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[Research Notes] Formation of Nation-State and “Seinen (Young Man)” : From the Perspective of Masculinity History Research
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[Article] Origin and Development of Yayoi People from the Viewpoint of Archaeological Data and DNA Analysis
Get PDF本稿は，弥生時代の人骨と，韓半島新石器時代，三国時代の人骨のDNA分析結果が，弥生時代人の成立と展開に関して与える影響について考古学的に考察したものである。
筆者らは，2018年度以来，新学術領域研究，通称「ヤポネシアゲノム」によって，上記の人骨を対象に炭素14年代測定，食性分析，DNA分析を行ってきた。
その結果，日本では，前8世紀の支石墓に葬られた在来系の人びと，前6世紀の伊勢湾沿岸で水田稲作を始めた渡来系の人びと，紀元前後の西北九州弥生人のDNAを，韓半島では約6,300年前の前期新石器時代と5～7世紀の三国時代の人びとのDNAを得ることができた。これらのDNAが弥生時代研究に与える5つの問題について考えた。
① 縄文人や韓半島の新石器時代人は，後期旧石器時代の古代東アジア沿岸集団に特有なDNAをもっている。しかし6300年ほど前の韓半島の新石器時代人の中には，すでに渡来系弥生人と類似するDNAをもっている人びとがいたことを確認した。
② 渡来系弥生人は，縄文人と韓半島南部の人びととの混血によって生まれたと考えてきた。しかし，韓半島南部の新石器時代人の子孫と縄文人が交わっても，弥生前期末以降の渡来系弥生人が成立しない場合もあることが明らかとなった。
③ 前6世紀の伊勢湾沿岸地域に，渡来系弥生人のDNAをもつ水田稲作民を確認した。現状でもっとも古い例である。この調査結果は，前6世紀の伊勢湾沿岸地域以西の西日本にはすでに渡来系弥生人が広範囲に存在していたことを予想させる。西日本の渡来系弥生人の出自を検討した。
④ 弥生前期には遠賀川系や突帯文土器系など系譜を異にする甕形土器があるが，使用者のDNAが異なっていた可能性が出てきた。土器の系譜とDNAとの関連について考える。
⑤ 西北九州弥生人のなかに，縄文人と渡来系弥生人が混血した人と混血していない人の二者がいること，九州中部や南部にも混血した人が存在することがわかった。混血して生まれた西北九州弥生人は，いつごろ，どのような地域で誕生したのか考える。This paper focus on the formation and development of Yayoi people by the effects of DNA analysis of human bones excavated at the Yayoi site and the Neolithic, Three Kingdoms periods in the Korean Peninsula.
Since 2018, we have been conducting carbon-14 dating, food habit analysis, and DNA analysis on the above human bones by Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research Innovative Areas, commonly known as the "Yaponesians Genome".
As a result, in Japan, the DNA of the native people buried in the dolmens in the 8th century BC, the Yayoi migrants who started paddy rice cultivation along the coast of Isewan in the second half of 6th century BC, and the Yayoi people in the northwestern Kyushu around AD. On the Korean Peninsula, we were able to obtain the DNA of people from the early Neolithic period in about 6,300 years ago and the Three Kingdoms periods in about the 5th to 7th centuries. We considered five problems that these DNA’s give to Yayoi period research.
(1) It was confirmed that there were Neolithic people on the Korean Peninsula with DNA similar to the Yayoi migrants in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula about 6,300 years ago. This fact means that on the Korean Peninsula, a mixture of ancient East Asian coastal populations and Neolithic people within the continent began more than 3,000 years before the Japanese archipelago.
(2) It has been thought that the Yayoi migrants were born from a mixed race of Jomon people and people in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula. However, we have not yet found a candidate people with DNA that is a partner of the Jomon people's mixed race among the Neolithic and Three Kingdoms people in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula.
(3) In the coastal area of Ise Bay in the 6th century BC, we confirmed paddy rice farmers with the DNA of the Yayoi migrants. This is the oldest example at present. The results of this survey suggest that there were already a wide range of the Yayoi migrants in western Japan in the west of the coastal area of Ise Bay. We examined the origins of the Yayoi migrants in western Japan.
(4) In the early Yayoi period, there were pot-shaped pottery with different genealogy such as the Ongagawa pottery and the ridge-shaped pottery, but it is possible that the DNA of the user was different. We consider the relationship between the genealogy of earthenware and DNA.
(5) We have that there are two type people in the northwestern Kyushu, one who has mixed blood with the Jomon people and the Yayoi migrants, and one who does not have mixed blood, and there are also people who have mixed blood in central and southern Kyushu. Northwestern Kyushu people in the Yayoi period who were born as a mixed race, We think about when and in what area they were born.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Mitochondrial DNA Analysis of Human Bones Excavated from Ancient Tombs in Tottori Prefecture I : Koshikisan Kofuns, Kusaka Kofuns, Mukoubara Kofuns
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[Articles] Accurate Dating of the Antiquity Properties in Southern Korean Peninsula Based on the Oxygen Isotopic Dendrochronology
Get PDFapplication/pdf年輪年代法は，誤差0年の暦年代を木材資料に付与できる優れた年代測定法である。欧米で広く利用されている同法であるが，日本を含めた北東アジア地域では限定的な利用に留まっている。その最大の理由は，年代測定の物差したる「標準年輪曲線」が限られた樹種でしか構築できていない点にある。2010年代に日本で飛躍的に発展し，実用化に至った「酸素同位体比年輪年代法」は，一つの標準年輪曲線で理論上あらゆる樹種の木材資料の年代決定を可能にし，この状況を打破した。
本論では，韓国南部の低湿地遺跡から出土した広葉樹の木材資料に，酸素同位体比年輪年代法を適用し，年代決定に至った事例についてレビューする。金海市退来里1057-1遺跡建物遺構群では，木柱6点の年代が西暦287〜333年と決定した。慶州市月城垓子（堀）跡では，木柱5点の年代が西暦424〜433年と決定した。これらの木材資料に暦年代を与えたのは日本の針葉樹から構築された標準年輪曲線であった。これらの研究によって，韓国の三国時代の木材資料に初めて誤差のない暦年代が付与された。また，日韓の年輪年代学者，考古学者の交流が深まり，研究協力体制の構築にも繋がった。Dendrochronology can determine the absolute age of archaeological wood materials with annual accuracy. Although this method is widely used in Europe and the United States, its use is limited in the Northeast Asian region. The main reason for limited using is that the master chronology required for dating has been constructed for a limited number of tree species due to various historical backgrounds. The oxygen isotopic dendrochronology, recently developed in Japan, has made it possible to date all wood materials with a single master chronology.
This paper show that a review for case studies of the application of oxygen isotopic dendrochronology to archaeological wood materials excavated from lowland sites in southern Korea. At the Tereri 1057–1 site of Gimhae, six wooden pillars were dated, which were found to have been cut down around 287–333 AD. At the Wolseong site of Gyeongju, we successfully dated five wooden pillars and found that they were around 424–433 AD. These studies showed that the oxygen isotopic dendrochronology can accurate dating for Korean wood materials of the Three Kingdoms period. In addition, the two surveys deepened the exchange between Japanese and Korean dendrochronologists and archaeologists, and led to the establishment of a cooperative research system.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Climate Variation in Ancient Japan Inferred from Tree-ring Cellulose Oxygen Isotopic Ratio
Get PDFapplication/pdf気候変動は人間社会の歴史的変遷を規定する原因の一つであるとされてきたが，古代日本の気候変動を文献史学の時間解像度に合わせて詳細に解析できる古気候データは，これまで存在しなかった。近年，樹木年輪に含まれるセルロースの酸素同位体比が夏の降水量や気温の鋭敏な指標になることが分かり，現生木や自然の埋没木に加えて，遺跡出土材や建築古材の年輪セルロース酸素同位体比を測定することにより，先史・古代を含む過去数百～数千年間の夏季気候の変動を年単位で復元する研究が進められている。その中では，セルロースの酸素同位体比と水素同位体比を組み合わせることで，従来の年輪による古気候復元では難しかった数百～数千年スケールの気候の長期変動の復元もできるようになってきた。得られたデータは，近現代の気象観測データや国内外の既存の低時間解像度の古気候記録と良く合致するだけでなく，日本史の各時代から得られたさまざまな日記の天候記録や古文書の気象災害記録とも整合しており，日本史と気候変動の対応関係を年単位から千年単位までのあらゆる周期で議論することが可能になってきている。まず数百年以上の周期性に着目すると，日本の夏の気候には，紀元前3，2世紀と紀元10世紀に乾燥・温暖，紀元5，6世紀と紀元17，18世紀に湿潤・寒冷の極を迎える約1200年の周期での大きな変動があり，大規模な湿潤（寒冷）化と乾燥（温暖）化が古墳時代の到来と古代の終焉期にそれぞれ対応していた。また人間社会に大きな困難をもたらすと考えられる数十年周期の顕著な気候変動が6世紀と9世紀に認められ，それぞれ律令制の形成期と衰退期に当たっていることなども分かった。年単位の気候データは，文献史料はもとより，酸素同位体比年輪年代法によって明らかとなる年単位の遺跡動態とも直接の対比が可能であり，今後，文献史学，考古学，古気候学が一体となった古代史研究の進展が期待される。Climate is a possible driving factor of human history, but there were not reliable past climate records for ancient Japan, directly comparable with paleographic evidences. Recently, tree-ring cellulose oxygen isotope ratios have been analyzed as a proxy of summer precipitation and temperature in monsoonal Asia, and annually-resolved summer climate variations are now being clarified for last several millennia over Japan by analyzing archaeologically excavated woods and old architectural woods in addition to living old trees and naturally buried logs. Although low-frequency climate signals have been hardly obtained by tree rings, multi-centennial and millennial climate variations can be reconstructed precisely by integrating cellulose oxygen and hydrogen isotope ratios in central Japan.
The obtained time-series are not only correlated well with modern and contemporary meteorological observations and low-resolution long-term natural proxy records, but also corresponding to weather reports in old diaries and climatic disasters in old paleography, suggesting that it is possible to discuss relationships between climate variations and human history at every time scale from annual to millennial. There is an approximately 1200–year periodicity in Japanese summer climate with driest (warmest) periods in BCE 3rd–2nd and CE 10th centuries and wettest (coolest) periods in CE 5th–6th and 17th–18th centuries, where long-term wetting (cooling) and drying (warming) corresponded to advent of Kofun-period and demise of Ancient-period, respectively. Multi-decadal climate variations were enhanced in CE 6th and 9th centuries, possibly bringing difficulties for agricultural societies at that time and underlying emergence and decline of Ritsuryo system. The annually-resolved climate data can be compared not only with documentary records but also with archaeological evidences precisely dated by oxygen isotope dendrochronology, so that it can be utilized in depth for inter-disciplinal studies among history, archaeology and paleoclimatology hereafter.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of Human Bones in Jomon Period, Medicine Dep. Kumamoto University : Hamansu Shell Midden, Okinohara Site, Kakiwara Shell Midden, Sakaizaki Shell Midden and Oda Shell Midden
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[Article] Revisualizing Issues on the Okinawa Bone-Washing Ritual Senkotsu after Cremation : From a Case Study in Oroku-Region, Naha-City
Get PDFapplication/pdf本稿では火葬後の洗骨改葬という問題を，沖縄の葬墓制研究の中で再定位することを目的とする。戦後の急激な風葬から火葬への移行は，洗骨改葬を伴う複葬制という沖縄の葬制に大きな影響を与えた。この火葬化と洗骨改葬の関係について，従来の捉え方には①消滅論，②形骸化・簡略化論，③継続論があった。①は沖縄においては火葬の導入とともに洗骨改葬は消滅したとする見方であり，今日最も一般的だと考えられる捉え方である。②は，一部の地域では火葬後も洗骨改葬が形骸化，簡略化しつつ行われているとするものである。③では一部の地域では心意や観念も含め，火葬後の洗骨改葬が行われているとする。
先行研究の整理と評価を通じて，本稿では次のような課題を設定した。①消滅論の相対化と火葬後の洗骨改葬という問題の再可視化，②形骸化や簡略化にとどまらない変化の問題の提示，③火葬後の洗骨改葬を墓制や社会組織との関連で捉えること，④標準語としての「洗骨」から生じうる調査研究上の問題の認識である。
本稿では以上の課題に取り組むため，沖縄本島那覇市小禄地区のK門中における火葬後の洗骨改葬の事例を取り上げた。まず，課題①への応答については，一次資料の提示を含め，論旨全体を以ってそれを試みた。課題②については頭骨がかつての頭蓋骨同様に重視される一方，洗骨の担い手に関する役割の期待が，女性から喪主としての長男へと変化していることを示した。課題③については複葬制に対応した墓制が維持されていることが，火葬後の洗骨改葬が存在する条件として重要であることを指摘した。課題④についてはインフォーマントとのやり取りから，標準語としての「洗骨」が現地調査において生じさせうる問題を議論した。以上の課題への取り組みを通じ，火葬後の洗骨改葬という問題を改めて可視化しつつ，沖縄の葬墓制研究において再定位した。The aim of this paper is to revisualize present-day senkotsu after cremation in Okinawa as a people’s mortuary practice and relocate it within the domain of folklore and anthropology. In post-war Okinawa, the way corpses were disposed of changed rapidly from open-air burial to cremation, which had significant effects on Okinawan death customs with double obsequies.
Existing research has tended to regard the shift to cremation as the full extinction of senkotsu. Although bone-washing is associated with open-air burial — particularly because of the necessity to remove the flesh from the bones — this understanding is an over-generalization and prone to be shared as a preoccupation despite there being some notable studies that examined the subject. Therefore, this article discusses several topics to accomplish the purpose, with a case study from the author’s participant observation of the ritual in Oroku-Region, Naha-City.
First, the author presents consistently critical arguments concerning the preoccupation mentioned above. By reconsidering such a view within the entire article, the author clarifies that the coexistence of cremation and senkotsu is neither an inconsistent concept nor a curious fact.
Second, the author points out the inadequacies of the existing arguments on continuity and change in relation to present-day senkotsu and reveals diverse aspects of the subject. Informants still regarded the skull as a significant part of the body, and accordingly this was treated distinctly in the ritual process. At the same time, however, the expectation regarding the role of the cleaner notably changed from female to the first-born son of the deceased through the analogy of the chief mourner who collects the bones in a crematorium.
Third, the maintained structure of tomb, which corresponded to double obsequies, is a key to understanding the existence of senkotsu after cremation as not a mere accident. The structure of the grave provides regulation of the way the deceased are treated as a framework (to some extent). People retain the traditional dual system of the sepulcher adjusting to the drastic change to cremation.
Fourth, the author discusses problematic aspects of related terms including senkotsu itself. Various meanings and usages are adopted both by researchers and informants, and this tangled situation is a root of misunderstandings and underestimation of senkotsu as a people’s present-day mortuary practice. At worst, there is a risk of overlooking the actual ritual where researchers do not pay proper attention to pertinent terms.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] The Temporary Mortuary for an Emperor's Coffin Courtesy that the Leading Empress Supervises : Think about an Establishment Process of the Empress
Get PDF殯とは本来、死者の復活を願いながらも、遺体の変化を確認することで最終的な死を確認するという両義的な儀礼であった。六世紀以降、モガリは特権的な儀礼として神聖化され、この期間中に合意形成により後継者を決定するということが一般化し、皇位継承と深い関係を有するようになった。本稿の目的は、古代における殯宮儀礼の主宰者と考えられるオオキサキ（大后）の役割を解明し、女帝即位への道筋を考えることにある。殯宮の儀礼については、和田萃氏が一九六九年に発表された「殯の基礎的考察」という論考が通説的位置を占める。巫女的な「中継ぎ」女帝即位に連続する「忌み籠もる女性のイメージ」を前提に、女（内）の挽歌と男（外）の誄のように内外に二分された殯宮のあり方を提起している。しかしながら、殯宮における「忌み籠もる女性」の存在については批判も多く、和田氏のモガリ論はそのままでは成り立ちにくくなっている。
モガリに奉仕するのは女性に限らなかったが、多くの場合元キサキのうちで相対的に上位なキサキが政治的モガリを主宰するとともに、大王空位の期間においては権力的な命令（詔勅）が可能であり、後に「大后」の尊称が与えられたと考えられる。大王空位時における、権力的編成のあり方として、推古や持統に典型的なように、政治的な長期にわたるモガリの主宰・次期大王の指名・大王代行というステップを昇り、その連続性のうえに女帝の即位を位置付けることは、非常時の安全弁としての役割として重要である。Mogari was originally an ambivalent ritual, in which one wished for the resurrection of the dead, but also to confirm the final death of the deceased by confirming the changes in the body. From the 6th century onward, mogari was sanctified as a privileged ritual, and it became common practice to determine the successor by consensus during this period, and it came to have a close relationship with the succession to the imperial throne. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the role of the Okisaki (Great Empress), who is thought to have presided over the Mogari Palace Ritual in ancient times, and to consider the path to the accession of the Empress. Regarding the Mogari Palace ritual, the essay “A Basic Study of Mogari” by Atsumu Wada, published in 1999, occupies a prominent position in the literature. Based on the premise of the “image of a woman who is buried in abhorrence” that follows the enthronement of the empress as a miko-like “middle successor,” he proposes that the Mogari Palace should be divided into two parts, one for women (inner) and the other for men (outer). However, there has been much criticism of the existence of “women who shroud themselves in abhorrence” in the Mogari Palace, and Wada's theory of Mogari is hardly viable as it is.
In many cases, however, the relatively higher-ranking kisaki among the former kisaki presided over the political mogari, and during the period when the reign of the Great King was vacant, they were able to issue authoritative orders (imperial rescripts), and are thought to have been given the honorific title of “Great Empress.” As a way of organizing power during the period of the Great King's vacancy, it is important to ascend the steps of presiding over the political mogari over a long period of time, nominating the next Great King, and acting as the Great King, as was typical of the Suiko and Jito reigns, and to place the accession of the Empress on the continuum of these steps as a safety valve in times of emergency.departmental bulletin pape