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    Auf dem Weg zu einer neuen, liberalen Wirtschaftsordnung? - Eine Untersuchung zum institutionellen Wandel im Britischen Weltreich am Beispiel der Charter-Act-Verhandlungen (1811-1813)

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    Die Verhandlungen über den Charter-Act von 1813, der die kodifizierten Rechte und Pflichten der East India Company regelte, bilden den Untersuchungsgegenstand der eingereichten Abschlussarbeit. Die Handelsgesellschaft verlor mit der Erneuerung der Charter 1813 das Monopol auf den Indienhandel, der fortan für alle britischen Staatsbürger geöffnet wurde. Die historische Kontextualisierung in der „Sattelzeit“ zwischen 1780 bis 1830 ermöglicht es, diese Umbruchs- und Transformationsphase, die sowohl mit der beginnenden Industrialisierung in Großbritannien, den Napoleonischen Kriegen auf dem europäischen Kontinent als auch der Konsolidierung der britischen Vorherrschaft in Südasien zusammenfällt, darzustellen

    Internationalisation - The Next Kashmir Conflict

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    The next phase of the Kashmir conflict will be its internationalisation. Over the last 70 years, it has largely remained a localized conflict zone. However, social, political cultural and religious developments over the last decade have paved a way for the penetration of pan-Islamist attitudes in Kashmir’s society. Wahhabism had made deep inroads since 2011. Militancy has taken a West Asian turn in tactics and ideology. Several international state actors have become involved in Kashmir. Further, the recent abrogation of the special status of Kashmir and its fallouts, visible in the global diplomatic platforms and media has fastened the process of the internationalisation of Kashmir issue. Lastly, with the change in India policy from “strategic restraint” to “zero tolerance to terror,” there is a strong likelihood of a major security crisis in the event of any major terrorist strike in India by a Pakistan-based terrorist group which will compel the world powers to intervene in a significant way

    Covid-19 in South Asia: Space Matters

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    Covid-19 undoubtedly poses challenges to our world. The first, being the protection of human lives, a pursuit which will influence and take a toll on economic recovery and trust. Through the implementation of a policy of ‘social distancing’, governments have tried to delay the spread of infection to help healthcare systems to have the capacity to cope. The implementation of this policy is a fine-tuning exercise, from which deriving effects could prove drastic or beneficial – as the comparison of regions and countries has shown. Success depending not only on local management of the containment exercise and health care quality, but also on the sharing of knowledge and resources. The argument in this Working Paper is that is to crucial to promote and ensure the existence and capacity of mobile healthcare. This, in order to be able to cope with the variations of the peaks of infection across space. The analysis here proposes a logistic function to examine the evolution of the Covid-19 infection in the South Asian countries and within the major regions of India. The main argument here, being that since infection peaks are estimated to occur from July 2020 to the first trimester of 2021, there is a justified need for an international strategy for the building of a capable mobile healthcare structure in South Asia, and of a mobile healthcare system within India

    Smart Governance in times of extreme Natural Disasters: An Introspection. The ‘After Phase’ of Super Cyclone Amphan in India and Bangladesh

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    Every year, the Bay of Bengal coast shared between India and Bangladesh is struck by one or more cyclonic storms during both pre- and post- monsoon seasons. Although the inhabitants of this region remain mentally prepared to withstand the devastation caused by natural calamities, they don’t have adequate financial support to combat the physical losses involved. This year, super cyclone Amphan caused irreversible disruptions to lives and livelihoods among those living in the Sundarban and along the coastal areas of Odisha. This paper aims to explore the collateral damages caused by Amphan across both India and Bangladesh. We intend to identify the ground reality of disaster governance – what goes wrong and why? Furthermore, how is it that, in spite of a widespread awareness concerning the hazard-prone character of this coastline, permanent solutions are never sought? This question leads us to a quest for alternative channels of governance. With an overview of success stories across different countries in the world, this study focuses on future prospects open to e-media, particularly as concerns unconventional channels for information collection and service delivery to affected citizens

    China and Pakistan: Original Sinners of Gilgit-Baltistan and the ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ - A tale of genocide, covert demographic engineering, slavery, and suppression

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    Recently, after abrogating Kashmir's semi-autonomous status, India declared a new domicile law for Kashmir. Pakistan has reacted strongly against this new law accusing India’s Hindu-nationalist government of harbouring schemes to alter the demography of Kashmir in order to change its Muslim-majority character. In this article, it is argued that Pakistan’s criticism is ethically unjustified because of its own blemished record of demographic engineering in Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) and ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ (‘AJK’). State-led demographic engineering in ‘AJK’ and GB is discussed, arguing that such attempts have marginalized the local Shi’a community. Pakistan has settled Sunni extremists in GB and ‘AJK’. As of result, today, the region is home to intense sectarian violence and Sunni terrorist groups like Jaish-e-Muhammad and Lashkar–i-Taiba. This article also points to these demographic engineering projects, being not merely Pakistani projects: China has tremendous stakes in the demographic engineering of GB to secure its China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)

    Bibliography (November 2020)

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    This bibliography lists all published works by Professor Dr. Hermann Kulke

    Information Crises: the EU’s response and the South Asian digital media landscape

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    These are difficult days for democratic countries. Among other challenges, advances in technology have allowed the seamless dissemination of manipulated or fabricated text, video and audio. The pervasiveness of social media has facilitated false information to be rapidly amplified to receptive audiences, and geopolitical contexts like that of South Asia are no exception. Within this scenario, with the whole world currently trying to battle an ‘information crisis’, this paper focuses on the efforts displayed by Europe in recent years so as to combat disinformation. It critically reflects upon what South Asia’s approach could be to fight this eminent information crisis. It suggests that for an effective, long-term solution, it is imperative to move beyond tactical approaches that target the "supply” side of the problem. This paper argues that in order to succeed, regulatory policies must be accompanied by offline measures of socio-political inclusivity and transparency: healthy debates, education and knowledge dispersion and socio-cultural conscientiousness

    The NSRI and the BRI: the Future of Central Asia

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    Maintaining peace and peaceful co-existence is one of the major goals of integration. It is rightly believed that a peaceful international society can emerge by working together in workshops and market places rather than by signing pacts in chancelleries. The United States of America and its Western allies earnestly desire to empower conflict-ridden Afghanistan so that the country can achieve economic sustainability and lasting peace. Regional integration theorists believe that this is possible through economic integration with both Central and South Asia so as to gain wider access to regional trade and transportation. Accordingly, in 2011, the US announced a trade and transportation project, the New Silk Road Initiative (NSRI), intended to integrate South and Central Asia with war-torn Afghanistan. This constitute an act of intra-state and trans-border trade agreement among Eurasian countries including Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Central Asia, and Europe. It seeks to renew the Ancient Silk Route so as to open up new markets and economic opportunities for the land locked counties of Central Asia and Afghanistan, thereby boosting their economic growth, creating new jobs, attracting foreign investment, reducing poverty and ensuring regional stability. However, in 2013 China announced a most ambitious foreign policy and economic initiative known as the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative-referred to as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) - intended to ensure - a strong economic and political lead in South and Central Asia. China aims to connect its underdeveloped hinterland to Europe through Central Asia. China’s BRI became a big challenge to the United States’ NSRI and is emerging as more productive, beneficial and successful

    Pakistan’s Pandemic Policies

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    The advent of the COVID-19 pandemic in Pakistan is not only leading to severe economic and social impacts but is also accompanied by negative political ramifications, particularly for the country’s civil-military relations. Pakistan is also presently hit by one of the worst locust plagues in decades. The federal government’s incapability to adequately handle the affairs of the state is perceived as the cause for the slump in most formal sectors and the collapse of the informal economy. The latter is leading to a severe disruption in the livelihoods of large sections of Pakistan’s society, especially the poor – those most vulnerable to political and religious radicalisation. Experiencing an advancing Islamisation, embedded in Prime Minister Imran Khan’s growing authoritarian style of governance and in a notable seizing of power by the military at the expense of civilian institutions, Pakistan is once again at the edge of a critical juncture. Observers start to put in question the stability of the current civilian set-up in the light of one of the most severe crises in the history of this South Asian country

    EU-Sri Lanka relations: A bond between trade and human rights

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    The European Union (EU) is Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner. The country has been a periodical beneficiary of the EU’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP+) for the last 15 years. Through the utilisation of the GSP+ mechanism, the EU aims to help Sri Lanka boost its trade, comply with International Human Rights conventions, and achieve Upper-middle income (Umi) country status. However, when Sri Lanka does achieve Upper-middle income status, it will automatically lose eligibility for GSP+ benefits. How will Sri Lanka continue to maintain significant trade relations when removed from the list of GSP+ beneficiaries? It is argued here that Sri Lanka is not ready to be excised from the GSP scheme. The country must overcome social, ethnic, and religious cleavages in a post-conflict scenario; it is essential for the EU to ensure the continued provision of trade benefits. The GSP+ status is of utmost importance to consolidate current economic achievements – as well as improve the quality of democracy in the country. Prospects in EU-Sri Lanka ties beyond trade preferential schemes must also be explored

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