National Museum of Japanese History Repository
Not a member yet
2571 research outputs found
Sort by
[Research Materials] An Annotated Bibliography of “Genpisho” preserved in the National Museum of Japanese History (Takamatsunomiya Collection)
application/pdfdepartmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] From a Legal Dispute on Water Supply in Koto
application/pdfdepartmental bulletin pape
[Article] Trends of Funeral Business Operators in Fukuoka City and Strategies and Activities of Community-based Funeral Companies : A Case Study of Sansuisha
application/pdf全国の葬儀事業者数は2000年に553社だったが,2020年には2,506社と20年で5倍にまで増加したが,従業員数は2.5倍の増加にとどまっており,2011年から正社員とその他従業者の数がほぼ同じとなった。
福岡市の葬祭事業者は,1999年の事業者数51,従業者数937人(正社員682人,非正規255人)から,2000年代に事業者数は70社まで増加し,2012年に103社,従業者数1,432人(正社員828人,非正規604人)とピークを迎え,その後2割近く減少する。
福岡市の職業別電話帳・タウンページに掲載された葬祭事業者の広告数は,1966年度版の10点から増加を続け,1986年には56点まで増加するが,バブル経済の崩壊により1991年には45点まで減少する。葬儀費用が広告に掲載されるようになったのは2003年であり,家族葬の広告だった。
1990年代末期頃から,他県に本社がある大手の互助会が福岡県内に進出した。そして,他県の互助会が福岡市内の葬祭業社を吸収合併していった。2010年頃から,葬式は一般葬から家族葬が一般化し,葬儀費用そのものが低く抑えられるようになった。
「家族葬」という言葉が初めて『西日本新聞』に掲載されたのは1993年であるが密葬という意味だった。家族だけで葬式を行うという意味での家族葬の初出は2004年である。
「直葬」という言葉が初めて『西日本新聞』に掲載されたのは,2009年である。2020年4月~7月に西日本典礼が請け負った直葬の割合は22.9%だった。
山水社は大手互助会6社を含む約60社との競争の中で,2012年に,家族葬専用式場「すばる斎場」として再スタートさせ,家族葬,小さな葬式の獲得を目的とする戦略を選んだ。The number of funeral businesses nationwide was 553 in 2000, but increased to 2,506 in 2020, up to five times in 20 years, but the number of employees has only increased 2.5 times, and since 2011 it has been a full-time employee. And the number of other employees was almost the same.
The number of funeral businesses in Fukuoka City increased from 51 in 1999 and 937 employees (682 full-time employees, 255 non-regular employees) to 70 in the 2000s, and 103 in 2012. The number of employees of the company peaked at 1,432 (828 full-time employees, 604 non-regular employees), and then decreased by nearly 20%.
The number of advertisements for funeral operators posted in Fukuoka City’s telephone directory and town page by occupation continued to increase from 10 points in the 1966 edition to 56 points in 1986, but in 1991 due to the collapse of the bubble economy. Will decrease to 45 points. Funeral expenses began to appear in advertisements in 2003, when it was a family funeral advertisement.
From around the end of the 1990s, a major mutual aid association headquartered in another prefecture entered Fukuoka prefecture. Then, mutual aid associations in other prefectures absorbed and merged funeral companies in Fukuoka city. From around 2010, funerals have become more common from general funerals to family funerals, and funeral costs themselves have been kept low.
The word “family funeral” was first published in the Nishinippon Shimbun in 1993, but it meant a secret funeral. The first family funeral in the sense that the funeral is held by the family alone was in 2004.
The word “direct burial” was first published in the Nishinippon Shimbun in 2009. The percentage of direct burials undertaken by the West Japan Rite from April to July 2020 was 22.9%.
In competition with about 60 companies, including 6 major mutual aid associations, Sansuisha restarted as a family funeral hall “Subaru Funeral Home” in 2012, and chose a strategy aimed at acquiring family funerals and small funerals. is.departmental bulletin pape
[Articles] Middle to Late Yayoi Period Society in Eastern Kanto Area
application/pdf本論は,弥生時代中期後半から後期後半にかけての東部関東地域(栃木県地域・千葉県北部地域)を対象に,竪穴建物数の増減の推移を検討することによって社会変動について考えるものである。栃木県地域と千葉県北部地域の両地域ともに,中期後半段階に増加した竪穴建物数は,後期前半段階に急減し,後期後半に再び急増という増減を繰り返している。栃木県地域では,全期間を通じて10数軒程度と竪穴建物が少なく,前段階の再葬墓造営集団の居住システムである小規模分散型を継続し,台地上でのアワ・キビを主体にわずかなイネの栽培をし,人口規模の小さい社会であったと推定した。一方,千葉県北部地域は栃木県地域と異なり,時期によって居住システムが大きく変化した。中期後半は六崎大崎台遺跡を中心とする大規模環濠集落に人々が集住する居住システムであったが,後期前半になると10軒未満の竪穴建物で構成される小規模集落が営まれ,集落間較差のない等質性の高い居住システムに変化した。そして,後期後半になるとヒト・モノが集まり,集落規模も大きいハブ集落が複数現れ,小規模集落との間に較差が生じることが明らかとなった。This paper considers social changes by examining changes in the number of pit-buildings in the eastern Kanto region (Tochigi prefecture region and northern Chiba prefecture region) from the latter half of the middle to the latter half of the late Yayoi period. In both the Tochigi prefecture area and the northern part of Chiba prefecture, the number of pit buildings which increased in the latter half of the middle Yayoi period decreased rapidly in the former half and then increased sharply again in the latter half of the late Yayoi period. In the Tochigi prefecture area, only a dozen or so pit-buildings were found from the entire period, and the small-scale distributed type, which was the residential system of the reburial graves building group in the previous stage, was continued. It was considered that the society had a small population by growing millet and barnyard millet on the plateau with additional rice cultivation on a small scale. On the other hand, unlike the Tochigi prefecture area, in the northern area of Chiba prefecture the residential system changed significantly depending on the period. In the latter half of the middle Yayoi period, a residential system emerged, where people lived in large moated settlements centred on the Mutsuzaki-Osakidai site. But in the former half of the late Yayoi period, it changed to a highly homogeneous residential system with little difference between small villages containing less than 10 pit-buildings. Then, in the latter half of the late Yayoi period, people and goods gathered to form multiple hub settlements on a large scale and created a difference from small settlements.departmental bulletin pape
[Articles] Archaeological Site Dynamics and Environmental Changes in the Late Yayoi Period in the Northwestern Kanto Region
application/pdf利根川の上流域に位置する北西関東地方では,弥生時代中期中葉以降,利根川沿岸低地に規模の大きい農耕集落が展開した。しかし,それらは弥生時代後期前半に一斉に解体し,集団は台地上で分散的に暮らすようになる。これは,弥生中期末に発生した多雨化による低湿地環境の悪化にあったと推定される。集団の分散や大規模水田経営の途絶により,首長層の成長も遅れたと考えられる。
その後,弥生時代後期終末になると遺跡は再び低湿地に進出し,より広大な水田経営を行うようになった。多雨化の収束による環境改善があったと推定される。この時期に低地に新出したのは,先の環境変動によって流動化した東海地方の集団であり,濃尾平野の低地で培ってきたソフトウェアを投入することにより,利根川沿岸低地の広域的な水田化が進行していった。
やがて古墳時代前期になると,首長の墓として前方後方墳が複数築造された。当地域の前方後方墳は東海地方起源の墓制であるが,大型のものは本貫地の東海地方よりも北西関東に多い。このことは,集団移住の規模が大きかったことと,その集団が首長によって組織化されたものであったことを示している。弥生時代末には,北陸地域や房総地域の集団の北進も発生している。こうした広域的な社会再編は,環境変動による土地利用の激変と集団の流動化が原因であり,それが古墳時代の新たなシステムの形成を促したものと考えられる。In the northwestern Kanto region, which is located in the upper reaches of the Tone River, large-scale agricultural settlements have developed in the lowlands along the Tone River since the middle of the middle Yayoi period. However, they were dismantled all at once in the former half of the late Yayoi period, and the group began to live in a decentralized manner on the plateau. This was probably due to the deterioration of the lowland environment by the heavy rainfall which occurred at the end of the middle Yayoi period. It is thought that the growth of the chiefs was delayed because of the dispersion of the group and the disruption of large-scale paddy field management.
After that, at the end of the latter half of the late Yayoi period, the settlements re-entered the lowlands and began to manage vast paddy fields. There was presumably an improvement of the environment due to the convergence of heavy rainfall. During this period, groups from Tokai regions which had been fluidized owing to the previous environmental changes newly immigrated to the lowlands, and by introducing the agricultural “software” cultivated in the lowlands of the Nobi Plain, paddy fields were widely extended in the Tone River lowlands.
In the early Kofun period, several double-square burial mounds (zenpo-koho-fun) were built as the tombs of the chiefs. The double square burial mounds in this area originated from the Tokai region, but they are larger in the northwestern Kanto than their prototypes in Tokai. This indicates that the size of the migration was large and that the groups were organized by powerful chiefs. At the end of the Yayoi period, groups from the Hokuriku and Boso areas also moved northward. It is thought that such wide-area social reorganization was caused by drastic changes in land use due to environmental changes and the fluidization of groups, which promoted the formation of a new system in the Kofun period.departmental bulletin pape
[Articles] “Iwai Rebellion” as Seen from the History of Japan-Korea Relationships by Archeology : Form of Negotiations with the Korean Peninsula in the Central and Northern Kyushu Region
application/pdf「磐井の乱」は,527年(530年とする説もある)に勃発した倭王権(継体大王)と北部九州(筑紫君磐井)との抗争である。長年の研究によって,当時の東アジア情勢,特に日朝関係の動向が「乱」の勃発に深く関係していることが明らかにされている。したがって,5,6世紀における中・北部九州地域の対朝鮮半島交渉の様態を考古学的に検討し,その内容と古代史の研究成果を総合化することによって,より豊かに「磐井の乱」の歴史的意義にせまることが可能と考える。
考古学的な検討の結果,主に5世紀代には,中・北部九州地域の対朝鮮半島交渉には,大きく2つの様態を想定できた。すなわち,倭王権主導の外交に積極的に参与しつつその意図のもとで活動するような様態と,対外活動に長けた人物を傘下に置き,独自的な対朝鮮半島交渉を重ねる様態である。
また,5世紀後半には,玄界灘沿岸地域と有明海・八代海沿岸地域では,倭王権との関係に微妙な差異が認められた。後者は,倭王権とより直接的な関係を結びつつ,他の諸地域社会と「野合」するような形での交渉を行っていたようである。相対的に百済や大加耶とのつながりが深い。その一方で,前者は主体的な交渉の比重が高く,新羅とのつながりがより緊密である状況が明らかとなった。
そして,6世紀前半には,大加耶系の垂飾付耳飾が玄界灘沿岸地域に突如として広まるなど,交渉の様態に変化が認められた。その背景に,中・北部九州地域の首長層が,主に倭王権の意図に沿うような形で対朝鮮半島交渉活動を行う動きを読みとった。
以上のような考古学的な検討と,古代史によって明らかにされた「磐井の乱」の動向や背景を総合化すると,かなりの整合性を見出しえる。したがって,「乱」勃発の要因のひとつには,主体的な対朝鮮半島交渉をくりひろげる中・北部九州地域と対外交渉権の一元化を志向する倭王権の確執があったことが想定できる。The “Iwai Rebellion” is a conflict between Yamato (King Keitai) and Northern Kyushu (Tsukushi-no-Kimi-Iwai) that broke out in AD 527 (some say it was AD 531). Many years of research have revealed that the situation in East Asia at that time, especially the trends in Japan-Korea relationships, is deeply related to the outbreak of “rebellion”. Therefore, archaeological investigation on negotiations with the Korean Peninsula in the central and northern Kyushu regions in the 5-6th centuries and integration with research results of ancient history will richly clarify the historical significance of the “Iwai Rebellion”.
As a result of archaeological studies, mainly in the 5th century, two major modes could be envisioned for negotiations with the Korean Peninsula in the central and northern Kyushu regions. In other words, it is a mode in which it actively participated in diplomacy led by the Wa kingship and acts with its intention, and a mode in which a person who is good at foreign activities was placed under the umbrella to handle continued negotiations with the Korean Peninsula.
Also, in the latter half of the 5th century, a subtle difference was observed in the relationship between the Genkai Sea coastal area and the Ariake Sea coastal area to the Wa kingship. The latter seems to have been negotiating in an unprincipled manner with the other regional communities while having a more direct relationship with the Wa kingship as well as a relatively deep connection with Baekje and Gaya. On the other hand, it became clear that the former had a high weight of independent negotiations and a closer connection with Silla.
Then, in the former half of the 6th century, changes were observed in the form of negotiations, such as the sudden spread of earrings with hanging decorations from the Daegaya to the coast of the Genkainada sea area. It is interpreted that the chiefs of the central and northern Kyushu regions became to negotiate with the Korean Peninsula mainly in line with the intention of the Wa kingship.
By combining the above archaeological studies with the trends and background of the “Iwai Rebellion” which was revealed in ancient history, a considerable degree of consistency can be found. Therefore, it can be assumed that one of the factors behind the outbreak of the “rebellion” was the feud between the central and northern Kyushu regions, which are engaged in proactive negotiations with the Korean Peninsula, and the Wa kingship, which aims to unify the right to foreign negotiations.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] The Transformation of Eighth-Ninth Century Settlements in Fukuoka City (Abstract)
application/pdf畿内,東国,北部九州の古代集落は,8世紀の安定期を終えた後に,それぞれ異なった展開をたどる。すなわち,畿内では9世紀に入ると不安定化し,東国では10世紀に入って衰退するのに対し,北部九州では9世紀初頭に衰退してしまうのである。しかし,衰退したり不安定化したりする原因については,あまりはっきりとしていない。集落の衰退・消滅の背景を探るには,まずは個々の遺跡の景観を復原していくことから始めるしかあるまい。
本稿では,福岡市教育委員会が刊行した発掘調査報告書の悉皆調査を踏まえて,福岡平野の中心部を貫流する御笠川左岸の低位段丘上に,8世紀初頭から末まで稠密な集落群が営まれたことを確認した上で,その住人たちの食料生産の基盤であった可能性がある御笠川左岸の低湿地・微高地,及び右岸の低湿地・微高地上の水田や集落の展開を追ってみた。その結果,8世紀末から9世紀初頭にかけて起こった大洪水によって水田面が広範に埋没したことが周辺住民の生産基盤を破壊し,これが原因となって集落が途絶えたのではないかと考えた。
御笠川右岸には延暦年間に設定された観世音寺の荘園があったが,同じ場所が勅旨田とされてしまったのは,そこが洪水によって埋没してしまい,荒廃してしまったためであろう。この水田面は厚い洪水砂によって一旦埋められ,再開発は容易ではなかった。現地は貞観年間でも,ところどころに新開田や再開発田が点在する景観だったことが文献史料から窺えるのである。
このように,福岡市の中心部分にあった古代集落に関しては,その衰退の大きな原因が水害という自然災害にあったことを,発掘調査の結果と文献史料とを総合して明らかにすることができ,その復旧が容易ではない状況も,関連史料によって説明することができた。Ancient settlement in Kinai, the Togoku,and northern Kyushu followed different paths of development following a period of stability in the eighth century. In contrast to the Kinai area, where settlements became unstable in the ninth century, and the Togoku, where they declined in the tenth, those in northern Kyushu declined in the early ninth century. However, the cause of this decline and instability is not clear. The only way to find out the background of the decline and disappearance of the settlements is to restore the landscape of each archaeological site.
This paper is based on an exhaustive survey of excavation reports published by the Fukuoka City Board of Education. I was able to confirm that during the eighth century a dense group of settlements was built on the low terraces on the left bank of the Mikasa River, which runs through the center of the Fukuoka Plain. Next, I traced the development of paddy fields and settlements on the low wetlands and slightly elevated areas of both the left and right banks of the Mikasa River. I found that extensive burial of paddy fields as a result of the great floods that occurred from the end of the eighth century to the beginning of the ninth destroyed the production base of local residents, causing the settlements to disappear.
On the right bank of the Mikasa River existed an estate that was founded in the Enryaku year-period (782-806) and originally belonged to Kanzeonji Temple. The estate was later converted to an imperial landholding (chokushiden), probably because it was buried by the floods and turned into wasteland. Paddy fields here were buried in thick sand by the floods, and redevelopment was not easy. It can be seen in written records that even during the Jōgan year-period (859-877), this area’s landscape was dotted with newly developed paddy fields and redeveloped fields.
In this way, It can be shown through a combination of archaeological excavations and historical documents that the major reason for the decline of ancient settlements in the central part of Fukuoka City was flood damage; the difficulty people faced in restoring the settlements can also be seen in relevant historical documents.departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Functions of Hotta-no-Saku From the Viewpoint of Excavated Text Materials
application/pdfdepartmental bulletin pape