JISPO : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
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Executive Aggrandisement and Democratic Regression in Indonesia’s Jokowi Administration
Full text linkAt the end of 2019, COVID-19 Pandemic has been devastated almost whole of human life sector, including politics and nations. COVID-19 Pandemic existence has urged the onset of misuse of power in several countries that have a weak democracy with “emergency policy†or “discretional rulesâ€, as if it become an opportunity for the government to do the agenda-setting towards illiberal polict without having mobilization concern or opositions counter (Schenkkan 2020). This article aim to explore how executive’s power aggrandisement that was happened in the 2th period of Jokowi’s administrative as a contribution of democracry degradation in Indonesia. With the use of library research, that examine various literature, such as book, journal, report that relevan to the research topics (Neuman 2014), Author explore the data regarding the executive aggrandisement in the 2th period of Jokowi’s Administrative. The result of this research is democracy degradation or democrary backsliding happened during Jokowi’s Administatrative was instigated with several factors which is division of power, executive aggrandisement, and the discourse of 3th period of Jokowi’s administration
Laos-China Cooperation in the Construction of High Speed Railway: A Perspective of Foreign Policy
Full text linkThis article addresses Laos' motivations for working with China on their proposed high-speed train and railway projects. Due to its lack of access to land channels, Laos chooses to conduct its commercial and tourism cooperation with China through the BRI initiative, which is China's foreign strategy in establishing relations with ASEAN nations. We use the theory of foreign policy (FPA) to address several justifications for Laos' participation in China's high-speed rail and fast train projects. We found five reasons why Laos should join China: First, China's location allows for communication with landlocked Laos through the construction of the Laos High Speed Railway; second, China's demographics can help Laos become more prosperous; Â third, Laos relies on China's natural resources to match the Lao population's consumption level; fourth, China's political system has improved bilateral ties with Laos giving Laos hope that long-term collaboration may be created with China through the construction of transportation infrastructure in the form of the China-Laos High-Speed Railway; and fifth, Laos's economic prowess can assist with commerce and provide funding for growth between Laos and China
Womenomics and Japan’s Domestic Politics: The Transformation of Women Roles in the Shinzo Abe Administration
Full text linkThe issue of gender inequality is one of the big problems that Japan is facing nowadays. In the annual survey of the Women Economic Forum, Japan often occupies the lowest position in the indicators of women's participation in politics. This issue became one of Shinzo Abe's priorities when he was elected Prime Minister in 2012. Through a major policy during his administration known as Abenomics, Shinzo Abe introduced Womenomics as a gender-based policy strategy to increase women's participation in the workforce, including in politics. Womenomics was developed into several policies that are expected to provide a sense of security for women to be involved in politics so that women's participation rates were expected to increase. This article examines the implementation of Womenomics on women's participation in Japanese domestic politics from 2013 to 2020. It employs the qualitative approach and uses liberal feminism theory as its analytical framework. The data used in this study were secondarily obtained from various sources of books and publications by the Japanese government
Village Chiefs and Clientelism: A Reflection After 25 Years of Reform in Indonesia
Full text linkThe village chiefs in the Reform era in Indonesia were expected to transform from being servants of the state to being servants of their community. This hope was accompanied by a lot of support for regulatory changes to create economic equality for most local areas. However, 25 years after the Reform, the village chiefs still exercised great power so that they could easily influence and control the political participation of their citizens. Moreover, the village heads in the Reform era still came from the families of former or incumbent village heads who won the Pilkades because the wealth and connections that had been built for a long time with the villagers became the determinants of the victory of the old families. This article explains the efforts of village heads to maintain their influence so that they continue to be elected in every village head election because the power relations possessed by the old elites are still very influential for exchanging benefits as providers of life and as electoral assets. The art required data were collected in three selected villages such as Sagaherang Kidul Village, Sagalaherang Kaler Village, and Dayeuhkolot Village in Subang Regency, West Java, using a qualitative approach with descriptive method
Participatory Communication and the Empowerment of the Underdeveloped Communities: A Case of Suku Anak Dalam in Jambi, Indonesia
Full text linkThe Kubu tribe, also known as Suku Anak Dalam (SAD), is an ethnic group that inhabits the Jambi province, Indonesia. They still hold tightly their ancestral culture in their daily life, depend on natural or forest resources, and live a nomadic life. Factors that influence the nomadic life of the SAD community include a belief in “Melangun†tradition. The uncontrolled logging and forest fires in Jambi resulted in their loss of forest products to sell to support their life so that their sustainability is in danger. Therefore, there is an urgent need for the empowerment of the SAD community so that they can leave the old culture and live like a modern society. Using a descriptive qualitative method, this research collects the required data by employing interview, observation and documentation techniques. Data analysis uses data reduction techniques, data presentation, and verification. Then the validation technique uses source triangulation by examining data from several sources. The results of the study indicate that to empower Suku Anak Dalam (SAD), it is urgent to use two communication approaches, namely participatory communication and empowerment communication
Keterlibatan Masyarakat Sipil dalam Pemilihan Umum: Peran Muhammadiyah pada Pemilihan Presiden 2019
Full text linkThe 2019 Presidential Election was a big challenge for Muhammadiyah. Apart from having to play its role as a civil society, Muhammadiyah faced an internal elite fragmentation and social conflicts that resulted from the 2019 Presidential Election. The purpose of this article is to analyze the roles played, elite fragmentation, and conflict resolution pursued by Muhammadiyah in the 2019 Presidential Election. The method used in this research was a qualitative case study. The results of this study indicate that in the 2019 Presidential Election, Muhammadiyah played its roles as a civil society including providing public services, being substitute for the government and keeping social-political balance. Moreover, Muhammadiyah attempted to manage the elite fragmentation within Muhammadiyah during the 2019 Presidential Election by separating its members’ personal political choices from its formal organisational political stance of neutrality. This article concludes that in the 2019 Presidential Election, Muhammadiyah emphasized its position as a power of civil society in Indonesia and strengthened its commitment not to engage in practical politics
Otokratisasi dan Populisme Otoriter dalam Rezim Demokrasi: Perbandingan antara India, Hongaria, dan Turki
Full text linkDemocracy decline undermines optimism for the expansion of world’s democracy as it occurred in established democracies. The decline from democratic to autocratic regime or “autocratization†is being experienced by India (the world’s largest democracy), Hungary (the established democracy in the European Union), and Turkey (the influential democracy in the Muslim world). Although they have different views of the main causes of the democracy decline, experts agree that authoritarian tendency driven by autocratic leaders erodes democratic values. The autocratization in the above three democracies is strongly related to “authoritarian populism†adopted by the incumbents and reflected on their antagonistic attitudes towards democracy. This article compares the role of anti-democratic populism in India, Hungary, and Turkey in the process of autocratizing democracies in the last decade. Autocratization in which authoritarian populism plays a significant role occurs through the “autocratization stages†as follows: the politicization of people’s disappointment, social polarization based on cultural narratives, weakening of democratic institutions, control of alternative information, and repression of opposition and critics. The article concludes that as seen in the cases of India, Hungary and Turkey, autocratization is highly dependent on the incumbents' skill in exploiting populist rhetoric to legitimize the regime's authoritarian actions
The Relationship between Civil Society Organization and Political Party in Legislative Election: The Case of of Fatayat and PKB in Indonesia
Full text linkThis article aims to analyze the political strategies of Fatayat as a civil society organization to win women candidates in the 2019 legislative elections. To do so, it uses two concepts of Gwendolyn Bevis’s theory of civil society and political parties which emphasizes constructive relationships between civil society organizations and political parties, and Peter Schroder’s theory on political strategies and tactics to win female candidates of legislative elections. This article uses a qualitative method and collects the data through interview techniques. The result of this study indicates that the relationship between Fatayat and PKB (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa) runs constructively for both have a shared history. This constructive relationship can also be applied to explain the political dynamic within Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). This article concludes that the Fatayat’s strategy to win women candidates in the legislative elections was supported by a constructive relationship between Fatayat and PKB. This finding contributes to the study of the relationship between civil society organizations and political parties.Â
Otoritas Fatwa di Indonesia: Variasi Respons Pengguna Twitter terhadap Fatwa MUI tentang Haram Golput pada Pemilu
Full text linkThe fatwas of Majlis Ulama Indonesia often incite controversy among Indonesian Muslims. This includes a fatwa on the prohibition of golongan putih (golput; non-voting behavior) that was issued in 2009. This fatwa sparkes heated debates among netizens, inluding Twitter users during the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections. This data required for this research were collected from the Twitter in the form of tweets in several months in 2014 using the python module, namely the twitter scraper which was then stored in the form of Comma Separated Values (CSV). Out of 2,491 tweets, 1,142 tweets or 45.84% contain neutral responses, 1,071 tweert or 42.95% contain negative responses, and 278 tweets or 11.16 % contain positive responses. This figure shows that the rejection of the fatwa on the prohibition of golput was greater than its acceptance by netizens. More importantly, this indicate that the authority of MUI in issuing fatwas is not fully accepted and obeyed by Indonesian Muslims
Internet sebagai Ruang Baru Kontestasi Diskursus Agama dan Politik: Kajian atas Diskursus Islam, Demokrasi dan Pancasila pada Website Keislaman Populer di Indonesia
Full text linkThe internet as a new medium has now become a contested space for political discourse. Focusing its analysis on eight popular Islamic websites in Indonesia, this paper examines how popular Islamic websites promote the concept of Islam and politic as seen in the issues of Pancasila, democracy, and Islamic state. The required data were collected through the method of web scraping. By using Lutfi Assyaukani's theory of three models of democracy in Indonesia, the results of this study indicate that the selected eight websites were classified into three variants of the political ideology model: First, websites that support religious democracy that are represented by the websites Nu.or.id, Islami.co, Ibtimes.id, and Bincangsyariah.com; second, websites that support Islamic democracy that are represented by Hidayatullah.com and Eramuslim.co.; and third, websites that support the Islamic caliphate that are represented by Voa-Islam.com and Nahimunkar.org, which rejected the form of a democratic state, both Islamic democracy and religious democracy, but accepted the Pancasila version of the Jakarta Charter