University of Arts in Belgrade
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SIP conception of the Yugoslav foreign policy: SIP in the centre of interparty disputes
No full textThis paper analyses the phenomenon of SIP conception of Yugoslav foreign policy at the beginning of the 1960s.By examining some of the crucial reasons for polarization of Yugoslav communist party and certain dilemmas of Yugoslav foreign policy, this paper is trying to explain main reasons for the gap between the main party organs and the State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs (Sekreterijat inostranih poslova - SIP).Рад представља анализу појаве „сиповске концепције“ југословенске спољне политике и њених основних карактеристика почетком 60-их година 20 века. Посматран је кључни однос између Државног секретаријата
за спољне послове Југославије (ДСИП) и Савеза комуниста
Југославије (СКЈ), кроз уочавање главних идеја партијске
поларизације југословенских комуниста и дилема око одређених спољнополитичких приоритета везаних за однос
према Совјетском Савезу
Mogućnost solidarnosti između profesora i studenata u protestu
No full textPosle prikaza istorijata studentskih borbi u Beogradu i odnosa između profesora i studenata koji je tokom ovih protesta bio uspostavljen, ispituje se u kakvom su odnosu bili studenti i profesori tokom blokade Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu 2014. godine. Kako bi se razmotrilo kakav odnos je bio uspostavljen između ovih aktera tokom trajanja blokade, autorka će pokušati da odgovori na pitanja da li je među profesorima postojalo razumevanje za studentske zahteve, da li su i studenti i profesori doživeli blokadu kao legitiman vid borbe za studentske zahteve i da li je postojala solidarnost između profesora i studenata u protestu. U radu će prvo biti prikazani stavovi studenata o protestu i ulozi profesora u njemu, a potom će u drugom delu rada biti više reči o tome kako se profesori odnose prema blokadi i kako doživljavaju vlastitu ulogu u protestu.After a review of the history of student protests in Belgrade and of the
relationship between professors and students therein, the paper examines the relationship between these actors during the blockade of the Belgrade Faculty of
Philosophy in 2014. In order to analyse this relationship, the author considers
the following questions: did professors show any understanding for student demands? did both students and professors perceive the blockade as a legitimate
form of struggle for student demands? has there been any solidarity between professors and students during the protest? Student attitudes toward the protest and
the professors’ role in it are described first, while the second part of the paper
discusses the professors’ attitude toward the blockade and their understanding of
their own role in it
Živo slovo na papiru: nezavisni organi u procesu revizije Ustava
No full textUprkos potencijalu da obeleţi konačni prekid sa tradicijom donošenja Ustava bez konsultacija javnosti i šireg društvenog konsenzusa, Ustav Republike Srbije iz 2006. godine donet je u ishitrenoj atmosferi koja je nepopravljivo umanjila njegov legitimitet. Nakon ubrzane pripreme, kratkih pregovora partijskih struktura i potpunog izostanka javne i parlamentarne rasprave, poslanici Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije usvojili su predlog novog Ustava, koji su umesto nadležnog parlamentarnog Odbora za ustavna pitanja i zakonodavstvo sastavili predstavnici uskog kruga najznačajnijih stranaka. Pored problema legitimiteta, višestruki razlozi podstakli su stručnjake i javnost da ubrzo pokrenu pitanje revizije Ustava, počev od nedostataka u sadržaju Ustava i nezadovoljstva nedoslednim ustavnim rešenjima, pa do neophodnih izmena u okviru procesa pristupanja Srbije Evropskoj uniji. S obzirom na to da je promena važećeg Ustava danas izvesna, predstojeći proces Ustavne revizije treba iskoristiti za unapređenje ustavnih rešenja kojima se pravno-političko uređenje države može znatno poboljšati. Među njima je i definisanje položaja i uticaja nezavisnih organa kao jedne od ključnih komponenti stabilnog i efikasnog demokratskog sistema, razvijenog na principima vladavine prava i dobre uprave
Koncept asimetričnih pretnji
No full textIzlaganje se bavi pojmom asimetričnih pretnji bezbednosti i asimetričnih odgovora na konvencionalne pretnje bezbednosti.Priložen je url snimka konferencije
Teachers On Teaching: How Practitioners See The Current State And Future Developments In History Education Across The Western Balkans
No full textFollowing many studies that looked into history curricula and history textbooks in the Western Balkans region, what actually happens in the classroom is mostly left unexamined. For example, it is unknown how teachers approach curricular expectations dictated by the state bodies;
in which ways they use, and would like to change, the teaching materials prescribed by the educational authorities; how different elements of their societal context determine the ways they deal with difficult topics in their classroom; whether the history teaching paradigm has
shifted from lecture-dominant to learner-oriented and how pedagogy has shifted from one narrative transmission to narrative analysis. Furthermore, given the fact that in the Western Balkan region there have been many international interventions in the field of history teaching, what has been the effect? To try to outline the answers to these questions, together with history teaching experts
and practitioners from the region, we developed a large-scale mixed-method study looking into needs of history teachers. The principal technique of the data collection through an online survey was complemented with focus groups of a selection of history teachers, stocktaking sessions and
experts interviews in each country. A total of 793 teachers participated in the survey; around 400 teachers participated in the stocktaking sessions; 40 teachers in focus groups and 14 history education experts completed expert interviews. History teachers from Albania (66),
Bosnia and Herzegovina (210), Kosovo* (67), FYR Macedonia (113), Montenegro (115) and Serbia (222) gave their assessment of the current state and the needs in history teaching in their country through the survey specifically designed for this purpose. Through the combination of the aforementioned quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection we set out to explore several issues. Firstly, we aimed to grasp teachers’ perceptions of their participation in, and level of, democracy in schools and educational systems. Secondly, we wanted to grasp their experiences of employment and professional development procedures. Thirdly, we wanted to explore if the prevailing teaching practices correspond with policy expectations of learner oriented
and competence based teaching that would consequently foster critical engagement with counter narratives and controversies. In the end, we aimed to explore if teachers’ individual characteristics, their self-perception in the context of schools, educational systems and society, and their understanding of history didactics influenced their practice of teaching controversies. The same topics were explored in more depth by focus groups consisting of history teachers and by history teaching experts that gave their view of the situation and specifics of the context in all six countries. Additionally, we aimed to test the avoider-risk taker continuum model of teacher’s roles when facing controversial topics. We looked into several factors determining whether history teachers will take a role of the avoider, container or the risk taker in approaching the contested topics. Moreover, we examined how certain individual characteristics (e.g. religious adherence and level of education) and school characteristics (e.g. urban/rural and mono-cultural/multi-cultural environment) affected the teachers’ position on the continuum. Understanding teachers’ views and practices can help us understand how teaching controversial topics in a way that dismantles biased and one-sided interpretations can be fostered. This contribution can help improve history teaching in the Western Balkans, but also expand our knowledge of the processes of dealing with troubled pasts in post-conflict societies around the world
Violence and Messianism. Jewish Philosophy and the Great Conflicts of the 20th Century
No full textViolence and Messianism looks at how some of the figures of the so-called Renaissance of "Jewish" philosophy between the two world wars - Franz Rosenzweig, Walter Benjamin and Martin Buber - grappled with problems of violence, revolution and war. At once inheriting and breaking with the great historical figures of political philosophy such as Kant and Hegel, they also exerted considerable influence on the next generation of European philosophers, like Lévinas, Derrida and others
Gaze of the Other and self-knowledge: the animals as provocation
No full textОвај чланак тематизује провокацију коју су животињe упутиле мишљењу. Историјска и феноменолошка реконструкција њеног значаја указује на драгоцени подстицај који су оне предста вљале за увиђање јединства и разлике животних облика, за при знање епистемичких ограничења, за ослобађање од антропоцен тричке предрасуде, за артикулацију егзистенцијалне ситуације и за проницање у хуманистичке политике дискриминације. У закључку се сугерише да се огрешење западне рационалности о све што није могла да подведе под своју претензију на универзалну меродавност искупљује тек критичким, обзирним и одговорним поступањем према дискурзивној и фактичкој нерасположивости оног Другог које заступају (и) животиње.Primarily relying on the texts of Jacques Derrida, Jean Baudrillard,
Deleuze and Guattari and Theodor W. Adorno, this article contemplates
the provocation that cats, often representative of animals in general,
been able to direct us towards philosophy. Aside from the proverbial
penetrativeness of the cat’s gaze which has a physiological cause, a
historical and phenomenological reconstruction of its significance
points to the valuable incentive that it has represented for the
understanding both unity and singularity of life forms, the awareness
of our epistemic limits, the release of anthropocentric prejudice, the
articulation of existential situations and the insight into a humanistic
policy of discrimination. The author concludes that the cat’s character,
in its best literary and philosophical offshoots, warns of impingement
that the Western rationality committed to everything that could not be
included under its claim to universal authority, and suggests that the
way of redemption for the wrongdoing leads across selective adoption
and criticism of the same heritage, but now in such a manner that it
could be considerate and responsible toward both discursive and the
unavailability of the Others
Blajburg i revizionizam: Između istorije i mita
No full textRad ima intenciju da polazeći od teorijsko-metodoloških postavki kritičke
istoriografije objasni suštinu uzroka istorijskog revizionizma u savremenom hrvatskom društvu i
delu istoriografije. Blajburški narativ, kao ključno mesto istorijsko-revizionističkih ukrštanja,
postao je u novije vreme jedna od okosnica nacionalističke ideologije, pa i samog identiteta
savremene Hrvatske. U takvim okolnostima sve je teže odvojiti ideološke, mitotvorne i
martirološke konstrukcije od racionalne i naučno proverljive, ali i kontekstualno uobličene
interpretacije zbivanja na kraju Drugog svetskog rata u Jugoslaviji
Formiranje aktivnog i tolerantnog građanstva. Potencijal i ograničenja deliberativnog modela demokratije
No full textIako su mišljenja podeljena o tome koliko danas možemo da pričamo o krizi demokratije ono oko čega postoji konsenzus jeste da sve manji broj građana aktivno učestvuje u javnom životu zajednice. Građani su sve manje informisani, sve manje zainteresovani za javna pitanja i demokratske institucije i – što ima značajne posledice za samu suštinu demokratije – sve manje se prepoznaju u političkim odlukama koje donose elite (Crouch 2004, Dalton 2004). Iz perspektive demokratske teorije jedini mogući odgovor na ovakvu situaciju demokratskog deficita bio bi osnaživanje građanske participacije. Ipak, iako se čini da je danas ideja o vrednosti i opravdanosti demokratske participacije postala neosporiva, ponovo se čuju zahtevi za ograničavanjem mogućnosti građana da učestvuju u donošenju političkih odluka, ali i u javnom životu uopšte .
Polazeći iz perspektive deliberativnog modela demokratije, u ovom radu se tvrdi da je zahtev za redukovanjem prostora za građansku participaciju ne samo očigledno loš, zbog toga što dodatno urušava demokratiju ne dozvoljavajući da se napravi prostor za osnaživanje građanstva, već se zasniva i na teorijskim i empirijskim pretpostavkama koje nisu adekvatno postavljene.
Pored toga, kroz problematizovanje koncepta idealnog građanina, ovaj rad pre svega ističe značaj aktivnosti i tolerantnosti kao karakteristika idealnog građanina koje su neophodne za ostvarenu demokratiju. Koristeći argumente deliberativnog pristupa demokratiji i uvide iz analiza deliberativnih arena, u radu se prvenstveno argumentuje kako je formiranje aktivnog i tolerantnog građanstva empirijski moguće, ali i kako ove dve karakteristike građanstva ne moraju biti u tenziji