) and “Yamada Syoei-jiki” (山田聖栄自記)
Get PDFapplication/pdf「平泉伝説」とは、一二世紀の東北地方で強盛を誇った平泉藤原氏にまつわる伝説を指す。平泉で最期を迎えた源義経に関する伝説も含めることができよう。小稿では、「平泉伝説」が室町時代の南九州で語られていたことを示す史料を紹介し、あわせてその理由や背景について考察する。
史料は、「酒匂安国寺申状」と「山田聖栄自記」である。いずれにも島津氏初代忠久の出自伝承が含まれ、南九州を支配するに到った経緯が記される。特徴の第一は、忠久が頼朝の落胤であったとすることである。これは事実と異なるものであるが、室町時代の島津氏周辺で唱えられはじめ、江戸時代には薩摩藩の公式な見解となっていった。第二は、忠久が奥州合戦において鎌倉軍を率い、平泉藤原氏を滅亡させたとしていることである。これも史実とは認められない。このような話は、どのようにして作り上げられたのだろうか。
「伝説」の核心部分は、島津氏の創作であろう。しかし、それを潤色する要素は幸若舞あるいは『義経記』などの口承文芸が元になっている。平泉や義経の「物語」が南九州でも知られるところとなり、それが取り込まれ、「伝説」が形作られていったのである。
次に考えられるのは、島津家文書が参照されたことである。上記二史料では、畠山重忠がキーマンとなっている。島津家文書には、重忠に関わる文書がいくつか含まれており、それらが「平泉伝説」成立に一役買ったことが考えられる。
島津忠久が奥州合戦の鎌倉軍を率いたと主張することが、室町時代の南九州で実際的な意味をもっていたことが想定される。当該期の島津氏には、多くのライバルがいた。彼らの出自をたどれば、みな東国に行き着く。そして祖先が奥州合戦に参加している。鎌倉軍を従えて奥州に侵攻したという島津忠久像を主張することは、そうしたライバルの優位に立つ上で有効だったにちがいない。“Hiraizumi (平泉) legends” are legends related to the Fujiwara clan, who was a powerful family in the Tohoku (東北) region of Japan in the 12th century. Legends about Minamoto no Yoshitsune (源義経) who died in Hiraizumi can also be included. In this article, I will introduce historical materials that show “Hiraizumi Legends” was told in Southern Kyushu (九州) during the Muromachi period, and also consider the reason and background.
The historical materials are “Sako Ankokuji-moushijo” (酒匂安国寺申状) and “Yamada Syoei-jiki” (山田聖栄自記).
These two historical materials have a description about Shimazu Tadahisa (島津忠久), the first generation of Shimazu family, a powerful family in Southern Kyushu. There are two points. First, Tadahisa was the secret child of Minamoto no Yoritomo (源頼朝). Second, Tadahisa led the Kamakura (鎌倉) army in the Oshu (奥州) battle in 1189 and defeated the Fujiwara clan. But neither is true.
What was the origin of these “legends”? First, the core of the legends is the creation of Shimazu family. However, the elements that color them are oral literatures such as “Kowakamai” (幸若舞) and “Gikeiki” (義経記)．Furthermore, there is a possibility that the Documents of Shimazu were referred to. In particular, ancient documents about Hatakeyama Shigetada (畠山重忠) have influenced the “legends.”
The legends that Shimazu Tadahisa led the Kamakura army in the Oshu battle seem to have been useful in Southern Kyushu during the Muromachi period. This is because Shimazu family at that time had many rivals, and their ancestors participated in the Oshu battle.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Regional Differences in Adapting to Changes in Funeral Rites
Get PDFapplication/pdf葬送儀礼についての研究関心は，社会の動向を背景に，Ⅰ．1980年代頃までの，葬送儀礼における個々の儀礼の意味と霊魂への対応とそれらの歴史への関心の段階，Ⅱ．1980年代，90年代以降の，葬祭業者委託の割合の増加と葬儀の変化の動向，それに伴う遺体処理の変化への関心という段階，Ⅲ．2000年以降の葬儀の簡略化に伴うさらなる変化の中にある現在，というふうに大きく変化してきているといえる。本稿は，このうちⅡの段階からⅢの段階への変化について，まずこれまでの調査から地域ごとの対応の差を概観し，そのうえで，農村部においては葬儀の変化だけが独立して起こっているのか，という問題について，近畿地方村落の宮座祭祀の伝承と変遷との関係において調査事例をもとに分析を試みたものである。調査事例としたのは，比較的遅くまで土葬が行なわれていて，2000年代に入ってようやく公営火葬場の利用に変わった近畿地方の両墓制と宮座を伝承してきた滋賀県蒲生郡竜王町綾戸と奈良市大柳生町の事例である。竜王町綾戸では，公営火葬場の利用によって，2005年に新たな石塔墓地の造成がなされ，それまでのサンマイ利用が消滅していった。綾戸では村の中に葬式の時だけ親類としての役割を果たすソーレンシンルイのしきたりが続けられてきていたがそれも2016年には解消された。さらに氏神の苗村神社の祭礼をつとめる当屋の負担の軽減がはかられることになり，葬儀の相互扶助の消滅への動きが祭りの改革も引き起こすことになったことが観察された。大柳生町では，2000年から2010年の半ばに土葬から火葬へ，そして自宅葬からホール葬へという変化がおこり，ほぼ同じ頃，2006年に宮座の明神の当屋に奉納される太鼓踊りの中止という事態が起こっていた。このようにこの2事例からは，村人の相互扶助による葬儀が変質し喪失していくなかで，村落の人びとの結集の弛緩が葬儀以外の場面でも起こっていることがわかる。Great change has been observed in the interest in research of funeral rites, according to the trend in society at the time: phase I of interest in the meanings of individual rites in funeral rites and the handling of the soul up to the 1980s, along with their histories; phase II of interest in the share increase of funerals entrusted to companies and the trend of changes in funeral rites that occurred in the 1980s and 90s and the accompanying changes in the treatment of corpses; and phase III of the present day, in which the further changes accompanying the simplification of funeral rites since 2000 is ongoing. This paper examines the change from phase II to phase III, first by getting an overview of how regions have adapted differently, based on existing surveys. Then, it asks whether the changes in funeral rites in rural areas is occurring independently of other changes, and it attempts to analyze this in the relationship of transmission and transition in the religious services by the miyaza (a ritual organization generally focused upon the shrine of the ujigami, the local tutelary deity) in villages in the Kinki region based on research examples. The research examples used were Ayado (in Ryuoh Town, Gamo District, Shiga Prefecture) and Oyagyucho (in Nara City), where burial was practiced until comparatively late and transition to the use of public crematories finally occurred in the 2000s. At both, the Kinki region traditions of “double graves” (both burial graves and ritual graves) and miyaza had been transmitted. In Ayado, Ryuoh Town, the use of san-mai (traditional burial grounds) ceased due to the use of public crematories, and a new graveyard with gravestones was developed in 2005. The customary practice of having soren shinrui, persons who play the role of relatives only at funerals, in the village had continued in Ayado, but this also was dissolved in 2016. Further, when the load on the toya (the one who manages rituals) at Namura Shrine of the ujigami was reduced, it was observed that the transition to the end of mutual aid led to the reformation of festivals. In Oyagyucho, the transition from burial to cremation and from funeral services in homes to at funeral halls occurred from 2000 to the mid-2010s, and around this same time in 2006, the Taiko-odori festival offered to the toya of the myojin (apparent deity) of the miyaza ceased to be held. From these two examples, as funeral rites held with the mutual aid of village residents change and are lost, it can be observed that the cohesion of persons in the villages become laxer also in settings aside from funerals.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Materials] Nengo-Kanja-Rei (年号勘者例) Written by Hirohashi Kanetuna (広橋兼綱) and the Documents Written on the Reverse Side : On the Dispute about the Succession of the Leadership of Hosshoji-temple (法勝寺) after the Death of the Chief Priest Echin (恵鎮) in 1356
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[Article] Mothers and Children in Ancient Household Registers : Families and Organization of Households in the Year 702 as Indicated in Hanyuri Koseki
Get PDF日本古代の戸は父系家族の外観を呈するが，その内部は父母＋コ，父＋コ，母＋コのオヤコ単位の連鎖によって構成されている。国家は，こうした複数のオヤコ単位をいかにして父系的な戸に編成していったのか，その具体的なプロセスは未解明の課題である。そこで本論では，大宝二年(702)御野国半布里戸籍にみえる女性の付貫形態に注目し，この問題の検討を試みた。戸籍を精査すると，「妻」として付貫された女性は婚姻女性の一部に限られ，戸内最年長男性（ほとんど戸主）とそれに次ぐ年長男性2～3人に限定的に「妻」を同籍する原則が確認できる。戸籍上の「妻」は単なる親族名称ではなく，編戸に際して里内年長男性の配偶者に付与された地位呼称と考えられる。一方，女児は出生時に母のもとに片籍され，父の年齢順位が上がり，母が「妻」の呼称を付与された時点で母とともに父の戸に移貫された。つまり，戸籍による女性の把握は原則として母を定点として行われており，母児の父系編成は戸籍を介して女性に「妻」の地位呼称を付与することではじめて可能になったと考えられる。また「妻」の同籍は，父系によって戸を再生産していくために不可欠の操作でもあった。当時の戸主の地位継承は父系的な「世代内継承」，すなわち年長の戸主同世代傍系親（兄弟・同党［イトコ］）を優先し，次に子世代「嫡子」に及ぶという継承方式によって行われていた。そこで国家は，戸主と兄弟・同党に「妻」を同籍した上でその複数の長子＝「嫡子」たちを次世代戸主継承候補として確保し，同時に「妻」を若年「嫡子」の後見人に位置づけることで，戸のスムースな父系継承を図ったのである。そして「世代内継承」によって析出された同党を越える遠縁の親族集団は寄口とされ，課丁や戸主継承候補の不足する戸に寄せ付けられた。「妻」と「嫡子」を同籍する寄口は戸主の地位継承候補と目されており，寄口と戸口の間に身分の差はなかったと考えられる。Ancient Japanese households (ko) may look like patrilineal family units but rather comprise a chain of parent-child units: mother and father + children, father + children, or mother + children. The specific process remains unexplained as to how the nation organized these multiple parent?child units into patrilineal households. Therefore, this paper attempts to examine the household system (henko) by focusing on how entries on women were recorded in the household register (koseki), specifically the Minonokuni Hanyuri Koseki in 702. A detailed examination of this household register reveals that only some of the married women were registered as a “wife” (tsuma), indicating that in principle, the word “wife” was only used when registering the spouses of the eldest man in the family (usually also the head of the household) and of the two or three next eldest men. Thus, the word “wife” in the household register is not only a term of kinship but also a designation of status given to the spouses of male elders in a village. Meanwhile, when a girl was born, she would be registered with her mother at the time of birth, rather than with her father; as the father's age increased and the mother became designated as a “wife,” the daughter would be transferred into the father's household with her mother. In other words, in principle, women were designated in the household register with the mother as the fixed point, and it only became possible to integrate mothers and children into the patrilineal system when a woman was given the status designation of “wife” through the household register. This same designation as a “wife” was also an indispensable aspect of creating a household by means of the patrilineal system. In that era, inheriting the status of the head of the household started with a system of patrilineal “intra-generational succession,” i.e., the succession of collateral relatives (brothers, cousins) within the same generation of the eldest head of the household, which was followed by the succession of “legitimate sons” (chakushi) in the children's generation. In this manner, the state attempted to facilitate smooth patrilineal inheritance within households by first registering the spouses of the head of the household and their brothers and cousins as “wives,” and then considering multiple firstborn “legitimate sons” of this generation as candidates for the next generation of household heads, simultaneously positioning the “wives” as the guardians of the young generation of legitimate heirs. Groups of relatives more distant than cousins created by the system of intra-generational succession were described using the term “kikou”; they were assigned to households where there was a shortage of adult men who were eligible to pay tax or a shortage of candidates for inheritance. “kikou”, who were recorded in the household register as having both a “wife” and a “legitimate son,” were viewed as potential successors to the head of household, and there was no difference in status between the “kikou” and members of the household.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Rice Planting and Women : A Study from a Folkloric Point of View
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