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The War in Ukraine: News Consumption Pattern of Serbian Citizens
No full textNews about the war in Ukraine is still present on the daily agenda in Serbia and the
world, more than a year after the Russian invasion commenced. In times of crisis, such
as this, citizens increasingly rely on the media for truthful and relevant information.
However, the media have experienced a decline in trust in the last decade, and the circulation of
disinformation and fake news has become part of everyday life. This is particularly the case in
Serbia, where the political polarization has spread to editorial policies, media reporting and the
selection of the news. This paper focuses on citizens’ media habits and perceptions of journalistic
reporting regarding the war in Ukraine. It is a part of a broader research, which aimed at
providing a comprehensive understanding of citizens' relationship with news, especially in the
digital environment. It was modeled according to the questionnaire for Digital News Report
developed by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. The basic questionnaire for 2022
was utilized, along with some questions from the previous years and a supplementary
questionnaire on the conflict in Ukraine. A quota sample was used, consisting of a total of 2,027
adult citizens of Serbia. The results show that people in Serbia rate the media's work much worse
than citizens of other countries when it comes to the war in Ukraine. However, respondents who
are closer to the Russian side in the conflict evaluate media reporting more positively. Unlike
other countries, where people turn to television as the main news source, the results indicate a
significant use of apps and websites of mainstream media in Serbia in this regard. The
importance of this research is that it provides insight into how citizens assess reporting on the
war, a perspective often missing when discussing the media and conflict
Žarana Papić
No full textZ vidika zasnove tega zbornika kot svojevrstnega almanaha žensk v (post)jugoslovanski
znanosti Žarana Papić v smislu jasne disciplinarne klasifikacije
predstavlja težavo. Bila je sociologinja, antropologinja in teoretičarka spola.
Poleg tega je imela kot feministka do sociologije kritičen odnos, antropologije
se je lotila kot sociologinja, na študije spola pa je gledala skozi strogo optiko
svojih primarnih znanstvenih okvirov, pri čemer je vztrajala, da teorija ne
more brez prakse, in to s svojo teorijo in prakso tudi dokazovala. Žarana Papić
je bila troublemaker, ženska, ki začenja, odpira, navdihuje, hkrati pa prevprašuje,
spodkopava in nenehno prestopa meje
"I'm just kidding": An analysis of sexist comments and offensive humor at Balkan universities"
No full textIs sexist humor in academia a form of gender-based violence and discrimination, or is it just harmless fun? How is sexist humor related to gender stereotypes and does it foster an organizational culture of tolerance of sexism? The above questions form a summary of the part of the research on gender-based violence conducted at 18 universities in four Balkan countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro in the period 2021/22 among the teaching and administrative staff and student population. Based on this research, we analyze the perceptions of sexist comments and humor among women and men at universities, the functions of such humor, as well as ways of reacting to sexist humor, that is, to gender-based violence and discrimination expressed through it
Constructing interpersonal and political trust across the life span: emotional and rational dimensions
No full textTrust is a precondition of functional relationships and cohesive societies. Various studies point out the significance of the interaction between cognitive and affective dimensions in attempts to understand interpersonal and political trust. Further, the literature suggests that there is a leap between interpersonal and political trust, since the former is more direct, but also that the two are interlinked. However, the developmental dynamic between the emotional and the rational dimension in constructing interpersonal and political trust remains understudied. Additionally, most psychological research on determinants, correlates, and dimensions of trust is quantitative and neglects the substantive importance of social context in its development. The current research aims to bridge these gaps by providing in-depth insight into the processes of construction of interpersonal and political trust among different age groups and across three European countries. The sample, recruited via purposive and snowball sampling, consisted of a total of 119 participants (F=60) from four age groups (11-12; 14-15; 18-19; 30+) from Italy, the Czech Republic, and Serbia. A total of 24 focus groups (two per age group, eight per country) were conducted online, providing qualitative data on how participants construct their trust in interpersonal relationships and in the government. The results of the thematic analyses conducted separately for all countries expose two independent dimensions of trust building: emotional and rational. Furthermore, it shows that interpersonal trust is built primarily on the emotional basis (closeness, care, reciprocity, familiarity, sharing), while political trust is mostly built on the rational one (the assessment of knowledge, competence, and expertise of the authorities). However, the two are interlinked and can have a spillover effect so that when, e.g., a public official represents a familiar figure, the sense of familiarity, despite its centrality for interpersonal trust, can incite political trust. The findings will be discussed considering the differences between age groups and social contexts of the three countries.this conference was part of the EnTrust project, which Jelena Ćeriman and Ana Đorđević participated in, so the paper was automatically accepted as part of the conference and project output
Epikurejske i skeptičke argumentativne strategije. O njihovom razvoju i uzajamnom utjecaju
No full textU radu su skicirana ključna mjesta spoznajno-teorijske rasprave koja se odvijala u vrijeme najistaknutijih epikurejski i skeptički orijentiranih mislitelja. Istraživanje počinje s nekoliko povijesnih naznaka o Epikurovu doprinosu uspostavljanju spomenutih sporova te njegovoj motivaciji da problemu kriterija spoznaje dodijeli ključno mjesto. Istovremeno, u izvjesnoj mjeri, postat će jasno kako se rivalska skeptička misao razvijala pod utjecajem toga učenja. Namjera nije da se ta dva filozofska pristupa oslikaju u potpunosti, pa čak ni da se obuhva- te njihove glavne odlike, nego da se ponude izvjesni uvidi u specifična područja njihovo- ga uzajamnog utjecaja koja su doprinijela tome da se na neočekivan način približe jedno drugom. Uslijed toga, vidjet ćemo i da, premda prilično raznorodne, te dvije helenističke pozicije odražavaju izvjesne sličnosti, prije svega, kada je riječ o poimanju prirode i cilja filozofskih istraživanja, u čemu se ogleda primjer sretnoga života, kao i odgovora na pitanje kojim bi se kriterijem trebalo rukovoditi ako želimo dostignuti takav život
Moral Responsibility Towards Future Generations: the Stoic Preview
No full textNa koje se sve načine može misliti i ispitivati moralna odgovornost prema onima koji tek dolaze jeste kompleksno pitanje. Iz perspektive istorije filozofije, jedan od prvih podsticaja ili nagovora da budemo odgovorni pred onim drugima koji/e su nam „jednaki/e“, ali i onim drugima kojih još uvek nema, dolazi od stoika. Nadovezujući se na grčku etičku tradiciju, rimski stoici smatraju da čovek prirodno teži „zajednici sa drugima; jer su ljudi bića [...] određena za zajednicu“ (Aurelije, Med. 5.16). Tako je Seneka isticao neophodnost kultivisanja čovečnosti (humanitas), posebno jer se „moralne obaveze“ prostiru dalje od „pravnih pravila“ i onoga što može da se pronađe u „pravnim tablicama i stranicama zakonika“ (Seneka, Ir. 2.28). Pored čovečnosti, među moralne obaveze ubraja i pravičnost (iustitia), kao i plemenitost i ljubaznost (liberalitas) prema svim ljudima. To jest, stoička etika više ne priznaje one oštre razlike prethodno, u većoj ili manjoj meri, isticane u staroj Grčkoj, poput razlike između Grka i varvara, slobodnih i robova, muškaraca i žena. Podstiče se briga o svakom pojedinačnom čoveku, ali i društvu u celini (Seneka, Cl. 2.5), a ta briga se preliva i na buduće generacije (posteri) koje mogu da izvuku korist iz stoičkih spisa (Seneka, Ep. 8.2).Examining moral responsibility towards those who are yet to come is a complex question. From the perspective of the history of philosophy, one of the first incentives or persuasions to be responsible to those who are our “equals” and to those who are not yet born comes from the Stoics. Building on the Greek ethical tradition, the Roman Stoics believed that humans naturally strive for communion with others, as human beings “were formed for society” (Aurelius, Med. 5.16). Seneca emphasized the necessity of cultivating humanity (humanitas), especially since moral obligations or “the norm of appropriate actions” extend beyond “the rule of law” and what can be found in “the tablets of the law” (Seneca, Ir. 2.28). In addition to humanity, justice (iustitia), as well as generosity and kindness (liberalitas) towards all people, are among moral obligations. Stoic ethics no longer recognizes the sharp distinctions previously emphasized to a greater or lesser extent in ancient Greece, such as the distinction between Greeks and barbarians, freemen and slaves, and men and women. Kindness and care are encouraged for each individual person, as well as for society (Seneca, Cl. 2.5), and this extends to future generations (posteri) as well, who can benefit from the Stoic writings (Seneca, Ep. 8.2)
The effects of social movements’ cooperation with governmental and non-governmental organizations: a cross-country comparative perspective
No full textOne of the characteristics of the latest wave of progressive social movements that have emerged globally – from anti-austerity and Occupy movements to movements protesting violence against women, to struggles for environmental justice, etc. – is the heightened mistrust: in the system of representative democracy, in political parties, but also other formal and established social actors, like unions and non-governmental organizations. Cooperation with governmental and non-governmental organizations (GOs and NGOs) or refusal to cooperate with them has become an issue of heated debate within many progressive social movements today. In this paper we will approach the subject through the findings obtained from three countries with different political cultures and social and political trust levels: Denmark, Poland and Serbia. The sample consists of six social movements: one environmental movement from each country, the refugee solidarity movement from Denmark, All-Polish Women Strike from Poland, and an anti-eviction movement from Serbia. We will analyse the social movements’ attitudes toward, and the perceived effects of their cooperation with GOs and NGOs, particularly concerning trust relations within the movements and beyond. In the analysis we will focus on the role of two factors: social movements’ concrete short and long-term goals and the role of political, social, and cultural contexts
Against the 'New Janissaries': Anti-Gender Ideology Media Activism in Serbia
No full textThe paper analyzes recent activism in the digital sphere by representatives of the new Serbian right, a group of conservative intellectuals with a self-appointed role in what they explicitly call the “culture wars” and particularly engaged in attacks on “gender ideology”. Data gathered from posts, articles, journalistic pieces, and statements in podcasts, in which various aspects of gender and sexuality are tackled will be analyzed using the tools of Civil Sphere Theory. CST seems particularly helpful in this case because these actors and their discourse entertain a multiply ambiguous relation to the idea of “civility”, of which several aspects will be discussed. The first aspect concerns the paradox of “uncivil society”, since the new Serbian right speaks from within civil society and urges civil action in the name of cherished values, but their arguments are based on highly un-civil exclusionary categorizations of whole groups of citizens. The second aspect is that they call for civic, non-institutional, even “guerilla” mobilization of citizens, because state institutions are allegedly colonized by foreign interests and their domestic hirelings, while on the other hand these actors themselves almost always occupy positions of institutional
power, and their activities often result in institutional change (e.g. changed educational policies). Thirdly, the final irony to be discussed is a curious internationalism of this discourse: while it is obsessively protective of the nation and insists that the Serbian state is held captive to foreign powers, especially the USA, almost all the arguments used are not home-grown but rather copied from this same USA, that is, from the American new right
The Cinematic Daydream as a Tool of Political Emancipation: Plus-de-Jouir, Aufhebung and the Parallax
No full textIn this research, we will start by expo- sing the paradox of ‘surplus enjoyment’ (the Lacanian plus-de-jouir), showing that its parallax structure of lack and excess is also applicable to the pheno- menon of (surplus) repression. Linking his concept with the Hegelian Aufhebung, understood as a ‘failed negation of negation’ or a ‘negation of negation’ as failure, we will focus in detail on the central example illustrating our theoretical positions, which is Iciar Bollain’s film Tambien la Lluvia (Even the Rain). In analyzing its narrative structures that address the neocolonial reality, we will tend to approach indirectly, by reading the medium of cinematic narration, the ‘neocolonial question.