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[Article] Garden Thought in Ancient East Asia
Get PDF本稿の目的は，古代中国の庭園思想およびその展開を考察し，百済・新羅および倭国への思想的影響を考察することである。
「園」は果樹（後には蔬菜を含む）の栽培地で，農園の意味が本義なのに対して，囲む垣がある「囿」から拡大発展した「苑」は，禽獣すなわち，動物を飼育する宮廷的施設と解釈される。都城制と園林との関係は，第一に南北朝期を境に，都城とは断絶した広大な外苑と，都城内に置かれた観賞的な内園へ分離する。以後，外苑は縮小して都城と密接化し内園と同質化していく。第二には都城の南北軸線上に園林が配置されて，太極宮の北に位置する禁苑として内園が確立する。
園林は，祥瑞的な動物を集めた観賞用あるいは帝国の広大な領域性を示すものとして発展した。秦の始皇帝も前漢武帝も楼閣を造営して仙人を呼び寄せ長生不老の仙薬を求めようとした。池と山を中心とする洛陽の華林園を継承する意識は，南朝にも強かったが，築山の周辺に楼観・堂閣を配置する形式に変化した。南朝では，小池を海，石を山に見立てる抽象化が進行した。
再び大規模な園林が長安と洛陽に再興されるのは統一王朝となった隋唐期となる。隋唐の園林は，統一国家の性格を反映し，明らかに秦漢以来の上林苑と北朝および南朝の諸要素を融合させた。
百済・新羅および倭国は，成立期の庭園文化として中国南朝的な庭園文化を取り入れたことが想定された。東アジア諸国における都城の成立とも密接な関係を有する思想の導入といえる。The purpose of this paper is to examine ancient Chinese garden thought and its development, and to consider its ideological influence on Baekje and Silla and on the Japanese state.
While “garden” is a cultivated area for fruit trees （and later vegetables）, and is the true meaning of a farm, “garden,” which expanded and developed from “囿” with its surrounding fences, is interpreted as a courtly facility for keeping poultry and animals, i.e., animals. The relationship between the metropolitan castle system and parks and forests began during the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, with the separation of the vast outer gardens, which were separated from the castle, and the ornamental inner gardens, which were located within the castle. Thereafter, the outer garden was reduced in size and became more closely connected to the castle and homogeneous with the inner garden. Second, the inner garden was established as a forbidden garden located north of the Daigoku Palace, with the garden forest located along the north-south axis of the capital city.
The garden forest developed as an ornamental collection of xiangzui-like animals or as an indication of the vast territoriality of the empire. Both Qin Shi Huangdi and the former Han Emperor Wu built towers to invite hermits to seek the elixir of long life and immortality. The consciousness of inheriting Luoyang's Hualin Garden, with its pond and mountains as its center, was also strong in the Southern Dynasty, but it changed to a format in which loonguan and halls were placed around a builtup mountain. In the Southern Court, abstraction was promoted, with small ponds as seas and stones as mountains.
It was during the Sui and Tang dynasties that large-scale garden forests were once again rebuilt in Chang'an and Luoyang. The garden forests of the Sui and Tang dynasties reflected the character of the unified state and clearly combined elements of the Shanglin Garden, which had existed since the Qin and Han dynasties, with those of the Northern and Southern dynasties.
It was assumed that Baekje, Silla, and Japan adopted the garden culture of the Chinese Southern Dynasty as their garden culture in the period of their establishment. This is an introduction of an idea that is closely related to the establishment of capital cities in East Asian countries.departmental bulletin pape
[Article] Redrawing of Prehistoric “Shell Trade” Based on the Archaeological Analysis of Shell Deposits in Okinawa : Analysis of Shell Deposits of Gohora (Strombus Iatissimus) and Imogai (Conus spp.)
Get PDF弥生時代前期から古墳時代にかけて沖縄諸島と九州及び近畿との先史貝交易について，供給地側の有り様を具体的にさぐるため，貝殻集積の分析を行った。加工の施されたゴホウラ類は提示されている素材・粗加工品に分類し，イモガイ類集積は大きさを計測し，大きさの度数分布を類型化した。また，消費地のイモガイ腕輪の大きさをイモガイ類集積の大きさの基準とした。さらに，貝殻集積の集積個数や組成，貝質などを含めて，貝殻集積の残存状態を分類した。貝殻を集めた段階，貝殻を選別した段階，貝殻の選別途中の段階，貝殻の選別後の段階に分類される。前3者は交易前，後者の選別後の段階が交易後の集積と推定される。時代ごとにみると弥生前期前葉～中葉併行期は貝交易の開始期で，ゴホウラの大原型素材の集積で，貝殻を選別した段階，イモガイ腕輪の大きさを満たすイモガイ類集積が確認された。弥生前期後葉～中期中葉併行期は貝交易が北部九州に広がる。ゴホウラの素材・粗加工品の生産が供給地の沖縄に移る。ゴホウラの古座間味型素材の集積が嘉門貝塚で多数確認されている。若貝が主体で，集積個数が少なく，貝殻の選別後の段階である。弥生中期後葉併行期は貝交易のピークとされている。貝殻集積の数は少ないが交易前の集積である。逆に，選別後の段階の集積がなく，貝殻を効率よく交易していたことが窺える。弥生中期末～後期中葉併行期は弥生貝交易が終焉に向かう時期である。イモガイ類集積には集積個数が多く，イモガイ腕輪の大きさを満たすものが複数確認されている。貝殻を集めた段階の集積で，取り引きされなかったことが明らかにされた。古墳前期～中期は古墳貝交易が再開された。ゴホウラの背面貝輪粗加工品の集積は貝殻を選別した段階である。イモガイ類集積は大型のイモガイが抜き取られるが，集積個数が多く，貝殻の選別途中の段階である。古墳後期はイモガイ腕輪より小型のイモガイ類集積が確認された。貝輪以外の製品の可能性が推定され，度数分布の類型から，貝殻を集めた段階と選別後の集積に分かれる。
以上，7時期に区分された先史貝交易の変遷を貝殻集積の分析によって，より具体的に示すことができた。“Shell trade” is a long-distance trade between Okinawa and southwest Japan contains Kyushu conducted from Yayoi period to Kofun period, and large conch shells as the material of shell bracelets like Gohora (Strombus latissimus) and Imogai (Conus spp.) which are unique to the coral sea of Okinawa and adjacent islands are the main target of this trade. In this study, shell deposits of the Okinawa islands related to “shell trade” are analyzed. In addition, measurements of shell bracelets excavated in the consumption area are used as a “standard-size” for the size of shells actually traded. Looking at the state of shell deposits, they are classified into four groups; primary gathering deposits with various size shells (a), deposits of standard-size shells (b), deposits contain standard-size shell, but several shells seemed to be extracted from them (c), and deposits without standard-size shells (d). The former three (a, b, c) are pre-trade, and the latter one (d) is post-sorting stage and presumed to be post-trade remains. Following the archaeological chronology, the “shell trade” started during the early Early Yayoi to the middle Early Yayoi period. At that time, deposits of Gohora and Imogai shell deposits are consisted of “standard-size” shells. “Shell trade” extended over the northern Kyushu during the late Early Yayoi to the middle Middle Yayoi. A lot of deposits of Gohora material were discovered. They seem to be post-trade remains. The late Middle Yayoi period was the heyday of “shell trade”. A few shell deposits are discovered, and they are pre-trade remains. Shells seem to be traded efficiently because there is no deposit without “standard-size” shells at that time. The end of the Middle Yayoi to the middle Late Yayoi period was the time “shell trade” came to an end. Imogai shell deposits are large in shell number and contain “standard-size” shells. They seem to be not traded remains. The Early to Middle Kofun periods was the time when “shell trade” resumed. Selected “standard-size” shells are included in deposits of Gohora unfinished materials. Although shell number is large in Imogai shell deposits, some “standard-size” shells are extracted from them. They seem to be in the stage of being selected. In the Late Kofun period, although Imogai shell deposits consisted with smaller shells than “standard-size”, they might be intended to use as products other than shell bracelets. Deposits are classified into the stage of gathering shells and the stage after sorting at that time.departmental bulletin pape
[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Archaeological Report on the Chronology of 5Human Bones Excavated from Hirota Site in Tanegashima Island
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[Article] Changes in People’s Eating Habits in Geihoku (Northwestern Hiroshima Prefecture) : Before and after Japan’s High Economic Growth Period
Get PDF昭和30年代以前の芸北地方の山間部での食生活では，日常食はすべて米はほんの一部だけしか入っていない麦飯や大根飯やジョウボ飯などであった。米を如何に食い延ばすかが主婦の力量とされていた。食事の回数は朝昼晩と3食が基本であったがオチャという軽食があり，農閑期では4食，農繁期には5食から6食であった。ふだんの米を倹約する質素な食事に対して，ハレの食の正月の大晦日の「年取り」には白いご飯を食べ，三が日は白いもちの雑煮のほかは三食とも白飯を食べた。正月の三が日を過ぎると４日の朝からは白飯や白餅ではなくよもぎもちやてんこもちになり，「正月や二日三日はよけれども四日の朝のてんこ悲しや」という俗謡も伝えられていた。米作りの農村なのになぜ米が極力節約されたのか，それは米が唯一の換金価値のある生産物であり基本的な衣食住の維持とその他生活上の便益品を得るために米が唯一の価値をもつものだったからである。歴史的にも長く納税品の中心であり，それが農村の生活を圧迫し続けてきた。その「米だいじ」という生活知の背景には日常食の中にあらゆる自然の恵みを食材として活用してきた知恵と技術の蓄積があった。高度経済成長期（1955－73）を経る中で起こった列島規模の食生活変化は旧来の日本各地の地域差や地域性を覆い尽くすほどのものであった。ショッピングセンターの普及や高速道路網の整備などにより，この地方の食生活も全国共通の都市型化が進んだ。しかし，注目されるのは昭和30年代以前までこの地方で親しまれていた食材や食品に対する嗜好の継続性であり，山菜やきのこ，おはぎやしばもち，浜田からのわかめやまんさくなど古くから親しまれてきた食品が現在も伝えられ賞味されている。食生活の全国的な画一化の中にあっても伝統的であった地域の食材や食品はかたちを変えながらも一部で伝承されるという点，つまり食生活も食材と食習とが地域的に「変遷と伝承」の中にあるということが注目される。In the mountainous areas of the Geihoku region before around 1955, people's staple diet consisted mainly of barley plus a small amount of rice; daikon-meshi (rice or barley rice cooked with Japanese radish) or jôbu-meshi (rice or barley rice cooked with Japanese clethra leaves). At that time, homemakers were judged by their ability to cook appealing food that contained a minimum amount of rice. There were normally three meals daily (breakfast, lunch, and supper), but there was also a custom of having light meals, called ocha , between main meals. People had four meals during the slack part of the farming calendar and ate five to six times during the busy season. In contrast to the frugal daily meals that contained only small quantities of rice, people ate special meals on celebrative occasions (hare-no-hi). For example, they ate white rice on New Year's Eve and white rice or zôni (Japanese soup containing glutinous rice cakes), of which the rice cakes were made of just white rice, from the first day to the third day of the New Year. From the fourth day of the New Year, instead of white rice and white rice cakes, people ate yomogi-mochi (rice cakes made with mugwort leaves) and tenko-mochi (rice cakes made of miscellaneous cereals and containing mugwort leaves). The words of a folk song say, “How delightful to eat the New Year meals and those of the second and third day, but how sad to eat tenko-mochi on the fourth day.” In those days, rice consumption was strictly limited in spite of it being a rice farming area, since rice was the only cash crop.
In other words, rice was the only valuable product that could be sold to obtain life's essentials (food, clothing, and shelter) and for acquiring other daily goods. Historically, rice had been the most taxed product, and this continued to burden the farmers' lives. Behind the instinct called ‘kome-daiji’ (respecting the value of rice), was an accumulation of people's wisdom and methods of utilizing a range of wild and natural ingredients in their daily diet. The country-wide changes in eating habits that occurred during Japan's high economic growth period (1955-73) were dynamic and even swept away regional differences and unique local characteristics all around Japan. With the spread of large-scale shopping malls and freeway networks, eating habits in the Geihoku region have also become more urbanized, as in other parts of Japan. However, what is of interest in this region is the continuity of people's love of ingredients and foods that were popular before 1955. Techniques for preparing foods that have been eaten for hundreds of years are still being passed down, and people still enjoy edible wild plants, mushrooms, ohagi (rice cakes covered with soybean jam), shibamochi (rice cakes containing soybean jam and covered with greenbrier leaves), and seaweed and dorados brought from the Hamada fishery harbor. Despite the increasing uniformity of eating habits throughout Japan, the love of traditional regional ingredients and foods is still passed down in some parts of this region, even though there have been some changes in how these foods are prepared. It is worth noting that eating habits are also a part of ‘transitions and traditions.’departmental bulletin pape
[Research Notes] Economic Value of Pickle-Making : Focusing on the Pickles Made in Kuma Region and the Invention of Ichifusazuke Pickles during Japan’s High Economic Growth Period
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[Report on Investigation and Research Activity] Elucidating the History of Yaponesian Based on Archaeological Data : Researches in FY 2021 (2)
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