Antropologi Indonesia
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Memberdayakan kembali ‘Kesenian Totua’: Revitalisasi Adat Masyarakat To Lindu di Sulawesi Tengah
No full textDuring the new order era local adat was subjected to a process of cultural erosion due to the priorities accorded national integrations, as well as economic, social and development by the Indonesian government. However, the '90s have witnessed a resurgence of concern with adat as a vehicle for the local peoples' identity and as a mechanism for local government and dispute resolution, trends intensified since the beginning of the reformasi era with its relegitimation of discourse of regional autonomy. This essay presents a case study of these processes among Lindu people of Central Sulawesi, focusing upon how they have managed to reinvigorate their adat as a response to two forms of governmental imposition: 1) the encompassment of their land within a national park (i.e. Taman National Lore Lindu); and 2) the plan to construct a hydroelectric project, which would have forced the loss of land to rising water level and resettlement of the local population. The Lindu people have sought there empowerment of their adat by recasting it as a community resource management system that they argue can lead to greater sustainability of local natural resource than any imposed regimen of national park regulations. With assistance of NGOs such as Yayasan Tanah Merdeka, they have also adopted the discourse of 'indigenous people' to defend their continuing right of inhabitation in their homeland in the face of threatened resettlement. This essay explores the cultural politics of masyarakat adat as 'indigenous people' and the invocation of ecologically sound 'indigenous wisdom' as a warrant for resistance to development programs
Rekacipta Tradisi Betawi: Sisi Otoritas dalam Proses Nasionalisasi Tradisi Lokal
No full textThese days there are many who believe that the Betawi will become mere legends of an ethnic group that once lived in Jakarta. Even as they are aware of the existence of Jakarta's indigenous people, they are swept by the myth that this ethnic group has been marginalized, and gradually losing its identity as a result of development. However, the voice of the Betawi is now being heard-including their demand that the office of Governor of Jakarta be held by a Betawi-leading many to ask: 'Who are they?' What the Betawi are doing is in contrast to the myths surrounding them. The author sees the matter as a contradicting viewpoint of Betawi. Although many believe that this ethnic group is becoming marginalized and in the process of disappearing, the author believes the opposite is true. The Betawi are becoming more noticeable; and they are playing a larger role in Jakarta's history. They are not in the process of disappearing, but are re-appearing. They are not losing their identity; instead, they are creating, and in fact have found and are actively expressing Betawi identity as a means of representing their existence. This has been going on since the 1970's in many aspects of life. This article focuses on art as one aspect. The author believes has been given much attention by actors in the invention of tradition. The outcome has been a qualitative and quantitative improvement in the existence of the Betawi ethnic group, which has in turn raised the attention of those any deal with the Betawi people. Several issues are discussed here: when did all these begin among the Betawi? What triggered the process? Who are involved, and who, especially, are the active players? If art is reinvented, are the effects limited to art and matters of identity and self-representation; or are there wider ranging consequences? If the latter is the case, then the author expects the use of cultural aspects for non-cultural ends. How will this take place? With a focus on the actors of reinvention, the question to be addressed is who holds authority in the reinvention of tradition in efforts to achieve non-cultural goals through a cultural approach, and how does this come about
‘When the Elephants Fight the Grass Suffers’: Decentralisation and the Mining Industry in Indonesia
No full textBidang pertambangan merupakan sumber pendapatan yang paling besar bagi Indonesia.Kondisi ekonomi pertambangan mampu berdampak positif atau negatif bagi stabilitas ekonomi Indonesia. Dengan adanya berbagai selisih paham antara beberapa undang-undang otonomi daerah dan pertambangan, siapa yang bertanggung jawab untuk memberikan izin pertambangan secara hukum tidaklah jelas. Dalam konteks ini, hubungan antara komunitas lokal, para pengusaha, dan pemerintah daerah semakin sulit. Menjelang pelaksanaan otonomi daerah, perusahaan pertambangan menghentikan kegiatan eksplorasi, karena mereka takut pada kerusuhan sosial dan ketidakjelasan di bidang pemberian izin. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis hambatan yang dialami oleh daerah di bidang pertambangan pada masa otonomi daerah. Beberapa solusi diajukan bagi pembangunan ekonomi-sosial yang layak dan memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakat lokal
Menuju Masyarakat Indonesia yang Multikultural
No full text"...[...] Tulisan ini ingin menunjukkan bahwa upaya membangun Indonesia yang multikultural hanya mungkin terwujud bila (1) konsep multikulturalisme menyebar luas dan dipahami pentingnya bagi bangsa Indonesia, serta adanya keinginan bangsa Indonesia pada tingkat nasional maupun lokal untuk mengadopsi dan menjadi pedoman hidupnya; (2) kesamaan pemahaman di antarapara ahli mengenai makna multikulturalisme dan bangunan konsep-konsep yang mendukungnya, dan (3) upaya-upaya yang dapat dilakukan untuk dapat mewujudkan cita-cita ini.
Ritual Subordination to the Core-Line and Bali Aga Cultural Identity: Some Preliminary Research Notes on the Kabayan of Gunung Batukau
No full textTulisan ini membahas implikasi dari ikatan-ikatan ritual sebagai suatu sarana kultural yang khusus untuk menjadi bagian dari masyarakat Bali. Dengan menggunakan contoh kasus suatu kelompok asal-mula (origin group) Bali Aga yang memiliki derajat tinggi, yakni Kabayan dari Wangaya Gede di Gunung Batukau, penulis berargumentasi bahwa sebagai suatu dimensi yang melengkapi atau yang menjadi alternatif dari keanggotaan dalam suatu kelompok asal-mula (origin group), subordinasi-ritual (ritual subordination) kepada para pemimpin kelompok itu menghasilkan suatu struktur hirarkhis yang bertentangan dengan ideologi egaliter yang selalu diasosiasikan dengan Bali Aga pada umumnya. Keunikan dari kelompok asal-mula Kabayan ini ialah terstrukturnya kelompok itu seputar suatu garis pusat (garis purusa). Dalam struktur itu, garis keturunan langsung dengan suatu kelompok kekerabatan berdasarkan satu garis keturunan (lineage) dari para pemimpin masa lalu yang memiliki prestige, merupakan hal yang amat penting. Keberadaan warga biasa (warga) yang melaksanakan subordinasi-ritual dalam bentuk masiwa ke garis purusa (memohon air suci yang diperlukan untuk ritualnya) merupakan kriteria yang relevan bagi keanggotaan dalam kelompok. Berdasarkan latar belakang etnografis tersebut, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa jauh dari kenyataan sebagai sub-kategori masyarakat Bali yang tidak memiliki penampilan hierarkhis kelompok asal-mula Bali Aga itu justru mewujudkan penampilan yang mirip dengan kelompok-kelompok bangsawan dalam masyarakat Bali umumnya. 
Diversity in Unity: Multiple Strategies of a Unifying Rhetoric. The Case of Resemanticisation of Toraja Rituals: From ‘Wasteful Pagan Feasts’ into ‘Modern Auctions’
No full textTulisan ini menggambarkan sebuah eksplorasi etnografis di Tana Toraja pada masa kini,mengenai retorika nasional 'Bhinneka Tunggal Ika' (unity in diversity) yang diartikulasi secara lokal melalui ideologi pembangunan. Penulis menunjukkan bahwa di daerah Toraja retorika nasional mengenai pembangunan pada masa setelah penjajahan (poskolonial) berawal dari masa prakemerdekaan dan terkaitkan dengan sejarah penyebaran agama (missionarisasi). Penulis memberikan analisis tentang pemaknaan ulang ritual Toraja sepanjang era penjajahan Belanda dan masa setelah penjajahan. Ritual yang pada masa Belanda dianggap salah satu contoh 'pemborosan kafir' diubah menjadi 'lelang moderen'...[...] Penulis memberi perhatian secara khusus pada isu temporalitas. Menurut penulis, isu ini sering dilupakan dalam studi nasionalisme Indonesia. Sebagian dari efektifitas retoris dari slogan 'Bhinneka Tunggal Ika' tersampaikan karena slogan tersebut sejalan dengan konstruksi antitesis antara 'modernitas' dan 'tradisi'. Dalam sebuah kerangka diskursif yang menyamakan 'perbedaan' dengan 'tradisi'‚ dan 'modernitas'dengan 'kesatuan'‚ tradisi lokal diakui hanya sejauh hal tersebut dikonseptualisasikan sebagai tahap awal dari modernitas yang bersatu
Radio Komunitas di Indonesia: ‘New Brechtian Theatre’ di Era Reformasi?
No full textThis article is about community radio in Indonesia. This type of radio developed as an alternative to both public radio and commercial radio after the fall of Soeharto in 1998. Two important features of community radio are that it provides all community members with equal access to information, and also enables them to participate actively in management and production. Both features enhance people's self-awareness and sense of belonging to a community. This article compares the way in which community radio creates communal feelings with Bertolt Brecht's ideas on theatre and radio, and Walter Benjamin's theory of mass media. In the second part of the article, the conceptual tools generated by this comparative framework are used for the discussion of the ideas and practices of community radio practitioners in Central Java. The stations discussed comprise two types of community radio: one based on geographical or professional grounds, the other tied to the interests of students at university campuses (so-called campus radio). The theoretical discussions of community radio as well as the description of the Central Javanese radio stations make it clear that community radio has a democratic right and duty to exist in Indonesian society, as it enables social groups to express themselves without interference of other parties, and contributes to the variety of the Indonesian media scene
Di Pinggir Konflik: Kekerasan, Politik dan Kehidupan Sehari-hari di Indonesia Bagian Timur
No full text"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya.
Menuju Sebuah Politik Tradisi Yang Baru? Desentralisasi, Konflik, dan Adat di Wilayah Indonesia Timur
No full textThe intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization
’Kosmopolitanisme Austronesian’ dan Indonesia sebagai Sistem Politik-Ekonomi
No full textBased on data from fieldwork in Flores, this article suggests an indigenous form of tolerance and suppleness as the model for a new form of multiculturalism in Indonesia. Many studies of nationalism have criticized the perspective that developing nation-states need 'strong nationalism. However, if we step out of this hegemonic preoccupation, we come to realize that the relevant question is not how Indonesia can keep its unity but on what conditions Indonesia can function well as a politico-economic system, keeping diverse areas incorporated in the post-modern and global contexts at present and in the future. In Flores, people have been traversing real and imagined borders since the time of the Austronesian migration and the age of Southeast Asian maritime commerce. Even after independence, Flores has had direct transnational linkage through the Catholic network and recently quite a few Catholic priests and candidates from Flores have been sent abroad. Due to the development of global capitalism, many people from mountainous areas in central Flores also go to Malaysia as low-paid labourers, and they accommodate well to the new situations. As illegal labourers, Florenese people develop social ties with the people whom they meet overseas. Even when they are arrested and forced to come home from Malaysia, they are never stigmatized in their home village. I would like to name tentatively this principle of social adaptability and political flexibility, which also orders life in Florenese villages, 'Austronesian cosmopolitanism'. I further suggest that this Austronesian principle of political flexibility could prove a useful model for the Indonesian nation-state as it struggles to adopt a new political model that prevents the escalation of retaliatory violence and allows the country to continue as a politico-economic unit