University of Arts in Belgrade
Digital Repository of the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of BelgradeNot a member yet
4571 research outputs found
Sort by
Savremeni međunarodni svet: moderni režimi prevođenja
No full textThis article focuses on the individuality of language. How can language be individuated, grasped as an indivisible unity, and compared to other languages that are also assumed to be individual unities? I will attempt a historical investigation concerning the individuality of language on the one hand, and the formation of the modern international world in which individuated languages are supposed to be juxtaposed to one another. The translation is the instance in which languages are originally figured out as individuals; I will investigate how a new way of managing translation, the modern regime of translation, was introduced.Ovaj članak se fokusira na individualnost jezika. Kako se jezik može individualizovati, shvatiti kao nedeljiva celina i uporediti sa drugim jezicima koji se takođe pretpostavljaju kao individualne celine? Pokušaću da sprovedem istorijsko istraživanje o individualnosti jezika, s
jedne strane, i o formiranju savremenog međunarodnog sveta u kojem se individualizovani
jezici pretpostavljaju kao postavljeni jedni naspram drugih, s druge strane. Prevođenje je instanca u kojoj se jezici prvobitno zamišljaju kao individualni; istražiću kako je uveden novi
način upravljanja prevođenjem, odnosno moderni režim prevođenja
Kontra-nasilje prevođenja
No full textMy contribution deals with the relation between translation and violence taking up the concept of de-violence as found in Rada Iveković’s work. The basis of the argument is the thesis that violence is not simply opposed to non-violence since both are interdependent. In order to discuss this, I will return to Walter Benjamin in a joint reading of his reflections on translatability and violence. The guiding questions will be the following: Do we need a critique of violence in order to produce an appropriate (political) concept of translation? If translation is not simply a non-violent communication, shall we then conceive it as a sort of counter-violence against a monolingual closure of meaning? By addressing these problems, I will try to outline the idea of “de-translation” as a true systematic violence that obstructs or annihilates the openness to the foreign. The task of translators today would be thus to be engaged in that politics of translation which counteracts the violence of systemic de-translation.Moj prilog bavi se odnosom između prevođenja i nasilja, polazeći od pojma raz-nasilja razvijenog u radu Rade Iveković. Polazna teza je da nasilje nije naprosto suprotstavljeno nenasilju,
već da su oba međuzavisna. Kako bih ovo razmotrio, vraćam se Valteru Benjaminu kroz zajedničko čitanje njegovih razmišljanja o prevodivosti i nasilju. Vodeća pitanja biće sledeća:
Da li nam je potrebna kritika nasilja da bismo oblikovali adekvatan (politički) pojam prevođenja? Ako prevođenje nije jednostavno nenasilna komunikacija, treba li ga onda razumeti
kao neku vrstu kontra-nasilja spram jednostrano jezičkog zatvaranja značenja? Baveći se
ovim problemima, pokušaću da naznačim ideju „raz-prevođenja“ kao istinskog sistemskog
nasilja koje ometa ili poništava otvorenost prema stranom. Zadatak prevodilaca danas bio
bi, dakle, da se uključe u onu politiku prevođenja koja se suprotstavlja nasilju sistemskog
raz-prevođenja
Building Trust in Governmental and Educational Authorities in Adolescence: A Comparison of Early, Middle, and Late Adolescents in Four European Countries
No full textResearch on procedural justice shows that giving voice to citizens or experts, providing transparent explanations, and acting predictably fosters trust in authorities. Yet little is known about how these processes operate during adolescence. It remains unclear whether these aspects of authority behavior are relevant to trust-building at the onset of adolescence and how their importance evolves with age. This study reports findings from a cross-national vignette experiment involving 2383 adolescents aged 11–12 (31% of the sample), 14–15 (33%), and 18–19 (36%) from Germany (n=608, 55% female), Italy (n=426, 44% female), Czechia (n=724, 51% female), and Serbia (n=625, 60% female). Results showed that voice and transparency in rationale were the strongest predictors of trust in both school and governmental authorities. In most cases, these effects did not vary significantly with age. Even early adolescents were responsive to procedural justice aspects. Consistent age-related moderations appeared only in the post-communist countries of Czechia and Serbia, where the effects of voices and transparency of rationale on trust increased with age. This suggests that contextual factors can shape adolescents’ developing capacity to evaluate authority behavior. These findings show that adolescents already have the capacity to value procedural justice from early adolescence. However, the delayed effects in post-communist countries underscore the importance of the socio-political context, which may shape the opportunity to learn and apply these procedural justice judgments when forming trust in authorities.Data Availability: The dataset generated and analyzed during the current study is available in the Open Science Framework repository, https://osf.io/x9ajy/overview?view_only=13bb184e439543c4b775fc9e41d42a7c. The code necessary to reproduce the analyses is available in the Supplementary Material. The analyses were not preregistered
From Values to Democratic Mobilisation: Anti-Authoritarian Student Movement in Serbia 2024/2025
No full textThe research explores the value orientations, political attitudes and perceptions of
societal transformation among students involved in the unprecedented protest
movement that emerged in Serbia after the collapse of the concrete canopy at the Novi
Sad railway station on 1 November 2024. The movement, led by students, articulated
demands for transparency, accountability, and the rule of law, sustaining momentum
throughout 2025 and generating historical civic mobilisation across the country.
Drawing on quantitative survey data collected among students at Serbian universities,
together with an analysis of the movement’s demands and official statements, the
research examines three interconnected dimensions: students’ political preferences and
value frameworks, their views of political institutions and preferred political system, and
their perceptions of the movement’s role in driving social change. The findings show how
participants’ values and ideological orientations shape their political attitudes and how
these inform the movement’s agenda as a major anti-authoritarian force in Serbia.
Overall, the research contributes to a deeper understanding of the motivations, values,
and political attitudes shaping youth-led mobilisation, offering an assessment of the
movement’s role in Serbia’s ongoing societal transformation.https://politicalinequality.org/2025/11/28/phd-workshop-new-voices-in-social-movements-and-protest
Pojam zrelosti u Kantovom prosvetiteljstvu i reakcije
No full textThe paper examines Kant’s famous definition of enlightenment as “man’s exit from self-inflicted
immaturity”, with special emphasis on the concept of (i)maturity and its legal, psychological and metaphorical
dimensions. That definition represents one of the most influential places in modern and contemporary
philosophy. Its inspiration lies in the fact that it opens up space for endless reinterpretations and reaffirmations,
challenges and apologies – a challenge that was not resisted first of all by Johann Hamann and
early romanticism, as well as conservative theorists, and then, among others, their hermeneutic, critical
theory, poststructuralist and neopragmatic successors in modern times. It is shown that Kant’s definition
of enlightenment using the image of maturity or adulthood, seemingly self-explanatory and often understood
only as a catchphrase and emancipatory proclamation, contains internal tensions: between the
legal and psychological meaning of immaturity, between individual and collective maturation, between
guardianship and reasonable trust. The concept of maturity, far from being neutral, is a normative and
open-to-interpretation figure that structures the understanding of reason, autonomy, freedom, authority,
tradition and responsibility. It is precisely in this polysemy, in the paradoxes and tensions that shaped later
philosophical and political interpretations, that the far-reaching significance of the decision on its content
is confirmed a and the lasting relevance of the challenge that Kant’s configuration of maturation left as a
legacy is witnessed.Rad razmatra Kantovo znamenito određenje prosvećenosti kao „izlaska čoveka iz samoskrivljene
nezrelosti“, s posebnim naglaskom na pojam (ne)zrelosti i njegovu pravnu, psihološku i metaforičku dimenziju.
To određenje predstavlja jedno od najuticajnijih mesta moderne i savremene filozofije. Njegova inspirativnost
leži u tome što otvara prostor za beskrajne reinterpretacije i reafirmacije, osporavanja i apologije
– izazov kome nisu odoleli pre svih Johan Haman i rani romantizam, kao i konzervativni teoretičari, a onda,
između ostalih, i njihovi hermeneutički, kritičkoteorijski, poststrukturalistički i neopragmatički naslednici
u savremenosti. Pokazuje se da Kantova definicija prosvećenosti pomoću slike zrelosti ili punoletstva,
naizgled samorazumljiva i često shvatana tek kao krilatica i emancipatorski proglas, sadrži unutrašnje napetosti:
između pravnog i psihološkog značenja nezrelosti, između individualnog i kolektivnog sazrevanja,
između starateljstva i razložnog poklanjanja poverenja. Koncept zrelosti, pri tome, daleko od toga da bude
neutralan, normativna je i za tumačenja otvorena figura koja strukturira i razumevanje uma, autonomije,
slobode, autoriteta, tradicije i odgovornosti. Upravo u toj polisemiji, u paradoksima i napetostima koji su
oblikovale kasnije filozofske i političke interpretacije, potvrđuje se i dalekosežni značaj odluke o njegovom
sadržaju i svedoči trajna aktuelnost izazova koji je Kantova konfiguracija sazrevanja ostavila u nasleđe
Homo ignorans и „економски устав“: од спонтаног поретка до неолибералне хегемоније
No full textПолазећи од Хајековог текста Economics and Knowledge (1937), рад испитује начин на који ограниченост знања постаје не само епистемолошка претпоставка економске теорије, већ и антрополошка фигура модерне рационалности. Хајекова теза да „нико не може знати довољно“ успоставља нови оквир разумевања друштва - поредак који се не гради на свести и плану, већ на спонтаности, адаптацији и еволутивној селекцији правила. Тај спонтани поредак, као модел друштвеног саморегулисања, постаје основа не само економске теорије већ и политичке антропологије у којој човек више није субјект знања већ оператор ограничене рационалности - homo ignorans.
Рад показује како се овај појам трансформише у концепт „економског устава“, карактеристичан за ордолибералну традицију, где се незнање претвара у принцип институционалне стабилности. Уместо политике која производи циљеве, јавља се управљање које производи равнотежу. У неолибералном поретку незнање више није препрека управљању, већ његов предуслов: што је знање фрагментованије, то су механизми управљивости прецизнији. На тај начин, епистемолошка ограниченост постаје политички ресурс - инструмент одржавања поретка који нема центар, али има ефекат трајности.
Филозофска анализа овог обрта отвара кључно питање: да ли је Хајекова антропологија незнања идеолошка основа неолиберализма, или покушај да се осмисли деловање у условима радикалне комплексности? У том простору између скромности и технократије, између епистемолошког ограничења и политичке манипулације, открива се парадокс модерне слободе: човек као биће које мора деловати, управо зато што не зна
Artificial Intelligence and the Algorithmic Discursive Sphere: Policymaking Dilemmas and the Rise of a New Public Intellectual
No full textThis paper explores the multifaceted relationship between artificial intelligence (AI), programming languages, and ethical-political structures, emphasising how AI development both reflects and reshapes global power dynamics. When prompted about its participation in political discourse or its potential to function as a public intellectual (a hybrid human–nonhuman actor that redefines the link between technology, politics, and public reason), generative AI often expresses a willingness to engage with complex ideas, while simultaneously acknowledging its limitations in terms of original thought and its inability to advocate for social change. It tends to prioritise neutrality over taking definitive stances, which raises critical concerns. This neutrality may inadvertently contribute to inequality, particularly in the context of the divide between the Global North and the Global South. Moreover, the geopolitical rivalry between the United States and China, combined with AI’s growing role in decision-making processes, underscores its potential to privilege certain agendas – often those aimed at power maximisation and wealth accumulation. This paper argues that the promise of AI must be weighed against its risks, especially in high-stakes domains, and that meaningful accountability demands more than ethics-as-branding. By framing AI as a sociotechnical artifact embedded in ideology and power, the study highlights the need for global, pluralistic, and enforceable ethical frameworks in the face of accelerating digital transformation