University of Arts in Belgrade
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Gender, Language and Nation in Serbian Textbooks for Students in Minority Classes
No full textThe research deals with textbooks for higher grades of elementary
school for the subject Serbian as a non-native language. It is a compulsory
subject for primary and secondary school students who attend classes in
one of the minority languages in Serbia. The reform of the curriculum of
this subject has changed the concept of learning the state language by in-
troducing two levels of knowledge, and by applying a communicative ap-
proach instead of the previously represented grammatical approach. The
reform took place gradually, from 2018 to 2021, in the same period when
the currently suspended Gender Equality Law, which became known to
the general public due to the controversy surrounding gender-sensitive
language, was prepared and entered into force. However, the same Law
mandates that curricula and textbooks should exclude gender-stereotyped,
sexist content, and include content related to gender equality in order to
overcome gender stereotypes and prejudices. Starting from this intention
of the legislator, this research observes the construction of nation and gen-
der through an intersectional perspective: using feminist critical discourse
analysis, it interprets forms, primarily gender (in)sensitivity of language
forms, and contents such as the representation and characterization of fe-
male and male characters in literary works, their roles and activities in
readings that represent everyday situations in textbooks of Serbian as a
non-native language. Since they are part of the Serbian society, but not
(completely) of the linguistic and national community, students who learn
Serbian as a non-native language are subject to a curriculum aimed at in-
troducing them to important aspects of the Serbian language, society and
culture. This research serves to explore the gender aspects of the hidden
curriculum, that is, the implicit messages about gender patterns and the
position of women and men in Serbian society that these textbooks send
Easy to read, easier to write: The politics of AI in consultancy trade research
No full textAI systems have been rapidly implemented in all sectors, of all sizes and in every country.
In this article, we conduct a bibliometric review of references in recent consultancy
reports on AI use in business, policymaking, and strategic management. The uptake of
these reports is high. We find three positive factors: focus on client-facing solutions,
speed of production, and ease of access. We find that the evidentiary quality of reports
is often unsatisfactory because of references-clubbing with other consultancy reports,
references to surveys without transparency, or poor or missing references. To optimize
the utility of consultancy reports for decision-makers and their pertinence for policy, we
present recommendations for the quality assessment of consultancy reporting on AI’s use
in organizations. We discuss how to improve general knowledge of AI use in business
and policymaking, through effective collaborations between consultants and management
scientists. In addition to being of interest to managers and consultants, this work may
also be of interest to media, political scientists, and business-school communiti
UAE Abaya Fashion: From Cover to Prestige (and Social Liberalization)
No full textThis paper examines the power of the UAE abaya. Moreover, it is concerned with
the exploitation of luxury in the pursuit of social status and the attainment of
greater freedom within an authoritarian context. As will be argued, the abaya has
transitioned from serving the state in the process of identity formation to becom
ing a non-state actor capable of challenging dominant strictures and providing for
policy alternatives. However, while the new or revamped abaya has contributed to
self-actualization and made taboo topics more visible, it is also important to note
that some Emiratis or minority groups may end up being excluded from this largely
luxury-driven process. For the leadership, this could create an unenviable situation,
particularly when considering the potential rift between the promises outlined in the
state vision and the prerequisites needed for its implementation. With this in mind,
the present analysis is also intended to assist policymakers working on tolerance and
social cohesion, as well as those striving to position the UAE as a major point of
reference in global affairs
From Net Art to AI Art: Questioning the Post-Internet/Post-digital and New Aesthetic Art Discourse
No full textThis chapter examines the evolution from net.art to AI art, tracing how digital art practices have transformed alongside shifting socio-technological conditions. In the 1990s and early 2000s, net.art emerged within an atmosphere of optimism about the internet’s potential for decentralized, open creativity, allowing artists to challenge corporate and institutional structures through direct experimentation with the medium. However, as digital culture became increasingly commodified, a shift occurred, epitomized by post-internet aesthetics and culminating in contemporary AI art. AI art, while it explored the complexities of machine learning and neural networks, now operates within an increasingly commercialized, algorithm-driven framework that challenges the autonomy and critical agency of digital artists. We argue that the aesthetics and sociopolitical implications of AI art, which highlight issues such as bias, surveillance, and environmental impact, reveal the profound ways in which digital infrastructures shape artistic agency today. In this chapter we want to critically analyze and question the new aesthetic/post-internet art/post-digital culture discourse in terms of its position vis-à-vis technology and digital society, putting it against the critical edge and embeddedness of early net.art and new media activism and present-day possibilities of AI art practice. Our goal is to show how the social ubiquitousness of technology is framing and directing the art movements, aesthetics, and theory through the history of new media art and culture. By analyzing key artworks and contrasting the ethos of net.art with the critical challenges facing AI art, we reflect on art’s potential to both navigate and resist the preformatted constraints of a post-digital landscape. This study ultimately calls for a reconsideration of how digital art can continue to enact meaningful critique and reimagine our technologically mediated future
Mimicry and Irony in Internet Memes – Friends or Foes?
No full textInternet memes hold significant sway in the realm of digital communication, particularly amidst the complexities of the post-truth era. Far from mere jests, memes serve as crucial social agents, reflecting and shaping our societal landscape. They not only cultivate communal bonds and provide a shared cultural and political arena but also employ a rich array of artistic techniques, including appropriation, remixing, and pastiche, transforming these avant-garde strategies into commonplace expressions. This presentation explores Balkan meme communities and their interplay with the alt right movement by scrutinizing subversive affirmation artivist strategies in the activities of both groups. Drawing upon the frameworks of thinkers such as Slavoj Žižek, Inke Arns and Sylvia Sasse, the IRWIN group, and Alexei Monroe, this presentation probes the nature of subversive mimicry within contemporary society, with a particular focus on the role of irony in digital meme culture. The analysis challenges the notion of subversive mimicry as a purely oppositional force to dominant ideologies and norms. It contends that the exclusion of irony may limit mimicry’s transformative potential. It delves into the nuanced discourse of Southeast Europe to pose a pivotal question: Does the presence of irony in internet memes dilute or enable the potency of artistic and activist strategy of subversive mimicry? This inquiry seeks to enrich our understanding of both memes and irony as vehicles of cultural critique and social commentary within the contemporary cultural landscape, inviting reflection on their efficacy as agents of subversion and change
Prevazilaženje ograničenja: Izborna tela i borba protiv dezinformacija i stranog uticaja
No full textThe problem of disinformation and foreign interference in elections has increased significantly in recent years. It creates an uneven playing field that hinders fair competition and informed voting. Electoral disinformation manifests itself in two ways: partisan and procedural. Partisan disinformation targets candidates and voters with false information to influence their voting preferences. In contrast, procedural disinformation seeks to disenfranchise voters or undermine the electoral process. Foreign interference in elections can be defined as any attempt to influence the outcome of an election in another country. Have Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs) implemented effective countermeasures to mitigate these risks? The answer is complex, but no. They face institutional, legal and technical constraints that limit their actions. First, EMBs cannot change electoral laws to make them more resilient against the threat of disinformation and foreign electoral interference. Second, disinformation is usually not criminal and falls outside most legislation, making prosecution difficult. Foreign interference falls beyond national jurisdiction. Third, the actions that EMBs can take are limited by their obligations to be fair and impartial. Fourth, while enhancing content curation on social media platforms would be beneficial, EMBs lack the authority to enforce such measures, and these platforms exercise limited control over the content that is published.Problem dezinformacija i stranog mešanja u izbore značajno je porastao u poslednjim godinama. Time se stvaraju neravnopravni uslovi koji ometaju fer konkurenciju i informisano glasanje. Izborne dezinformacije ispoljavaju se na dva načina: partijski i proceduralni. Partijske
dezinformacije ciljaju na kandidate i birače lažnim informacijama kako bi uticali na njihove
biračke preferencije. Proceduralne dezinformacije, s druge strane, imaju za cilj da obesprave
birače ili da dovedu u pitanje izborni proces. Strano mešanje u izbore može se definisati kao
svaki pokušaj uticaja na ishod izbora u drugoj zemlji. Da li su tela za upravljanje izborima
(EMBs) sprovela efikasne mere za ublažavanje ovih rizika? Odgovor je složen, ali je u suštini
– ne. Ona se suočavaju sa institucionalnim, pravnim i tehničkim ograničenjima koja im sputavaju delovanje. Prvo, izborna tela ne mogu menjati izborne zakone kako bi ih učinila otpornijim na pretnje dezinformacijama i stranog mešanja u izbore. Drugo, dezinformacije u
većini slučajeva nisu krivično delo i ne potpadaju pod važeće zakone, što otežava pravno
gonjenje. Strano mešanje izlazi izvan domašaja nacionalne jurisdikcije. Treće, postupci koje
izborna tela mogu preduzeti ograničeni su njihovom obavezom da ostanu pravična i nepristrasna. Četvrto, iako bi unapređenje kontrole sadržaja na društvenim mrežama bilo korisno,
izborna tela nemaju ovlašćenja da sprovedu takve mere, dok same platforme imaju ograničenu kontrolu nad objavljenim sadržajem
Kad je klijentelizam u krizi: Brokeri AKP-a tokom lokalnih izbora 2014. i 2019. u Turskoj
No full textClientelism is an exchange relationship that includes sources of patrons and services of clients. In the political dimension, this relationship’s basic characteristic involves political support from citizens and the redistribution of resources, mostly public resources, by party elites. Hypothetically, control of public resources is subject to state regulation within an institutional framework. In some countries, like Türkiye, the state and government, state elites, and party elites are intertwined. This structure has its own roots in the peculiarities of Turkish political history. These peculiarities make clientelistic relations embedded in daily life. These conditions and peculiarities make brokers, who bridge state elites and resources with citizens, significant actors in Turkish political history. In this study, I analyze the effect of brokers in politics at a local scale by examining their agency during the 2014 and 2019 local elections in Artvin, a province of Türkiye. The question posed is whether the efficiency of brokers influences local election outcomes.Klijentelizam je odnos razmene koji obuhvata resurse patrona i usluge klijenata. U političkom
smislu, osnovna karakteristika ovog odnosa jeste politička podrška građana u zamenu za redistribuciju resursa, najčešće javnih, od strane partijskih elita. Teoretski, kontrola nad javnim
resursima bi trebalo da bude predmet državne regulative u okviru institucionalnog sistema.
Međutim, u nekim zemljama, poput Turske, država i vlada, državni i partijski činovnici, duboko
su isprepleteni. Ova struktura ima svoje korene u specifičnostima političke istorije Turske, koje
čine klijentelističke odnose svakodnevnim i duboko ukorenjenim. U takvim uslovima, brokeri
– posrednici između državnih elita i građana – postaju ključni akteri političkog života.
U ovom radu analiziram ulogu brokera u lokalnoj politici kroz ispitivanje njihove aktivnosti tokom lokalnih izbora 2014. i 2019. godine u provinciji Artvin u Turskoj. Ključno istraživačko pitanje glasi: da li efikasnost brokera utiče na ishod lokalnih izbora
Ethnomoralism – Nation and Morality: Intersection of an Ambivalent Relationship
No full textPrilog je pokušaj problematizovanja etnonacionalističke komponente savremenog hegemonog ideološkog morala. Etnomoralizam je osobeno delatna vrsta moralnog preuznošenja vlastite nacije kao moralno nadmoćne. To je neizostavni okvir političkih borbenih pojmova koji regulišu sukob dobrih i i zlih nacija. Mešavina je straha ksenofobičnih i straha od ksenofobičnih. Slepi patriotizam, kao vrh
etnomoralizma, pravda se martirološki: nadmoć ljudskosti moje nacije ističe iz njene beskonkurentske žrtve. Samoviktimizacija je provereno oružje u borbi oko moralne nadmoći. Moralizovana samoviktimizacija raščlanjena je pojmovima krivica, odgovornost i sramota. Cilj je vlastitim podvajanjem dobra od zla kolektivno stigmatizovati drugu naciju, postideti je i trajno obeležiti kao grupu koju povezuje nacionalni zločin. Stvara se lanac uzajamnih odbrambenih agresija. Etnomoralizam je takođe i vredna roba na tržištu, vrsta moralizacije koja se uprkos banalnosti dobro prodaje.
Nasuprot etnomoralizmu, pokazani su samorefleksivni realizam i etika nacionalne odgovornosti. Intrinzična banalnost etnomoralizma je u tome što se moralizuje pripadnost grupi koja je sasvim nezasluženo stečena rođenjem. Reč je o neodgovornoj upotrebi nezasluženih vrlina. Kritika etnomoralizma upućena je na kritiku upotrebe nezasluženog u samoviđenju. Pojedinac nije moralno odgovoran za zločine sunarodnika jednako kao ni za njegove uspehe. Podvučena je razlika između morala, moralizma i metamoralizma. Moralno su nadmoćniji oni koji su sposobni za suočavanje sa tamnom prošlošću vlastite grupe. Za građanski rat 1990-ih svi su krivi. Krivicu treba diferencirati i individualizovati. U savremenom građanskom ratu sećanja pokazana je konfliktna destruktivna priroda etnomoralizma. Njegov izvor je politička moć koja proizvodi i nadzire etnomoralizme. Ovaj prilog je predlog za snalaženje u hroničnom sukobu etnomoralizama u regionu, ali i u širim složenim pojmovnoteorijskim etnomoralnim pitanjima.The paper is an attempt to problematize the ethno-nationalist component of contemporary hegemonic ideological morality. Ethnomoralism is a particularly active type of
moral exaltation of one’s own nation as morally superior. It is an indispensable framework of political fighting concepts that regulate the conflict between good and evil
nations. It is a mixture of the fear of the xenophobic and the fear of the xenophobic
Other. The blind patriotism, as the peak of ethnomoralism, is justified martyrologically: the supremacy of the humanity of my nation stands out from its unrivaled sacrifice.
The self-victimization is a proven weapon in the battle for a moral supremacy. The
moralized self-victimization is broken down by the concepts of guilt, responsibility,
and shame. The goal is to collectively stigmatize another nation by dividing good from
evil, shame it and permanently mark it as a group linked by national crime. It creates
a chain of mutual defensive aggressions. Ethnomoralism, as a kind of moralizing, is
also a saleable commodity on the market.
In contrast to ethnomoralism, one should show self-reflexive realism and ethics
of national responsibility. The intrinsic banality of ethnomoralism is in moralizing of
belonging to a group that is quite undeservedly acquired by birth. It is the irresponsible use of undeserved virtues. Criticism of ethnomoralism is directed at use of undeserved in self-perception. The individual is not morally responsible for the crimes
of his countrymen any more than for his countrymen successes. One should differentiate between morality, moralism and metamoralism. Morally superior are those who
are able to face the dark past of their own group. The civil war of the 1990s was everyone’s fault. But the guilt should be differentiated and individualized. The contemporary civil war of memory reveals conflictual and destructive nature of ethnomoralism.
Its source is the political power that produces and controls ethnomoralisms. This contribution is a proposal for navigating the chronic conflict of ethnomoralisms in the region, but also in broader complex conceptual and theoretical ethnomoral issues
Objektivnost prava i pravednosti - figure Trećeg (Hegel, Kožev, Levinas)
No full textČlanak se bavi figurom Trećeg na osnovu filozofije Hegela, Kojeva i Levinasa. Njihove koncepcije se umnogome razlikuju, na primer u pogledu uloge države ili odnosa morala i prava, ali se ipak slažu da je figura Trećeg osnovni princip i polazište za genezu i konstituisanje prava i pravde. U tom pogledu će se raspravljati o osnovnim aspektima filozofije prava, kao što su neutralnost ili nezainteresovanost. U skladu sa ovim, figura Trećeg omogućava preispitivanje filozofije prava
Surviving the Gender Matrix of the Holocaust: The Axis of Gender-Power in the Testimonies of Yugoslavian Holocaust Survivors
No full textAs an intricate dynamic network of social identifications, expectations,
andbehavioral modelsintheiruseandabuse,theinterrelation ofgender andpower
uncovers more than established gender roles and relations: it reveals deeper layers
of individual and collective reasoning, which further informs and influences one’s
thoughts and decisions. This can particularly be important in the times of crisis and
survival, since it can have a direct effect on one’s ways and chances of survival, as
well as ontheexperiences survived. In the other words, gender-related mechanisms
are in the background of the totality of conditions in times of crisis and war. In the
case oftheHolocaust,gender-poweraxiscanbeidentifiedinthesurvivalresponseof
the survivors, as well as in the executive decisions of the perpetrators, and it can all
be read throughout the texts of the survivor testimonies. In order to understand the
Holocaust as a gendered event, a gender-fueled atrocity, I would like to analyze the
testimonies of Yugoslavian Holocaust survivors gathered in the five book edition We
survived: Yugoslav Jews on the Holocaust 1–5 (Federation of Jewish Communities of
Yugoslavia/Serbia & Montenegro/Serbia 2001–2009)