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Corona in Asien: Menschenrechtsverletzungen und soziale Ungleichheit im Schatten der Pandemie-Bekämpfung
No full textIn vielen Ländern Asiens werden seit dem Beginn der Pandemie regierungskritische Stimmen aus sozialen Minderheiten, marginalisierten Bevölkerungsgruppen, der Opposition und der Zivilgesellschaft besonders bedroht. Die Menschenrechtslage hat sich dramatisch verschlechtert. Zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen schlagen Alarm. Sie entwickeln Gegenstrategien und bilden Allianzen. Jede*r Einzelne ist dem Virus unterschiedlich ausgesetzt, abhängig von Klasse, Herkunft, ethnischem Hintergrund oder Geschlecht. Gleichzeitig muss die jetzige Situation als möglicher Wendepunkt genutzt werden, um die bestehende globale Ordnung zu verändern und menschen-, sozial und umweltgerechter zu machen
An Ethnographic Insight on Border-Markets: Reflections from the Indo-Bhutan Border
No full textBorder spaces evolve as critical points of intersection between distinct economies and cultures. Local border markets, both within and across border spaces, often stand out in comparison to other local market structures as fascinating areas of ethnographic study. This is because they involve people across cultures, belonging to different demographics and sovereignties, who come together for the purpose of economic exchange. The Trans-Himalayan Border region has been widely studied as regards the nature of economic and cultural transactions across bordering nations. India shares land borders with seven nations (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Myanmar and China) and has an extensive border trade - both informal and formal - with almost all its neighbours. This study seeks to understand the nature of the border markets located between India and Bhutan, through a detailed ethnographic account of a local market identified as case study: the Dadgiri border market (Hatisar) in India. It also contains a narrative of the visit to the Bhutanese side of the border, including a detailed account of the Gelephu market. These two markets are both located in close proximity (within 1-2 km) to the borders of Bhutan and India and host participants from both nations (as well as from Nepal).This study’s focus has been on the analysis of the economic geography of the Dadgiri market, the informal nature of transactions, the products sold and profits made by local merchants. We aim to obtain a better understanding of borders through the lens of local markets. Our methodological framework - an ethnographic line of enquiry - allows us to present a broader overview for studying economic relations within border market spaces, which in turn helps provide an enhanced, context-rich perspective on both inter- and intra-border relations between nations and explore the potential for border markets to play a critical role in shaping economic partnerships between nations (India and Bhutan in this case)
Popular Front of India - Understanding the Propaganda and Agenda
No full textThere is an understanding that political views in the world are increasingly polarised - one dominant idea will be considered far right and those who are not on that side of the fence will get attracted towards the far left. The first evident indication of this phenomenon in India came soon after the country announced the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The nation was divided into two factions and opposing forces joined various protests. Some took it to social and print media, and some took it to streets with the support of certain organisations whose preamble is against India’s Constitution. One such organisation which is under investigation is the Popular Front of India (PFI). Since the beginning of the year 2020, the PFI has been vocal as concerns its contestation against the various decisions taken by India’s judiciary. The PFI has been found to be involved in Anti- Citizenship Amendment Act protests. The PFI is registered at Delhi under the Societies Registration Act XXI of 1860. The organisation has been using passive methods to attain larger goals and objectives which run against India’s social fabric. It was found to be involved in several transnational terror activities and many social and political conflicts in India. A Popular Front of India member was exposed as 'ISIS sympathiser' on Facebook and linked with Harkat Ul Jihad al- Islami, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Tayyaba and Al Qaeda. This article aims to elaborate about the structure, aim and activities of the organisation and the ways in which it has managed to become a pan-India movement. The article concludes with a discussion on some recommendations intended to face the challenge regarding how to proscribe groups like the PFI
The interpretation of religious texts and historical narratives around Hindu-Muslim conflict in contemporary India
No full textThe nationalist ambitions of individual leaders during the independence struggle, and the subsequent ethnic violence during partition, did not deter India from making itself a constitutionally safe haven for religious minorities. However, the system or its political parties are not without electoral entrenchment in religion, bolstering its agenda of communal divide through the institutionalisation of ethno-religious conflict. More than often, this communal divide is a projection of animosity between two major religions – Hinduism and Islam. The vice of this othering and vilification has led to countless pockets of violence throughout India, sometimes re-branding the entire socio-political context of the nation. Academics have explained this othering as a post-modern phenomenon, exacerbated by the socio-political or economic ‘divide et impera’ of the colonial rule in India. Nevertheless, answers were not provided for the resolution of this protracted, cold conflict, which has majorly been backed by religious symbolism, ‘mythomoteurs’, instances of cosmic war, and invocation of historical storytelling to widen the gap between us vs them. Moreover, the ontological defect of neglecting interfaith friction in western peacebuilding theories has ignored the rationale of these religious narratives in keeping the skirmish between Hindus and Muslims alive, even today, playing effectively into the hand of certain political parties to peddle their agenda of never-ending religious hatred in India. It is this religious and historical hatred that percolates and upholds every other sector of friction between Hindus and Muslims in India
The New Edge in India-Russia Relations: Probabilities
No full textIndian-Russian relations have been based on a mutually beneficial partnership for decades. Over the years this relation has witnessed both systolic and diastolic phases in the backdrop of constantly changing international dynamics. The most significant part of this relation is mutual trust and mutual respect of each country’s freedom to perform skilled manoeuvring in their foreign relations with other countries. The Soviet Union’s support to the development of India’s post-independence economy and New Delhi’s support to Moscow’s post-USSR dynamics and difficulties constitute manifestations of shared goals. Currently economic and defence ties between India and Russia are rising to new heights. New dimensions are explored in various geo-economical and geo-strategic engagements, providing this time-tested relation a new dynamic edge. However, in the matrix of global politics certain challenges may impact future relations and influence future probabilities. Skilful steering in bilateral relations is needed so as to reinforce solidarity and cooperation
On the Asian Century, Pax Sinica & Beyond (XIII): Pakistan’s state-terrorism and the plight of the Pashtuns
No full textIn North-West Pakistan, that is in the global epicentre of Jihadism, Islamic extremism, and militancy, a new peaceful, socio-political movement has emerged. Facing a double threat, from regional and international terrorists on one side and from the federal government and its security sector agents on the other, local Pashtuns articulated their grievances and launched the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (Movement for the protection of Pashtuns, PTM). Led by liberal and secular politicians and activists, the civic grassroots initiative PTM gained much popularity in the region during the last few years and translated the human suffering incurred by the Pashtuns into a national discourse with growing international significance. Today, the PTM is one of the ‘most powerful human rights voices’ in Pakistan. […
Understanding China’s policies towards its Muslim communities
No full textNews of the coronavirus epidemic outbreak in Iran disclosed the presence of hundreds of Chinese seminarians in the religious city of Qom. Reports of the link between the outbreak of the virus and the Chinese seminarians succeed very recent news of China’s policies towards its Muslim minority communities. Thus, it stands in this framing as a paradox that the Chinese government stood complacent with the travel of hundreds of its citizens to Iran for the purpose of learning about and practicing Islam. As human rights violations committed in China have been framed as the reflection of an ‘anti-Islamic movement’ taking place in the country and condemned by international political actors as actions against ‘freedom of religion’, it may be worth questioning why these two very distinct realities coexist within the same system. Part of the answer lies, perhaps, in the geographical position of the most central region in the discussion of China’s violations of the basic rights of Uighurs, Kazakhs, Kirgiz, Tajiks and other Muslim minorities – Xinjiang, China’s bridge to South Asia and beyond. This Focus piece is intended as a contribution to the understanding of the Chinese government’s policies towards Muslim communities in China - seeking to unpiece the current consensus on China’s policies as religiously oriented policies and put forward a more sensible idea of these policies as politically and economically motivated. An idea not in any way new to the context of Asia and applicable from Xinjiang, to Burma, to Delhi to Hanau
The Challenge of Terrorism: An Impediment in US-Pakistan Relations
No full textThe recently released 2019 United States State Department’s annual country report on terrorism has once again sparked tensions between America and Pakistan. Despite the recent appreciation and acknowledgment of Islamabad’s facilitation of the United States-Taliban peace talks, the State Department in its 2019 report slammed Pakistan for its continued support to certain regionally focussed terrorist groups. Much like what happened in 2018, the 2019 report claims that Pakistan provides support to militant groups within the country and accuses the state of “allowing groups targeting Afghanistan, including the Afghan Taliban and affiliated HQN [Haqqani network], as well as groups targeting India, including LeT [Lashkar-e-Taiba] and its affiliated front organisations, and JeM [Jaish-e-Mohammed], to operate from its territory.” (US. Department of State, 2020). It further indicates that the pledges and commitments made by the Pakistani government in its National Action Plan – including commitments to dismantle all terrorist organisations without delay and end discrimination - remain unfulfilled. The report’s assertions were not new – in fact, they were mostly in sync with concerns by successive American governments regarding the Pakistani State and its links to terrorism. President Trump had made remarks in its South Asia policy regarding Pakistan’s bluff and double game in the fight against terrorism. He expressed America's discontentment over “Pakistan’s harbouring of militants and terrorists who target U.S. service members and officials.” (The White House Press Release, 2017). The Trump administration had even suspended military aid to Pakistan in 2018, to push the state to undertake “consistent and irreversible” steps against terrorism (Syed, 2019). […
Economic cooperation towards peace in Afghanistan
No full textOn 23 September 2020, President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev spoke at the 75th session of the United Nations General Assembly (Speech by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the 75th session of the United Nations General Assembly, 2020). The Head of State outlined the main priorities of “Tashkent’s Afghan policy” as regards a peaceful settlement in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (IRA) and as concerns cooperation between Uzbekistan and the IRA. President Mirziyoyev also presented a proposal for the establishment of a standing committee at the UN aimed at contributing to the socio-economic development of Afghanistan. Uzbekistan’s current policies on the economic rehabilitation of Afghanistan involve the implementation of joint projects in the fields of transportation, economy, energy and education which are highly appreciated by the international community. The Director of the Centre for Economic Research and Reforms Obid Khakimov shares his views on the development of economic relations between Uzbekistan with Afghanistan. […
Seit Jahrzehnten: In Thailand verschwinden Menschen
No full textDie Praxis des Verschwindenlassens hat in Thailand eine lange Tradition. Die meisten Fälle sind bis heute unaufgeklärt. Eine neue Entwicklung ist, dass in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Thailänder*innen im ausländischen Exil verschwinden