National Museum of Japanese History Repository
Not a member yet
2571 research outputs found
Sort by
[Article] The Trading Passes in Qing Empire’s Overseas Trade Administration : 1684-1840
Get PDF本稿は，「牌照」（海外貿易に利用される，許可証や通航証のような公的証明書）を切り口に，清朝中期の海外貿易の管理制度について考察を行いたい。
清朝は康煕23（1684）年に海禁を解除し，朝貢貿易のみならず，民間商人の海外貿易と海外商人の渡来貿易も全面的に認め，海関を軸とした貿易管理のための体制づくりを始め，その一環としては，「牌照」や「印票」などと称される渡航・貿易の認可証明書を発行する措置もとった。これらの海外貿易に利用された「牌照」については，いままでは個別の事例として紹介されたり，海船管理や広州貿易などの総合研究で若干言及されたりしてきたが，中国商人宛てのものと外国商人宛てのものを総括した上で「牌照」制の全体像を浮き彫りにしようとする試みは見られない。
本稿は「牌照」制の解明を目指して，制度生成の経緯に対するダイナミックな分析と，文書内容に対する構造的な分析を試みたい。まず海外貿易の「牌照」制の創設と整備を追跡する。続いて，沿海貿易の商船，南洋（東南アジア各地）貿易の商船，長崎貿易の商船，さらに広州貿易に参加する外国商船，及びマカオから広州へ移動する外国商人などに使用された「牌照」の例を取り上げ，記載内容と文章構成の分析を行う。その上で，またそれらの「牌照」が清朝の海外貿易の管理に付された機能などについて検討する。
結論に関しては，①明代の月港貿易の渡航「文引」制から制度的に継承した形跡が見られること，②発行機関や受領対象者の異なる多様な「牌照」が発行・利用され，前代より遥かに類型が増え，制度の成熟化を見せたこと，③各「牌照」がそれぞれ具体的な機能を持つ一方で，最終的には安全保障や徴税の補助措置としての役割を果たすことが期待され，機能の相互補完も行われていたこと，④貿易港市の仲介業者という性格を持つ「船行」（広州の場合は「十三行」など）が「牌照」の代理申請者を務めていたことなどが議論のポイントとして挙げられる。The Qing Empire abolished haijin, the Maritime Prohibitions, in 1684 and meanwhile legalized the overseas trade of private merchants. As a result, numerous Chinese merchants began to sail to Nagasaki of Japan and various places in Southeast Asia for trade, and on the other hand, foreign traders were also able to legally enter and engage in transactions at port cities of China. It is known that, the empire established custom houses called haiguan to collect trade duty and to oversee the movement of merchants and ships. And it is also worthy of note that a series of official passes were issued to merchants or ship-owners for assisting trade management. There still exit several original passes generally called Grand Chop in English used in the Canton trade and several manuscripts of passes used by the Chinese trading ships to Nagasaki. There are a few case studies on one kind of or several kinds of the trading passes, and the utilization of trading passes also have been discussed to some extent in several comprehensive studies on Chinese marine ships' administration of the Qing Empire or studies on the Canton trade. Yet, they seldom try to integrate the examination of the passes used by Chinese merchants and those issued to foreign traders, and thereby to show us a whole picture of the trading passes system.
This article aims to examine the process of the systematic formation and discusses the functions of these passes in a wide vision on the overseas trade of Qing China especially in the period from 1684 to 1840. For these purposes, this study analyzes in detail the text of passes which original or manuscript still exist currently and analyzes the Qing's official documents related to the utilization of trading passes.
There are several discussing points in the conclusion: we can see the institutional inheritance in the pass system between the Qing and its former dynasty, the Ming; more kinds of passes were issued and used in the Qing than the Ming, and it can be seen as a result of the institutional development; even though different kind of passes had different roles, they functioned complementarily, since the Qing authorities expected them to benefit the maintenance of empire's coastal security and duty collection; the commercial brokers called chuanhang in trading port cities generally played a role of agent for applying for trading passes.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] The Genealogy and Revolution of the Latest Stages Tombs (Emishi-style)
Get PDFapplication/pdf6世紀末から10世紀にかけて，東北北部から北海道央ではいわゆる末期古墳が造られていた。90年近い末期古墳の研究史の中で，近年特に注目されている三つのテーマについて再検討を行った。
一つは末期古墳の系譜を東国に求める動きに対してである。検討の結果，青森県八戸地域と岩手県胆沢地域とでは別系譜であることが認められた。八戸地域では無煙道～短煙道竃の竪穴住居跡と横穴式石室を模したような張り出しをもつ土壙型末期古墳が多くみられ，関東からの影響が強いこと，側壁抉込土坑が分布することから常総地方などに系譜が求められることが考えられた。
胆沢地方では，竃焚口に長礫を横架する構造を福島県南部などから受容しているが，土壙型は伸展葬と墳丘という広く古墳文化の影響を受けながら，伝統的な土壙墓が変革されたものと考えられた。川原石積みの礫槨型は関東西部などからの影響の可能性を確認するにとどまった。
東北北部以北の蝦夷社会成立にあたっては東国からの影響が大きかったが，一方で移民を示すような関東系土師器は僅かで，多くの人々の移住や移民は想定できないことも明らかになった。
二つめは，主体部を残さない形の末期古墳（周湟墓）の位置づけである。8世紀後葉以降に大規模な古墳群が減少し，また中規模の墓域が集落の一画に造られ，さらには数基の家族墓的なあり方に変化する。村落での墓域共有の理念が失われ，集落ごと，家族ごとで墓域を形成するようになった。この背景として8世紀後半の竪穴住居総数の減少があり，地域社会の大きな変革期であったことがあげられる。
三つめは，岩手県南端や宮城県北端の地域（栗原等五郡域）の群集墳が北上盆地の礫槨型末期古墳とは異なることを指摘した。群集墳築造は柵戸移民や城柵造営，三十八年戦争などにともなって，在地住民が郡司などの役職に就き，群集墳の葬制を取り入れたことが想定される。
以上，末期古墳をとおして，蝦夷社会の成立や変容，陸奥中部北端での内国化の様相を考察した。This paper is a reexamination of the Latest Stages Tombs (Emishi-style), whose construction dates back to the 6th century—10th century period and is spread over the expanse from northern Tohoku to central Hokkaido. These tombs have been evaluated along the following three themes:
The first theme discussed in this study is the genealogy of the Latest Stages tombs. The Hachinohe area of Aomori Prefecture is lined with several hole-type Latest Stages tombs. These tombs consist of overhangs whose architectural design seems to have been replicated from pit dwellings consisting of horizontal stone chambers and furnaces that either sport no smoke flues or very short ones. It is believed that their genealogy can be traced back to the Joso region (Ibaraki and Chiba Prefecture) because their design, together with the dug holes on their sidewalls, seems to have been highly inspired from the Kanto-style tombs. The structure of long gravel laid horizontally across the opening of a furnace was adopted in the Isawa area of Iwate prefecture from the southern part of the Fukushima prefecture. The style of the hole is said to have evolved from the traditional hole-shaped graves and broadly influenced by the kofun culture of extended burial and tumulus. This influence is evident in the architectural style of the western Kanto region in the stone compartment, together with its riverside stones.
Although the culture of the Kanto provinces significantly influenced the establishment of the Ezo society in the areas north of northern Tohoku, there were few Kanto-style Haji potteries, which implies that not many people migrated from Kanto to this region.
The second theme involves a historical transition. As the number of large-scale clustered tumuli began plummeting since the latter half of the 8th century, the design of the Latest Stages tombs was changed to a style that no longer entailed its main part (i.e., the burial mound surrounded by a ditch or tombs encircled by a groove). Moreover, people began abandoning the idea of a communal burial area and started setting up a separate burial ground for each village or family. This transition stems from a reduction in the total number of pit dwellings in the latter half of the 8th century, which was a period of enormous change in the local communities.
The third theme is the author’s recognition that the clustered tumuli in the southernmost part of the Iwate prefecture as well as the northernmost part of Miyagi prefecture (i.e., the area comprising five counties, including Kurihara) are different from the stone compartment-style Latest Stages tombs in the Kitakami Basin. Regarding the construction of cluster of small mounded tombs, we can assume that the local residents took up occupational roles such as that of the local magistrate and adopted the funeral system of the clustered tumuli. They also assimilated with the immigration of the Kinohe (i.e., migrants from the Kanto and Hokuriku regions who were forced to work for the government), the construction of the castle fences, and the Thirty-Eight Years’ War.
In conclusion, this studied the Latest Stages tombs to evaluate the formation and evolution of the Emishi society and its internalization of external cultural influences in the northern end of central Mutsu.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Settlement Dynamics and its Background from the Late 8th to 10th Centuries in the Miyakonojo Basin : Mainly on Archeological Sites along the Yokoichi River
Get PDFapplication/pdf都城盆地の古代の集落様相と動態に関する3つの課題を提示して，横市川流域の遺跡群の集落遺跡の類型化とその性格を推定した上で，同盆地内のその他の遺跡との比較も行ってその背景を考察した。①都城盆地内において，8世紀前半に明確ではなかった集落が8世紀後半に忽然と現れる現象については，8世紀後半以降の律令政府による対隼人政策の解消に伴って南九州各地にも律令諸原則が適用されるようになる中で，いわゆる開墾集落が形成されはじめた可能性を指摘した。②遺跡数が増大する9世紀中頃から10世紀前半には，複数の集落類型が併存しており，中にはいわゆる官衙関連遺跡や地方有力者の居宅跡も存在する。郡衙が置かれた場所ではないが，広大な諸県郡の中の中心域を占め，開発可能な沖積地を随所に擁する都城盆地において，国司・大宰府官人・院宮王臣家などとのつながりが想定される富豪層による開発が進展するとともに，物資の流通ルートを担う動きが活発化して，集落形成が顕著となり，各集落が出現と消滅，変転を繰り返しながらも見かけ上は継続的に集落形成が行われていたと推察される。貿易陶磁器や国産施釉陶器などの希少陶磁器類の存在から看取される都城盆地の特質としては，南九州内陸部における交通の結節点をなす場所として重要な位置を占めていたことに加え，一大消費地でもあったことも指摘できる。③10世紀前半まで継続した集落が10世紀後半になると衰退・廃絶し，全体的に遺跡数が減少するという現象については，10世紀から11世紀にかけて進行した乾燥化と温暖化，変動幅の大きい夏季降水量など不安定な気候の可能性に加え，当該期における集落形成の流動性と定着性の薄弱さを考慮すべきである。当時，開発の余地が大きい都城盆地に進出していた各集団の多くは，自立的・安定的な経営を貫徹するには至らなかったと思われ，当時の農業技術水準の問題もあり，激化する洪水などの自然環境の変化に対しては十分な対応がとれなかった社会状況があったことも想定できる。Three issues related to the appearance and dynamics of ancient settlements in the Miyakonojo Basin were presented. The typology of the settlements in the Yokoichi River basin were estimated and their character. In addition, the background was considered by comparison with other sites in the basin. As for the phenomenon that the settlement which was not clear in the first half of the 8th century appears suddenly in the second half of the 8th century in the Miyakonojo Basin, various principles of the Ritsuryo come to be applied to various parts of southern Kyushu with the dissolution of the measures for Hayato of the Ritsuryo government after the second half of the 8th century. It pointed out the possibility that so-called reclamation settlement began to be formed. In the middle of the 9th century and the first half of the 10th century, when the number of sites increased, several types of settlements coexisted. In addition to the so-called government-related ruins, there are also ruins of the local influential person’s mansion.
Although it is not a place where the county is located, development by the wealthy layer which is assumed to connect with provincial governors), officials of Dazaifu (local government office in the Kyushu region), the Inguoushinke (a general term for imperial families and nobles who gathered strength by approaching the Emperor’s power), etc. progresses in the Miyakonojo Basin where the center area of the vast county occupies the center area of various counties, and there is an all-over-japan mass land that can be developed, and the development of the It is presumed that the movement responsible for the distribution route of goods was activated, and the settlement formation became remarkable, and the settlement formation was carried out continuously while each settlement appeared and disappeared, and the change was repeated. It can be pointed out that it was also a major consumption area in addition to occupying an important position as a place to form the junction of transportation in the inland part of southern Kyushu as a characteristic of the Miyakonojo Basin, which is taken care of from the existence of rare ceramics such as trade ceramics and domestic glazed pottery. As for the phenomenon that settlements that continued until the first half of the 10th century decline and abolition in the second half of the 10th century, and the overall number of ruins decreases, in addition to the possibility of unstable climate, such as dryness and global warming, and summer precipitation with a wide range of fluctuations, It should be considered the liquidity and the weakness of the settler of the settlement formation in the period. At that time, many of the groups that had advanced to the Miyakonojo Basin, where there was a lot of room for development, were not expected to be able to carry out independent and stable management, and there were problems with agricultural technology levels at that time. It can also be assumed that there was a social situation in which sufficient response to changes in the natural environment, such as the intensifying floods, was not sufficient.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Reexamination of Koehito (肥人)
Get PDFapplication/pdf『続日本紀』、『万葉集』、『令集解』の古記にみえる肥人は、隼人に近しい存在として登場し、挙げられているが、読み方と語義ともに諸説あり、近年の国語辞典・歴史事典においても一致していない。本稿では、その研究史を整理し、従来の説の問題点を指摘したうえで、肥人史料を検討していくつかの見通しを示した。
現在の『万葉集』注釈研究では、読みはクマヒトの転訛としてのコマヒトが、語義は肥後国球磨地方の人が定説となっている。コマヒトの読みは一三世紀の仙覚がそれまでのコエヒトの読みをコマヒトに改めたことに始まるが、語義は吉田東伍・喜田貞吉による熊襲説を受け継いだものである。しかし今日、歴史研究のなかに熊襲説を是とする論はない。いっぽう吉田・喜田説を批判した岩橋小彌太は、語義は肥国人であり読みはヒビトを主張したが、これにも反論がある。球磨人説・肥国人説のいずれも無理があり、「肥」を地名で解釈しようとしてきた従来の見方を考え直す必要がある。
七世紀末から八世紀の木簡や正税帳、庸布墨書などに、「肥人」や「肥人部」がウジナとしてみえる。そして肥人には、朝貢記事がみられないこと、分布が九州南部のほか、ウジナでは畿内をはじめ遠江・越後・肥前と広いこと、また百済系渡来人との関係が木簡出土遺跡や『播磨国風土記』の地名起源説話から窺えることなど、隼人とは大きく異なる点を指摘できる。部の設置などからすると肥人はヤマト王権に奉仕する職掌に関わる名称と考えられ、いわゆる人制との関係が推測される。
肥人の読みは確定しがたいが、その職掌は律令国家の形成に伴い、そのなかに解消されていったと思われる。肥人への夷人視が進むのはその後のことと思われる。このように肥人は、律令国家の夷人観の始まりと変容に関わっていると考えられる。The Koehito have been mentioned in the ancient texts Shoku Nihongi, Manyoshu, and Ryonoshuge as a group sharing similar characteristics as those exhibited by the Hayato. However, there are various theories regarding the pronunciation and meaning of this word, and there is no consensus on this subject among the recently published Japanese and historical dictionaries. After analyzing the history behind the research of the Koehito and pointing out the problems with existing theories, this paper examines the relevant historical materials and articulates several possibilities.
Existing studies having attempted to interpret Manyoshu state that as per the established theory, the pronunciation of word “komahito” is actually a distorted version of “kumahito,” adopting the theory by scholar priest Sengaku who started pronouncing the word as “komahito” instead of traditional “koehito” in the 13th century. Those studies also state that the Koehito refers to the people belonging to the Kuma region of the Higo Province, inheriting the Kumaso theory by Togo Yoshida and Sadakichi Kida. However, within the purview of historical research, there is no contemporary theory advocating the Kumaso theory. Koyata Iwahashi who criticized the theory proposed by Yoshida and Kida insisted that the word referred to the people of Hinokuni and was pronounced “hibito,” which is also controversial. The Kumaso and the Hinokuni theories are both unconvincing, and it is necessary to reconsider these conventional approaches assuming that the Chinese character of “肥” refers to the name of a place.
The Chinese characters for Koehito (i.e. 肥人 and 肥人部) appear as family names in wooden tablets, tax books and bokusho on yofu (or ink writings on the fabrics submitted as tax) in the period ranging from the end of the 7th century to the 8th century. Additionally, there are significant differences between the Koehito and the Hayato. For instance, there is no mention of Koehito in articles written as tributes to the imperial palace. Moreover, the word Koehito is a family name in the wide region outside Southern Kyushu, and the area encompasses the regions of Kinai, Totomi, Echigo and Hizen. Furthermore, the location of the archaeological site where wooden tablets were excavated and anecdotes regarding the origin of the name of places in Harima no Kuni Fudoki indicate that the Koehito had a close relationship with the settlers from Kudara, unlike the Hayato. From the suffix “be” (部), we can hypothesize that the word was a name associated with the official duties performed by those who served the Yamato Kingdom. Therefore, we can presume that the word has some connection with the so-called hitosei (i.e. the system of government officials).
Although it is difficult to determine the pronunciation of Koehito, it seems that their duties were phased out with the formation of the Japanese nation under the ritsuryo legal codes. The common assumption that they were ijin (i.e. barbarians) emerged much later. In this way, the concept of the Koehito is believed to be connected to how a ritsuryo nation started to perceive others as ijin and how this perception subsequently evolved.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Featured Exhibition “The Name of Era and the Court”
Get PDFapplication/pdfdepartmental bulletin pape
[Article] Basic Study on School Museum in Japan : Towards a Better Understanding of the Place where School Materials are Located
Get PDFapplication/pdf学校博物館は学校内に存在する施設で，一般の博物館と同様に資料の収集，保管，展示，公開などの役割を果たしうる。しかしその歴史や実態の理解は，研究者や学芸員の間で進んでいるとは言えず，そこに所在する学校資料と同じく学校博物館はいまや亡失の危機にある。一方で，学校現場ではいまも学校博物館は活用され，設立もなされている。そんな中，ごく近年になって，学校資料や学校博物館にかかる活動をおこなう研究者や学芸員の存在が多数顕在化しており，学校博物館は新たな局面を迎えている。そこで本稿では，改めて学校博物館の基礎データを収集し，学校博物館の歴史と特徴を社会的状況や学校現場，博物館関係者などの諸点から明らかにすることを試み，あわせて学校博物館への今後の関わり方を検討した。
結果として，学校博物館は近代的学校制度導入の頃から現在にいたるまで多数設立され続け，またその時々の社会状況や学校の特色などに応じて，すべての学校種で設立がみられたことを確認した。そして学校博物館の歴史を9期に区分し，第1期：学校博物館の萌第，第2期：学校博物館論の出現，第3期：通俗教育と郷土教育の学校博物館増加，第4期：郷土教育による学校博物館と学校博物館論の発展，第5期：理工系学校博物館の新設，第6期：人文系学校博物館の発展，第7期：人文系博物館の増加と学校博物館論の停滞，第8期：学校博物館論の停滞と記録されなくなる学校博物館，第9期：学校博物館の新たな展開とまとめた。これら各期の学校博物館の動向を踏まえた上で，本稿では，学校博物館の特徴を「継続性と即応性」という観点から捉え直すことを提案し，学校だけではなく，一般の博物館そして地域社会との連携の仕組みを構築することが今後重要なあり方であると指摘した。A school museum is an institution that exists within a school and, like a general museum, has several functions such as collect, store, exhibit and publicize cultural properties. However, in recent years, some problems have arisen in the operation of these museums, and in some cases the intention of their existence is not fully recognized by the school. The reasons for this are complex, but one of the main reasons is that, due to the systematic and regular transfer of school teachers, information on the establishment and role of school museums is not properly passed on to their successors within each school. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the historical background of the establishment of school museums in Japan and the significance of their existence. After that, the characteristics of school museums that differ from those of ordinary museums will be clarified. In conclusion, since school museums play a role not only for school education but also for regional development and as a device to keep the memory of the region alive, it will be important to create a mechanism for cooperation among schools, regional organizations, and regional museums for its appropriate operation. In addition, this paper proposes that we should not be concerned only with “continuity” as in the case of ordinary museums, but should also emphasize the “readiness” of school museums, which are established and operate when the need arises, and consider how they should be managed based on this characteristic.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archeological Report on the Chronology of Human Bones of the Kofun Period Excavated at Yamanokami No.1 Mounded Tomb, Fuchu-shi, Hiroshima Pref.
Get PDFdepartmental bulletin pape
[Article] Maidservants as Ladies in Waiting in the Inner Chambers of Edo Castle : A Study of their Appointment and Services
Get PDF本稿は、大名家の奥向から江戸城大奥へ派遣された「御城使（おしろづかい）」を取り上げ、その実相を選任と役務の検討を通して明らかにしようとするものである。御城使は「女使（おんなづかい）」「女中使（じょちゅうづかい）」と呼ばれることもあるが、江戸城大奥へ派遣される奥女中を特定する名称は、御城使である。この点を確認したうえで、はじめに御城使の本務である「大奥勤め」の全容を捉える分析を行った。大奥勤めとは、将軍の子女・子息の縁組を契機として、縁組の当人、および縁組先の大名家の当主や正妻が、将軍家への定期・不定期の挨拶・献物を課された儀礼勤めである。基本的に後代の当主と正妻に受け継がれるものとなった。近世中後期には大名家の願い出により、勤めを行う主体の原則が拡大されていたが、幕末に至るまで、大奥勤めを許された大名家は、全体の一割ほどに過ぎなかった。よって、大奥勤めの使者となる御城使は、仕える主人の名誉と家柄を誇示する存在となり、登城の華やかな行列にその様相が顕れていた。
御城使は奥女中の職階の最高位である上臈、もしくは老女が担当する。大奥勤めの使者として、しきたりと規式の作法をわきまえた振る舞いを求められ、これを担う能力を必要とされた。また、役方の複数の職階の奥女中が献物や書状の準備などを分担分業し、協同して、御城使を支えた。さらに奥向・表向の男性役人が任務の一部を代替したり、任務に加わる態勢が採られていた。これは元服前の幼少当主による大奥勤めは、付属する奥女中の職制に役方が不足していたことや、大奥勤めに付随した将軍・御台所からの拝領物の受領に際して、上使の応接に表向・奥向を超えて役職に応じた務めが生じたからである。
一方、御城使は将軍家と大名家の縁組交渉や、大名家から将軍家への内願に際して、非公式の情報伝達を担う奥向ルートとしても機能した。以上の考察から、御城使は、表向で御城使と称された留守居役に並び立つ役務であり、これを担う奥女中は大名家の官僚機構における女性官僚として位置付けることができる。The aim of this study is to provide a clear picture of the oshirozukai—maidservants who were dispatched to the inner chambers of Edo Castle from the private quarters of daimyos' (feudal lords') mansions—through an examination of their appointment and services. The oshirozukai are also referred to as onnazukai or jochuzukai, but oshirozukai is the name that identifies the maidservants who were dispatched to the inner chambers of Edo Castle. Having confirmed this, I first conducted an analysis to grasp the whole picture of the service in the inner chambers of Edo Castle which was the main duty of the oshirozukai. This was a form of ceremonial service when a daughter or son of the Shogun was married to a member of the family of a daimyo, whereupon the family member getting married and the head of the family or his wife were required to make regular greetings and offerings to the Shogun. In principle this service was handed down to the head and wife of the head of the next generation of the daimyo family. In the mid- and late-early modern period, at the request of daimyo families, the principle of who could provide these services was expanded. Nevertheless, until the late Tokugawa Shogunate, the daimyo families permitted to provide such services accounted for only about one-tenth of the total. Therefore, the oshirozukai who were sent to provide services in the inner chambers of Edo Castle reflected honor on the master they served and showed off the family's lineage, which was evident in the spectacular procession to the castle.
The service of the oshirozukai was undertaken by joro (noblewomen) or rojo (senior ladies in waiting), the highest ranks among the ladies in waiting at Edo Castle. As emissaries to the inner chambers of the castle, they were required to act with discipline and manners and to possess the abilities necessary to do so. In addition, maidservants of various administrative ranks shared the work of preparing offerings and letters, working together with the oshirozukai to support their services. Furthermore, male officials of both the inner and outer halls of the castle were ready to undertake some of the duties of the oshirozukai or join them in performing their duties. Nevertheless, the need also arose for young heads of household not yet of age to serve in the inner chambers because the assigned maidservants were not sufficient to perform the required administrative duties or because, when gifts were received from the Shogun or his wife in connection with the duties of the inner chambers, a person of appropriate rank was required to receive the envoy, regardless of whether it was of an official or private nature.
On the other hand, the oshirozukai also functioned as a private channel for the unofficial communication of information in marriage negotiations between the Shogun's family and a daimyo family, or when an informal request was made from a daimyo's family to the Shogun's family. From the above considerations, it can be concluded that oshirozukai was a role equivalent to that performed by the rusui (caretakers) and the maidservants of the inner chamber who rendered such services can be positioned as female bureaucrats in the hierarchy of the daimyo family.departmental bulletin pape
