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Die Flüchtlingskrise als Herausforderung für die interministerielle Koordination in den Bundesländern – das Fallbeispiel Rheinland-Pfalz
No full textBetter regulation and the future of EU regulatory law and politics
No full textThe flurry of recent activity in the EU over “Better Regulation” has important constitutional implications, particularly for the Union’s institutional balance. As this article will argue, however, the main question the Better Regulation debate poses is one of how to reconcile the increasing tension in the EU between different paradigms of regulation. Is regulation “better” because it conforms to the preferences of citizens as expressed in national and EU elections, or rather because it meets technical and procedural standards, from consultation to impact assessment, able to improve the “objective” quality of EU legislation? While Better Regulation tries to split the difference between these two avenues for the future of EU regulatory law and politics, each avenue carries the capacity to significantly frustrate the other. Current debates in the EU about regulatory reform defer rather than answer a fundamental question: what makes regulation better
Institutions and Training Inequality
No full textWe analyze the interaction among important institutional variables in the labor market (firing costs, minimum wages and unemployment benefits) in determining firm-provided training. We find that the institutional interactions - specifically, their degree of complementarity and substitutability - depends on employees' abilities. On this account, the institutional interactions influence skills inequality. We derive how the influence of one of the institutional variables above is affected by other institutional variables with respect to inequality skills arising from firm-provided training. We derive several striking results, such as: (a) the minimum wage and unemployment benefits generate increasing skills inequality whereas firing costs generate diminishing skills inequality; (b) unemployment benefits and firing costs are complements in their effects on skills disequalization, (c) firing costs and the minimum wage are complements in their effects on skills equalization, and (d) unemployment benefits and the minimum wage are substitution in their effects on skills inequality
Minimum Wages and Training
No full textThe paper analyzes the influence of minimum wages on firms' incentive to train their employees. We show that this influence rests on two countervailing effects: minimum wages (i) augment wage compression and thereby raise firms' incentives to train and (ii) reduce the profitability of employees, raise the firing rate and thereby reduce training. Our analysis shows that the relative strength of these two effects depends on the employees' ability levels. Our striking result is that minimum wages give rise to skills inequality: a rise in the minimum wage leads to less training for low-ability workers and more training for those of higher ability. In short, minimum wages create a "low-skill trap." We indicate that this effect may be important empirically. Finally, including workers' incentives to train themselves makes no major difference to our results
Bewertung des Klimapakets und nächste Schritte. CO2-Preis, sozialer Ausgleich, Europa, Monitoring
No full textDas von der Bundesregierung vorgelegte Klimapaket wird aller Voraussicht nach unzureichend sein, um die Ziele für 2030 zu erreichen. Zwar wird eine sinnvolle Architektur für eine umfassende CO2-Bepreisung sichtbar: Einstieg mit einem Fixpreis, mittelfristig ein nationaler Emissionshandel für Wärme und Verkehr und langfristig Integration in den EU-Emissionshandel mit einem Mindestpreis. Aber der Preispfad ist zu niedrig und reicht nicht weit genug in die Zukunft, um eine ausreichende Lenkungswirkung zu entfalten und die notwendige Sicherheit für Investitionen zu vermitteln. So wie der Preispfad jetzt festgeschrieben worden ist, sind nach 2026 voraussichtlich erhebliche Preissteigerungen zur Zielerreichung nötig. Dadurch wird das Erreichen der 2030er-Ziele unnötig teuer. Weiterhin besteht das Risiko, dass der Preispfad mittelfristig (2022 bis 2025) womöglich schon zu einem Verletzen der EU-Lastenteilungsziele führt.
Auch die Frage des sozialen Ausgleichs in der deutschen Klimapolitik ist noch nicht befriedigend gelöst. Es zeigt sich, dass die Mittelschicht am stärksten belastet wird, während die Belastung für ärmere Haushalte zwar abgefedert wird, der Ausgleich aber noch unzureichend ist: Gerade hier treten besondere Härtefälle auf. Die soziale Schieflage verschärft sich dramatisch bei steigenden CO2-Preisen, die ab 2026 zu erwarten sind.
Es kommt nun darauf an, in den nächsten Schritten nachzusteuern: Der CO2-Preispfad sollte auf ein Ambitionsniveau angehoben werden, mit dem die Klimaziele zuverlässig erreicht werden können. Außerdem müssen die klimapolitischen Instrumente sozialverträglich ausgestaltet werden. Weiterhin ist eine aktivere Rolle Deutschlands in der europäischen Klimapolitik entscheidend. Denn parallel zum nationalen Einstieg sollte Deutschland die Einführung einer integrierten europaweiten CO2-Bepreisung vorantreiben, um eine dauerhafte Zersplitterung und entsprechend hohe Kosten der europäischen Klimapolitik zu verhindern. Die europäische Klimadebatte um eine Erhöhung des Klimaziels für das Jahr 2030, angestoßen durch die neue EU-Kommission, bietet dafür in der kommenden Zeit einen guten Einstiegspunkt.
Zentral ist zudem ein effektiver Monitoringprozess. Dabei sollte der einberufene Expertenrat nicht nur das Ex-post-Monitoring der Emissionen unterstützen, sondern auch ein Vorschlagsrecht für das Nach-steuern von Maßnahmen zur Zielerreichung haben (Ex-ante-Evaluierung alternativer Optionen). Auch eine Berichtspflicht gegenüber dem Bundestag wäre wichtig, um Transparenz über den Fortschritt bei der Zielerreichung herzustellen. Der jetzt aufgesetzte Expertenrat hat dagegen nur ein schwaches Mandat zur bloßen Überprüfung von Daten und Modellannahmen. Doch das Gremium sollte nicht bloß den Fortschritt hinsichtlich der Klimaziele notariell bestätigen, sondern der Schrittmacher für deren Umsetzung sein. Hier wurde es verpasst, eine starke Institution zu schaffen
Constructing Allied Cooperation: Diplomacy, Payments and Power in Multilateral Military Coalitions
No full textThis book examines how diplomatic networks allow states to organize collective action. It thereby focuses on one of the areas of international cooperation where such collective action is the most difficult to achieve: multilateral military coalitions. The book argues that such coalitions seldom emerge naturally due to common interests, norms, values, or alliance commitments. Rather, coalitions are purposefully constructed by pivotal states. These states instrumentalize bilateral and multilateral networks, or what I term diplomatic embeddedness, to bargain fellow states into a specific coalition. Via these networks, pivotal states have access to private information on deployment preferences of potential coalition participants. Moreover, these connections facilitate issue-linkages and side-payments. Finally, pivotal states can use common institutional contacts (i.e., IO officials) as cooperation brokers and convert common institutional venues into coalition negotiation fora. The theory and evidence presented in this book generate new insights on how states cooperate in international affairs and the importance of diplomacy and diplomatic ties therein
Breaking the Cycle? How (Not) to Use Political Finance Regulations to Counter Public Procurement Corruption
No full textThere are widespread perceptions and countless documented cases of tight-knit networks of politicians and businessmen colluding in the allocation of public procurement contracts in return for political party donations. In the absence of systematic evidence, neither the magnitude of the problem nor the effectiveness of policies curbing such corruption is well-understood. In order to advance our understanding of these phenomena, this paper tests whether political financing regulations can contribute to controlling corruption in public procurement. We utilize aggregated official micro-level data on almost 3 million contracts awarded across twenty-nine European countries from 2009 to 2014 to measure the risk of high-level institutionalized corruption using novel proxy indicators. Legislation regulating political finances is directly measured by coding national laws from 2009 to 2014. In cross-country panel regression and difference-in-difference models, we find that introducing additional political financing restrictions does not have a measurable negative impact on public procurement corruption risks. In fact, the observed effect is positive in most models. The observed relationship remains the same for most constitutive components of political financing regulations. Several challenges remain for a conclusive judgement on political party financing regulations’ effectiveness in curbing corruption, such as measuring implementation rather than legislation, allowing for a longer lead-time for regulatory impact, or considering institutional inter-dependencies
A Comprehensive Review of Objective Corruption Proxies in Public Procurement: Risky Actors, Transactions, and Vehicles of Rent Extraction
No full textThis paper can provide a comprehensive review of quantitative corruption proxies, conceptualise how different indicators capture different aspects of corruption, and identify gaps in the measurement landscape. Institutionalised, well-established corruption in government contracting aims to bypass fair and open competition in order to allocate contracts to companies belonging to the corrupt group. This requires at least i) corrupt transactions allowing for rent generation, ii) particularistic relations underpinning collective action of corrupt groups; iii) organisations enabling rent allocation (public organisations); and iv) organisations extracting corrupt rents (private companies). These four requirements of corrupt contracting serve as a framework for the review. We find that there is a surprisingly wide array of indicators validated in particular contexts, leaving generalisability unclear. It is also suggested that the academic literature has largely been preoccupied with one or the other type of corruption proxies such as personal connections without recognising their complementarities. Given the clandestine and often complex character of corrupt deals, a comprehensive measurement approach is advocated where each indicator sheds light on different aspects of the same corrupt phenomena