University of Arts in Belgrade
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O čemu govorimo kad govorimo o neznanju: pohvala grešci
No full textOvo nije knjiga o gluposti: njenu istoriju, teoriju i „fenomenologiju“
mnogi su već ispisali (među drugima, Tabori 2006; Gliksman 1986).
Ali ovo jeste knjiga koja ima veze sa onim s čim se glupost obično
povezuje, sa neznanjem i greškom. Veza sreće i gluposti odvajkada je
zapravo bila, ako ne neposredno asociranje prvog pojma sa manjkom
znanja, onda svakako upozorenje na blisko srodstvo nesreće i znanj
Na šta mislimo kada kažemo... Poboljšanje položaja žena
No full textOsnovna pretpostavka ovog nacrta je da jednako i slobodno
društvo proizvodi pojedince koji vrednuju jednakost i u
stanju su da sopstvene kapacitete artikulišu i ostvaruju
slobodno. U društvu koje počiva na relativnim slobodama
– takvim da zavise od neslobode nekih njegovih članova –
niko, ni žena ni muškarac, nije uistinu slobodan. U društvu
koje gaji nejednakost, njegovi članovi postaju akomodirani
na ideju da je nejednakost poželjna.Ova publikacija je nastala u okviru projekta “Angažuj, inspiriši,
osnaži: Rizom angažovane demokratije“ koji realizuje Institut za
filozofiju i društvenu teoriju Univerziteta u Beogradu u partnerstvu
sa Institutom za demokratski angažman jugoistočne Evrope, uz
podršku Fondacije za otvoreno društvo
Razmatranja o nefokusiranoj mržnji: identitet omraženog i kriterijumi adekvatnost
No full textThomas Szanto has recently argued that hatred could not be a fitting emotion because of its blurred focus. It thus cannot trace the properties of its intentional object. Although I agree with the core of Szanto’s account, I would like to discuss two connected issues that might be of importance. First, I want to address whether the unfittingness of hatred has anything to do with the possibility that the hated person does not identify with what they are hated for. I conclude that if the focus of hatred is blurred, hatred does not trace the identification of the hated person or group. Next, I propose a possibility that (certain) criteria of adequacy of hatred (why someone is treated by members of society as hateworthy) are embedded in the cultural and social framework in such a way that they are not necessarily intelligibly justified by their relation to the focus and import it has. Under such circumstances, with hatred still being unfitting, these criteria create quasi-correctness of hatred (actually, they trace properties of someone being hateworthy). If this is correct, it will enable us to keep the thesis that hatred cannot be fitting. At the same time, we could use political vocabulary to tackle hatred that is common in cases when a group will not give up their commitment to hatred and argue that some people or group of people is not to be hated under the hating group’s own criteria.Tomas Santo je nedavno uveo tezu da mržnja ne može biti podesna emocija zbog toga što
je njen fokus zamagljen, te prema tome ona ne može pratiti svojstva svog intencionalnog
objekta. Mada se slažem sa osnovom Santovog argumenta želeo bih nešto više pažnje da
posvetim dva povezana problema koja mogu biti važna. Prvo ću se baviti pitanjem da li nepodesnost mržnje ima ikakve povezanosti sa mogućnošću da omražena osoba ne identifikuje
sebe sa onim zbog čega je omražena. Zaključiću da, ukoliko je fokus mržnje zamagljen, mr žnja neće pratiti identifikaciju omražene osobe ili grupe. Zatim ću pokušati da ukažem na
mogućnost da (izvesni) kriterijumi adekvatnosti mržnje (zbog čega se neko tretira kao vredan
mržnje od strane članova društva) budu ukorenjeni u kulturalnom i socijalnom okviru na ta kav način da nisu neophodno opravdani svojom vezom za fokusom emocije i značajem koji
on ima. Pod takvim okolnostima, mržnja bi i dalje bila nepodesna, ali bi ovi kriterijumi kreirali
kvazi-korektnost mržnje (zapravo bi pratili svojstva koja određuju da li je nešto ili neko vredan mržnje). Ukoliko je to tačno, mogli bismo da zadržimo tezu o nepodesnosti mržnje, a da
u isto vreme možemo da koristimo uobičajeni vokabular koji koristimo u slučajevima kada
grupa ne odustaje od svoje mržnje i kada je potrebno da argumentujemo da neke pojedince
ili grupe ljudi ne treba mrzeti čak ni prema kriterijumima same grupe koja je nosilac mržnje
Ethnic identifications: constructing meaning through collective memory-work
No full textPredmet ovog rada su etničke identifikacije mladih građana Srbije. Cilj rada je empirijsko istraživanje načina na koje se one konstruišu u socijalnom kontekstu kroz interakciju između osobe i drugih aktera u sklopu specifičnih socio-kulturnih praksi. Usvojeni su kulturna psihologija kao teorijski okvir i kvalitativni metodološki pristup. Korišćena je metodologija kolektivnog rada sećanja, u svrhu podsticanja mladih na reflektovanje o sopstvenoj etničkoj pripadnosti. Primarni oblik učešća u istraživanju zasnivao se na zajedničkom generisanju i dekonstrukciji tekstova ličnih sećanja. U cilju validacije i proširenja uvida, sprovedeno je dodatno empirijsko istraživanje, sa istim tipom podataka, ali sa individualnim pristupom analizi. Primenjena je strategija svrhovitog uzorkovanja, a kriterijumi uključivanja bili su posedovanje srpskog državljanstva i pripadnost generaciji rođenoj 1990-ih godina. U glavnom istraživanju učestvovalo je devetoro učesnika-istraživača, uključujući i autorku rada, dok je u drugom istraživanju učestvovalo ukupno 42 ljudi, a uzorak je bio balansiran po rodu.
Prikaz rezultata organizovan je u tri odeljka sa različitim pristupima kritičkoj diskurzivnoj analizi. Najpre su prikazani rezultati kolektivne analize svakog pojedinačnog sećanja. Naredni deo posvećen je komparativnoj analizi sećanja u kojoj su detaljno analizirani, sa jedne strane socio-kulturni okvir (konteksti, prakse i medijatori), a sa druge strane procesi etničkih identifikacija. Treći deo poglavlja predstavlja proširenje prethodne analize, kroz analizu sećanja prikupljenih u drugom istraživanju, koja je iznedrila šest aspekata konstrukcije etničkih identifikacija: biti na svom, sa svojima; detinjstvo usred krize; susreti (i rastanci) sa Drugima; biti bolji od Drugih; otklon od nacionalnog; borba za… Nalazi upućuju na različite dinamike etničkog identifikovanja u okviru socijalnog konteksta i širih društveno-političkih dešavanja. Diskutovan je značaj sećanja za (re)konstrukciju ličnog iskustva i značenja, problem agensnosti i problem pripadnosti.The subject of this study are ethnic identifications of young citizens of Serbia. The aim is to empirically investigate how ethnic identifications are construed in the social context through the interaction between the person and other actors within specific socio-cultural practices. Cultural psychological theoretical framework and qualitative research approach were adopted. The collective memory-work methodology was used in order to provoke young people to reflect upon their ethnic affiliation. Research participation was primarily based on the collective generation and deconstruction of written personal memories. An additional study was conducted for the purpose of validation and extension of the insights, with the same type of data, but with an individual approach to analysis. Purposive sampling strategy was applied, by using Serbian citizenship and belonging to the generation born in the 1990s as the inclusion criteria. Nine participant-researchers, including the author herself, collaborated in the main research, while a total of 42 people participated in the second research, and the sample was balanced by gender.
The results have been presented in three segments, across different approaches to critical discourse analysis. First, the results of the collective analysis of individual memories are presented. The second part is dedicated to comparative analysis of memories, where two main aspects have been analyzed in detail: the socio-cultural framework (contexts, practices, and mediators), on one side, and the processes of ethnic identifications, on the other. The third part of the chapter represents the extension of the previous analysis, through the analysis of memories collected in the second research, which identified six aspects of ethnic identification construction: being on one’s own, with one’s own people; childhood in the midst of crisis; encounters with (and separations from) the Others; being better than the Others; distancing from the national; fighting for… The findings indicate various dynamics of ethnic identification within the social context and broader social-political events. The significance of memories for the (re)construction of personal experience and meanings has been discussed, as well as the problems of agency and belonging
Evolving framework for an alternative resilience to resilient capitalism
No full textResilience is contemporary theoretical and practical mainstream framework approach in risk management. Emerging new forms of response to crisis and novel dynamics in addressing it challenge it and spur changes. Changes in relations are being initiated at global, regional, and local scales. Post-liberal social practices are being generated within the neoliberal practice itself, as an open-ended and potentially transformative process of resilient subjects that actively participate in those processes. In contrast with neoliberal practice, post-liberal practices rest on individual capacity for change, not on an actors’ agency to adapt. If choice between transformation and adaptation is a matter of free autonomous action, it implies that the subject is not reduced to the level of mere adaptation to changes and that autonomous actor has capacity to exercise influence.
The main idea highlighted in this article is that of human agency as the central point of resilience. In the course of social learning process and participative decision-making, resilience becomes rooted in social actors fostering collective transformation in challenging times. The aim of this article is to contest the concept of resilience as a feature of mainstream theoretical discourse on resilient capitalism, by highlighting elements of an alternative perspective on neoliberal, individualistic, entrepreneurial forms of 'resilience'. The authors use this idea to suggest a paradigm shift in humanities on the basis of alternative routes of development as offered by alternative resilience to resilient capitalism.The chapter should be looked for in the book file submitted
Communicating the Holocaust
No full textThis paper deals with role of digital culture and ICT in rethinking Holocaust remembrance, arguing for a semantic, or rather a theoretical change in analyzing Holocaust memory practices - from re-presenting the Holocaust to communicating the Holocaust. We will explore how this framework can provide a new tool for better encompassing and understanding of wide range of memory and representation practices we equate the Holocaust with, from traumatic Holocaust survivor testimonies, historical, cultural and national memory politics, education practices, Jewish Churban, to numerous memorial and artistic production about the Holocaust, but also add to the debates around issues of (non) representability of the Shoah, ethical imperatives of Holocaust memory and post-Holocaust thought. Our goal is to analyze how much this new platform is dependent on the digital turn, that is, how much of this change in perception of Holocaust memory can we find in the cultural paradigm change that came with ICT and digital technology. This digital turn in Holocaust memory is perceived in the increase of the amount of information about the Holocaust, social networks and social media culture dominated landscape, significance of digital archives, networking and collaborative projects, image, video and text reproduction and appropriation, focus on interactivity and communication in education and memorial institutions. We will showcase how big historical and institutional narratives about the Holocaust gave way to the exchange of multitude of stories, opinions and perspectives. How museum, memorial and school settings became entwined with online platforms and their digital materials, and also in what way are those digital materials used, reproduced and changed. Further, we will discuss how the third and fourth post-Holocaust generation are connected to this digital turn in Holocaust memory and whether in their memory and representational practices we can also find the communication turn
Self-Government in Yugoslavia: The Path to Capitalism?
No full textThis chapter analyzes self-governing Yugoslavia in the context of capitalism. Regarding the problem of capitalism in socialist world, the practice of the former Yugoslavia cannot be ignored. The socialist Yugoslavia was predetermined to be qualified as capitalist. The Yugoslav leadership developed: (a) self-government, (b) elements of market-biased socialism, and (c) openness to the international economy or the integration in the world market. Its economy achieved remarkable results by the mid-1960s. Some notable economists compliment the results and suggest that the model is sustainable. However, since the mid-1960s, regressive tendencies have emerged that perpetuate significant social dissatisfaction. In 1968, students protested against the state of Yugoslav socialism, believing that it had absorbed capitalism. Others felt that Yugoslav socialism had not sufficiently developed market-based socialism. There were authors that argued that Yugoslav socialism had become capitalist but without capitalist rationality. In the 1970s, the de iure existing federation became a de facto confederation with closed national economies. The chapter discusses the presence of elements of capitalism in this form of socialism based on (a) dependence on the world market, (b) banks as the institutionalization of “financial mode of capital,” and (c) the existence of perpetuated unemployment
Klasična kritička teorija, epistemološka dijalektika i opšta ekonomija. Odgovor na kritike iz Beograda i Šangaja
No full textIn my response, I initially defend my preference for classical Critical Theory, emphasizing its continued relevance in capitalist modernity, stressing that the epistemological approach does not imply dogmatism with regards to scientific theory or Historical Materialism, just as it does not imply closure with regards to political democracy. When it comes to the dialectics of the classics, I also defend an epistemological approach, arguing that the dialectics aiming for truth implies critique and negativity. However, confronted with the duality of transcendental ideas and historical relativity, I express my confidence in human intuition. Following Hegel, determinate negation must sublate the intuitively conceived universality to a new conception that contains the result of the negation. Finally, I do not see how the conceptual aporias of general economy can be solved by the current political degrowth project. Still, politics is what we need more of, namely social democracy.Na početku, branim svoju privrženost klasičnoj kritičkoj teoriji, naglašavajući njenu kontinuiranu relevantnost u kapitalističkoj modernosti, ističući da epistemološki pristup ne implicira
dogmatizam u pogledu teorije saznanja ili istorijskog materijalizma, dovršenost u pogledu
političke demokratije. Kada je u pitanju dijalektika u klasičnom smislu, takođe branim epistemološki pristup, argumentujući da dijalektika koja stremi istini implicira kritiku i negativnost.
Međutim, suočen sa dualnošću transcendentnih ideja i istorijske relativnosti, izražavam svoje
poverenje u ljudsku intuiciju. Sledeći Hegela, negacija neposredno datog mora da uključi intuitivno shvaćenu univerzalnost u novu koncepciju koja sadrži rezultat negacije. Takođe, ne
vidim kako se pojmovne aporije opšte ekonomije mogu rešiti unutar savremene politike
,od-rastaʻ (Degrowth). Ipak, treba nam više a ne manje politike, i to one socijal-demokratske
Politički liberalizam i sekularizam opravdanja
No full textIn this paper I analyze Cécile Laborde’s conception of justificatory secularism. Laborde points out that in her formulation and defense of the conception of justificatory secularism, she follows Rawls’ conception of political liberalism to a certain extent. For that reason, I first provide a sketch of Rawls’ conception of political liberalism. Then I focus on justificatory secularism, trying to show to what extent it displays similarities with the conception of political liberalism, but also how it differs. I am interested in whether justificatory secularism represents a better alternative to the conception of political liberalism or whether these two conceptions should be considered complementary.U ovom radu analiziraćemo stanovište sekularizma opravdanja koje je nedavno formulisala
Sesil Labord. Labord jasno ističe da prilikom formulisanja i odbrane koncepcije sekularizma
opravdanja u određenoj meri sledi Rolsovo shvatanje političkog liberalizma. Zbog toga ćemo
u ovom radu najpre ponuditi skicu Rolsove koncepcije političkog liberalizma. Potom ćemo
analizirati stanovište sekularizma opravdanja i nastojaćemo pritom da ukažemo u kojoj meri
ono ima sličnosti sa koncepcijom političkog liberalizma, ali i u kojoj meri se od nje razlikuje.
Tako da će nas prvenstveno interesovati da li koncepcija sekularizma opravdanja predstavlja
bolju alternativu u odnosu na koncepciju političkog liberalizma ili na te dve koncepcije treba
gledati kao na komplementarn
Perfekcionizam o odobrenju kao ograničenju uticaja
No full textThe article deals with Hurka’s critique of Kymlicka and Arneson’s critique of Dworkin on endorsement constraint thesis, according to which a person cannot have a valuable life if values are imposed on her – primarily by state action – overriding her preferences and convictions on the good life. This thesis has often been identified with neutral liberalism and counterposed to perfectionism. The text argues against Hurka’s and Arneson’s argument that mild coercion and paternalistic reduction of trivial, bad or worthless options can indeed bring about a more valuable life. Their argument does not acknowledge adequately the difference between coercion from a person’s immediate social environment and state coercion, which are not equally legitimate. My critique, however, does not exclude the legitimacy of perfectionistic measures, as a person could accept as justified state intervention concerning the support of particular values or goods, while at the same time not endorsing those values and goods. Not all endorsed goods or activities should be treated equally, as more relevant and valuable ones can be legitimately supported by particular policy.Tekst se bavi Hurkinom kritikom Kimlike (Kymlicka), kao i Arnesonovom kritikom Dvorkina
(Dworkin) povodom teze o odobrenju osobe kao ograničenju državne intervencije ili uticaja.
Prema ovoj tezi koju zastupaju Kimlika i Dvorkin osoba ne može da ima vredan život ukoliko
su joj vrednosti nametnute – pre svega kroz delovanje države – prenebregavajući njene pre ferencije i uverenja o dobrom životu. Ova teza je često poistovećivana sa neutralističkim li beralizmom, a suprotstavljana perfekcionizmu. U tekstu se tvrdi da argumentacije Hurke i
Arnesona protiv teze o odobrenju, prema kojima umerena prinuda i paternalistička redukcija
trivijalnih, loših i bezvrednih opcija može da dovede do vrednijeg života, nisu valjane. U njima
se ne uviđa u dovoljnoj meri razlika između prinude od strane neposredne društvene okoli ne i državne prinude, koje nisu jednako legitimne. Moja kritika, ipak, ne isključuje legitimnost
perfekcionističkih mera, pošto osoba može državnu intervenciju da prihvati kao opravdanu
kada se ona odnosi na podršku pojedinih vrednosti ili dobara, dok istovremeno osoba ne
odobrava ove vrednosti ili dobra. Sva odobravana dobra ili aktivnosti ne treba da budu jed nako tretirane i određena politika može na legitiman način da podržava one koje su u većoj
meri relevantne ili vredne