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Workers’ Power(lessness) In the Automotive Industry in Serbia: Factory Labor Regimes and the Deco
No full textRad pokušava eksplorativno da osvetli nemoć radništva u pogledu promene sopstvenog lošeg položaja u automobilskoj industriji u Srbiji. U radu se tvrdi da sklop odnosa između podružnica, centrala, klijenata i dobavljača u industriji generiše određene elemente režima rada u pojedinim fabrikama koje smanjuju, sakrivaju i fragmentišu strukturnu moć radništva. U tim okolnostima, poslovodstvo može da primenjuje tehnike intenziviranja proizvodnje i učestalog oslanjanja na prekovremeni rad bez otpora radništva. Primenom koncepata teorije resursa moći, režima rada, globalnih proizvodnih mreža, i globalnih lanaca vrednosti, u radu se situira odnos između različitih preduzeća koja čine tu industriju, i radništva u Srbiji. Konkretni elementi režima rada kojim se postižu ovi efekti zavise od pozicije firme u automobilskoj industriji i njene poslovne strategije, što dovodi do heterogene situacije unutar i između fabrika analiziranih u ovom radu. Organizacija proizvodnje dovodi i do mogućnosti rasta, otkrivanja, i ukrupnjavanja latentne ili neiskorišćene strukturne moći, i u radu su identifikovane neke njene instance. Na osnovu te analize, u zaključku su ponuđene smernice za dalje istraživanje koje se tiču povezivanja analize industrije sa njenim širim socijalnim okruženjem, preciznije i sistematičnije analize same industrije, i položaja i uloge sindikata u odnosu između rada i kapitala u automobilskoj industriji u Srbiji.Workers’ rights are systematically violated in Serbia. On the other hand, the perception of these violations does not lead to sustained attempts at building workers’ power
that could resist these violations and change their working conditions. This paper explores the industry-engendered conditions that inhibit the building of workers’ power
by looking at four automotive subsidiaries of foreign companies in Serbia. This is done
by identifying several ways in which the relationships between subsidiaries, headquarters, clients, and suppliers inhibit sources of workers’ power, in particular their structural power. The paper employs the conceptualization of sources of workers’ power
developed in the tradition of power resource theory: structural, associational, institutional, and societal. In particular, the focus is on the structural source of power as it is
most closely related to the point of production: structural power refers to the power
that can be generated by the position of workers in the labor market, and by their position in the organization of production - within particular factories and the network
of relations between different companies in the industry. Four automotive subsidiaries of foreign investors in Serbia are analyzed to identify labor regimes they set up, and
the elements of those labor regimes that are constituted in relationship with the headquarters, their clients, and suppliers. Labor regimes refer to the wider social set-up in
which the relationship of exploitation is embedded. These labor regimes, and the inter-firm relationships that engender the elements of those regimes, constitute the
strategic environment in which workers’ power would be built, and engender the problems for various segments of the workforce that building workers’ power could address. These four subsidiaries differ in their position in the global production networks
of the automotive industry and are caught up in different governance patterns as conceptualized by the global value chains approach. Several ways in which the structural
power of workers is decomposed are identified, which operate in different ways depending on the position of the particular subsidiary in the automotive industry and
vis-a-vis its headquarters and clients, as well as related to their business and management practices. Subsidiaries of large multinational companies compete with other subsidiaries in other countries to get assigned the execution of contracts struck by
the headquarters. Production lines are prone to being moved between different subsidiaries, thus giving rise to the more targeted threat of production relocation. Decision-making on the composition and parameters of particular production lines can be
divided between the company headquarters and clients. Companies can locate various business functions at the same plant, positioning different segments of the workforce in different chains of command and supply to different clients, thus generating
further differentiation of problems those groups face. Companies coordinate over
wages through following labor market research which defines global pay grades for
different job positions in different geographic locations. The flow of information about
the production processes and business strategies between the management and workers is minimal. These and other elements contribute to diminishing, obscuring, and
fragmenting the structural power of workers, which allows for techniques of forced
overtime and work intensification to be implemented unopposed. This also helps in
preventing workers from acting upon the increases in their latent structural power,
which could arise from the importance of a particular group of workers for performing
a particular production process, accumulation of useful knowledge about the place
of particular production processes in wider employers’ business strategies, or logistical difficulties of shifting different production processes, or the spread of general
problems that might make it easier for workers to identify common interests toward
which realization they can direct the building of workers’ power. The paper concludes
by identifying ways in which the automotive industry in Serbia can be studied in greater depth to identify more precisely conditions in which latent structural power can
rise, and in which the study of industry can be linked to other relevant societal and
environmental processes that can generate increase in other sources of workers power, resources, and capabilities for defending and furthering their interests
Trščanost i mišljenje: o knjizi Damira Smiljanića Biće od trske: antropologija u sinestetičkom pogledu, Adresa, Novi Sad, 2020.
No full textNotes on Salience: Where Does It Come From and Where Does It Go?
No full textWhile salience implies a discontinuity with a temporal or spatial surround, one that generates the qualities and meaning of the universes, cosmoses, or Umwelts that we inhabit, it nonetheless represents an artifactual reality that comprises experience, not a foundational one. To the extent that we are salient sentient beings—well-formed centers of worldly experience—we are discontinuous with the worlds we inhabit. But as material and biological entities, and especially as “minds” continuously metabolizing and integrating the moving particulars of the physical world, we are not “in” the world but actually are the world. Our sensory capacities are in no way limited to the apprehension of change that presents uniquely as distinction, but also track and participate in the unfolding of reality just as the hot air balloonist’s gondola moves with the ambient air so that no matter how turbulent the wind, no hair moves on the heads of the balloon’s passengers. To attain experiential knowledge of this external matrix requires a cultivated transformation of the internal world and the ecstatic relinquishment of the stubborn infrastructures of monadic selfhood
Terry Pinkard, Practice, Power and Form of Life: Sartre’s Appropriation of Hegel and Marx, Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 2022.
No full textWhat are we capable of doing and what kind of lives can we lead?: Well-being, development and justice
No full textU ovom radu razmatra se pristup zasnovan na sposobnostima kao pojmovni okvir za procenjivanje ljudskog blagostanja, te kao normativna paradigma za procenjivanje društvenog razvoja i društvene pravde. Pristup zasnovan na sposobnostima predstavlja alternativno i bogatije viđenje društvenog razvoja, odnosno viđenje koje podrazumeva da ljudi imaju slobodu da ostvare svoje potencijale i da vode živote koje imaju razloga da vrednuju. Pored toga, pristup zasnovan na sposobnostima brani ideju da društvena pravda zahteva obezbeđivanje određenih vrednih sposobnosti svim građanima i građankama barem do nivoa koji je potreban za minimalno dostojanstven život. Poseban akcenat ovog rada stavljen je na jedan ključan problem koji opseda pristup zasnovan na sposobnostima. Naime, koje su sposobnosti vredne? Kako ih treba odrediti? Analizirajući „teorijsko-refleksivni pristup” i „deliberativno-demokratski
pristup” kao međusobno suprotstavljene pristupe projektu određenja vrednih ljudskih sposobnosti za normativne svrhe, nastojimo da pokažemo da je moguće kombinovati ova dva pristupa na plodonosan način.This paper focuses on the capability/capabilities approach as a conceptual
framework for assessing human well-being and as a normative paradigm for
assessing human development and social justice. The capability/capabilities
approach represents an alternative and a richer view of social development; that
is, a view which implies that people have the freedom to realize their potentials
and lead lives that they have reason to value. Moreover, the capability/capabilities approach defends the idea that social justice requires the provision of certain valuable capabilities to all citizens at least to the level required for a dignified life. This paper pays special emphasis on one key problem which besets the
capability/capabilities approach. Namely, which capabilities are valuable? How
should they be determined? By analyzing the “theoretical-reflective approach”
and the “deliberative-democratic approach” as mutually opposed approaches to
the project of determining valuable human capabilities for normative purposes,
we argue that it is possible to combine these two approaches in a fruitful way
The Trap of Sublime Warfare
No full textIn his analysis of the sublime in the Critique of the Power of Judgement Kant explicitly address a possibility that just wars could be sublime: “Even war, if it is conducted with order and reverence for the rights of civilians, has something sublime about it, and at the same time makes the mentality of the people who conduct it in this way all the more sublime, the more dangers it has been exposed to and before which it has been able to assert its courage […]” (KU, AA 05: 263). The thesis might seem to contradict the later thesis in Perpetual Peace (cf Staiano-Daniels 2022). To address this issue, I will analyze the intentionality of the sublime feeling in a greater depth. Specifically, I will tackle the problem of subreption: “feeling of the sublime in nature is respect for our own vocation, which we show to an object in nature through a certain subreption (substitution of a respect for the object instead of for the idea of humanity in our subject)“ (KU, AA 05: 257). I argue (1) that the trap of a sublime warfare lies in the possibility of perceiving war as a focus (an object of import), rather than as a target of our emotional evaluation (as dangerous); and (2) that the only consistent way to understand war as an object of sublime is if the danger of war could be perceived as impotent in comparison to our own morality
Social Dialogue and Tripartism as a Constructive Mechanism In Achieving and Building Economic – Political Consensus
No full textOdnosi između radnika i poslodavaca na tržištu rada i kapitala postaju odrednica međusobnih interakcija u kojima (u logici suprotnih interesa) otvaraju prostor za dijalog koji će im u misiji pronalaženja kompromisa zadovoljiti interese. Dijalog, kao polazna osnova komunikacije između radnika (udruženih u sindikate) i poslodavaca, na savremenom industrijskom polju poprima novu formu čija se konceptualnost približava pojmu socijalnog dijaloga. Instituicionalno uokviren i normativno usaglašen, socijalni dijalog kao takav omogućava socijalnim partnerima (reprezentativnih sindikata i unije poslodavaca) da sa predstavnicima Vlade usaglase svoje stavove, kako bi umanjili zonu konfliktne interakcije. Rad ima za cilj da ukaže na to da se uspostavljanje socijalnog dijaloga u jednoj dugoročnoj strategiji, koja pokriva polje ekonomske i socijalne politike, pre svega sastoji u rešavanju mnogobrojnih pitanja koja mogu biti predmet rada i radnih odnosa u istoimenoj zakonskoj oblasti, nužan i bezalternativan model, čiji je cilj postizanje bazičnog konsenzusa u društvu. Autor njegovu primenu vidi kao perspektivnu strategiju jednog stabilnog i dinamičnog privrednog i društvenog razvoja. Vođen ovom pretpostavkom, pokušava da prihvati njegov smisao, koji se kreće na liniji od međusobnog uvažavanja interesnih razlika do njihovog prihvatanja u zoni zajedničkih interesa.Relations between workers and employers in the labor and capital markets become
a determinant of mutual interactions where (in the logic of opposing interests) they
open space for dialogue that will satisfy their interests in the mission of finding a com promise. Dialogue, as the starting point of communication between workers (united
in trade unions) and employers, takes on a new form in the modern industrial field, the
conceptuality of which approaches the concept of social dialogue. Institutionally
framed and normatively harmonized, social dialogue as such enables social partners
(representative trade unions and employers’ association) to harmonize their positions
with representatives of the Government, to reduce the zone of conflict interactions.
The paper aims to point out that the establishment of social dialogue in a long-term
strategy, which covers the field of economic and social policy, primarily consists in
solving numerous issues that can be the subject of work and labor relations in the legal field of the same name, a necessary and non-alternative model, whose goal is to
achieve a basic consensus in society. The author sees its application as a forward-looking strategy for stable and dynamic economic and social development. Guided by this
assumption, the author tries to accept its meaning, which moves along the line from
a mutual appreciation of interest differences to their acceptance in the zone of common interests