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Exploring Heritage Speakers, L2s, and Monolinguals\u27 Typed Writing Strategies: Evidence from Stimulated Recalls
No full textComposing and writing development is an area of investigation that has been severely understudied in the field of heritage language (HL) studies. Yet while HL speakers have robust production skills, writing in their HL tends to be far less developed due to inaccessibility of formal education in their HL (Potowski, 2021; Potowski & Marshall, 2021). Understanding how students compose is essential to drive evidence-based pedagogy that will help HL speakers improve their writing (Colombi, 1997) and to inform theoretical writing frameworks.
Within literacy development, recent HL studies in Spanish (e.g., Bowles & Bello-Uriarte, 2019; Hurtado & Gastañaga, 2021) have primarily focused on exploring individual writing development through product-centric indicators (i.e., lexical density, sophistication, and diversity). Furthermore, research on Spanish HL speakers’ writing behavior has been limited to HL college students (Schwartz, 2003, 2005; Mikulski & Elola, 2011; Elola & Mikulski, 2013; Torres, 2023). Yet, there is a significant gap concerning second language learners (L2ers), younger HL speakers (Bowles & Torres, 2021), and non-college-educated HL speakers.
The goal of this study is to assess what typing strategies and previous knowledge participants used when typing a dictation task. By integrating stimulated recalls post-dictation task, this study examined monolingually-raised Spanish speakers (n=18), L2ers (n=8), and Spanish HL speakers in college (n=8), high school (n=4), and non-college educated (n=6) from a major university in the Midwest and from Southern California.
Preliminary main findings indicate that L2ers and monolingually-raised speakers relied on metalinguistic strategies, with both referring to classroom-based knowledge. The former focused more on form focused strategies (e.g., placing two vowels to remember it has an accent) while the latter more on meaning (e.g., abbreviations as placeholders). HL speakers focused more on meaning, with strategies drawn from their HL courses such as sounding out the words and focusing more on the context (e.g., skipping lines for different sentences). Younger and non-college educated HL speakers used descriptive based strategies (e.g., lexical chunking).
Bowles, M. A., & Torres, J. (2021). Instructed Heritage Language Acquisition. In S. Montrul & M. Polinsky (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Heritage Languages and Linguistics (1st ed., pp. 826–850). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108766340.037
Bowles, M. A., & Bello-Uriarte, J. (2019). What Impact Does Heritage Language Instruction Have on Spanish Heritage Learners’ Writing? In M. Sato & S. Loewen (Eds.), Evidence-based second language pedagogy (pp. 219–239). New York: Routledge.
Colombi, M. C. (1997). Perfil del discurso escrito: Teoría y práctica. In M. C. Colombi & F. X. Alarcón (Eds.), La enseñanza del español a hispanohablantes: Praxis y teoría (pp. 175–189). Houghton Mifflin.
Elola, I., & Mikulski, A. (2013). Revisions in real time: Spanish heritage language learners’ writing processes in English and Spanish. Foreign Language Annals, 46, 646–660.
Hurtado, I., & Gastañaga, K. (2021). Influence of Writing Instruction on Spanish Heritage Learners in Heritage-Only and Mixed Courses: A Longitudinal Study. Languages, 6(2), 109. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages6020109
Mikulski, A., & Elola, I. (2011). Spanish heritage language learners’ allocation of time to writing processes in English and Spanish. Hispania, 94, 715–733.
Potowski, K. (2021). Elementary School Heritage Language Educational Options and Outcomes. In S. Montrul & M. Polinsky (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Heritage Languages and Linguistics (1st ed., pp. 761–776). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108766340.034
Potowski, K. and M. Marshall. 2021. The Spanish Proficiency of Latino Dual Immersion Students Compared to Peers in an All English Program: A Pseudo-Longitudinal Study across Multiple Domains. International Symposium on Bilingualism ISB13
Schwartz, A. M. (2003). ¡No me suena! Heritage Spanish speakers’ writing strategies. In A. Roca & M. C. Colombi (Eds.), Mi lengua: Spanish as a heritage language in the United States (pp. 235–256). Georgetown University Press.
Schwartz, A. M. (2005). Exploring differences and similarities in the writing strategies used by students in SNS courses. In L. A. Ortiz López & M. Lacorte (Eds.), Contactos y contextos lingüísticos: El español en los Estados Unidos y en contacto con otras lenguas (pp. 323–333). Lingüística Iberoamericana.
Torres, J. (2023). Exploring working memory and language dominance in heritage bilinguals’ writing processes. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 45(3), 710–736. https://doi.org/10.1017/S027226312300013
The impact of a study abroad experience on the use of discourse markers by heritage speakers and L2 learners
Get PDFDiscourse markers (e.g., bueno, pues, es que, o sea, entonces, este) are linguistic items without a syntactic function that aid in interpreting utterances (Martín Zorraquino & Portolés Lázaro, 1999). These markers are common in native speech and help maintain the smoothness of the interaction (D’Arcy, 2017). Despite the fact that the use of these expressions contributes to increased perceived fluency, research on the effects of study abroad on the acquisition of discourse markers has been scarce. This study addresses this research gap through a corpus-based analysis of discourse marker usage by heritage speakers and second language (L2) learners of Spanish before and after a study abroad experience.
The study examines whether proficiency level, Spanish language background and language contact abroad affect the use of filled pauses and discourse markers in oral speech. Oral data were collected from 46 participants in a Spanish study abroad program at different proficiency levels (advanced vs. intermediate). Participants took a placement test upon arrival and engaged in semi-structured oral interviews before, during, and after their sojourn. These interviews, which included open-ended questions about their study abroad experience, were transcribed and coded for quantitative analysis of pause frequency and discourse marker frequency and variety.
Based on prior research (Fernández et al., 2014; Llanes, À., Barón, J., & Sánchez-Hernández, 2024; Mostacero-Pinilla, 2020; Torres & Potowski, 2008; Said-Mohand, 2006; Sánchez-Muñoz, 2007), we hypothesize that heritage speakers will initially use more frequent and diverse discourse markers than L2 learners. Additionally, we predict that both groups will increase their use of discourse markers by the end of the study abroad experience, both in frequency and variety, and will decrease their use of filled pauses.
Preliminary results suggest that proficiency level and speaker type significantly affect discourse marker use, with heritage speakers using them more frequently initially and with greater variety by the end of the study abroad experience. These findings are discussed in relation to previous research on discourse markers, their role in perceived oral fluency, and the benefits of immersion settings for acquiring pragmatic language skills often not emphasized in classroom instruction
Re-considering \u27verbs like gustar\u27 - insights from linguistic theory and empirical research
Get PDFSpanish gustar (‘to like’) is a psych(ological) verb, part of a broad class of verbs which denote a mental or emotional state (Belletti & Rizzi, 1998). Within the Spanish classroom, gustar is often introduced as a prototype, and the term ‘verbs like gustar’ has been widely adopted to facilitate the learning of similar verbs. In this proposal, we critically examine this term, incorporating insights from linguistic theory and empirical research to consider its implications for classroom teaching and learning.
Within linguistic theory, three classes of Spanish psych verbs have been identified (Belletti & Rizzi, 1998; Parodi-Lewin, 1991), based on the syntactic function (nominative, accusative, or dative) of the semantic experiencer (Table 1). Note that Class II verbs, like molestar (‘to bother’), allow an alternation between the accusative and dative, while true Class III verbs, like gustar, allow only the dative. In fact, Class II verbs display much greater syntactic variability in general, while Class III verbs are much more restricted (Babcock, 1970; Parodi-Lewin, 1991; Vázquez Rozas, 2006; Whitley, 1995).
Yet, both types of object experiencer psych verbs (Class II and III) are often categorized as ‘verbs like gustar’ in textbooks (e.g., Heining-Boynton & Cowell, 2012). This can be misleading, as Class II verbs behave like gustar in some ways, but not in others. Recent findings from empirical studies conducted with L2 classroom learners suggest that this miscategorization may play a role in the acquisition of these verbs. For example, Gonzalez (2023) found that L2 classroom learners have difficulties acquiring the formal semantic feature settings associated with individual Class II verbs. These findings will be explored in greater detail as we re-consider the term ‘verbs like gustar’ with the objective of establishing connections between theory, research, and pedagogy.
Table 1. Classification of psych verbs in Spanish
Class I
Nominative experiencer
temer
Mateo teme el perro.
‘Mateo fears the dog.’
Class II
Accusative experiencer
Dative experiencer
molestar
El ruido molesta a Camilo.
‘The noise bothers Camilo.’
A Camilo le molesta el ruido.
‘The noise bothers Camilo.’
Class III
Dative experiencer
gustar
A Mónica le gustan los libros.
‘Monica likes books.’
References
Babcock, S. (1970). The Syntax of Spanish Reflexive Verbs. The Hague: Mouton.
Belletti, A., & Rizzi, L. (1988). Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 6, 291-352.
Gonzalez, B. (2023). A lexical semantic approach to the L2 acquisition of Spanish psych verbs. Second Language Research, 39(3), 731-758.
Heining-Boynton, A. L., & Cowell, G. S. (2012). ¡Anda! Curso Elemental. Pearson Higher Ed.
Parodi-Lewin, C. (1991). Aspect in the syntax of spanish psych-verbs. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). The University of California, Los Angeles, California.
Vázquez Rozas, V. (2006). Gustar-type verbs. In J. Clancy Clements & J. Yoon, (Eds.), Functional Approaches to Spanish Syntax (pp. 80-114). NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Whitley, M. S. (1995). Gustar and other psych verbs: A problem in transitivity. Hispania, 573-585
The acquisition of present perfect aspectual values in heritage and L2 Spanish
Get PDFThe acquisition of present perfect aspectual values in heritage and L2 Spanish
Past tense aspectual features in Spanish are difficult to acquire among L2 learners and heritage speakers (HS), who often overextend the preterit to contexts where the imperfect is preferred (Montrul, 2002; Montrul & Slabakova, 2003; Miller & Cuza, 2013). Despite this extensive research, previous work is limited in relation to the acquisition of present perfect aspectual distinctions, as in Todavía no he llegado a casa “I have not arrived home yet.” The extent to which HSs and L2 learners diverge in their use and intuition of the expected verbal agreement in the Aux (Yo *ha cantado vs. Yo he cantado (Giancaspro et. al., 2021) is also unexplored. Are Spanish HSs and L2 learners sensitive to the use and intuition of this aspectual contrast? If difficulties are identified, what is the role of proficiency and language usage?
29 HS, 18 L2 learners, and 28 Spanish-dominant speakers (SD) participated in the study via an elicited production task (EPT) and an acceptability judgment task (AJT). All the test items were controlled for person (1st and 3rd PS) and adverb type (aún and todavía, “yet”). Regarding the EPT, results showed low use of the present perfect among the HSs and the L2 learners, compared to SD speakers (Figure 1). The HSs and the L2 learners overextended the preterite form and showed high proportion of simple present use. There was no effect of adverb type or person. The SD speakers also showed high use of the present tense.
Regarding the AJT, all groups accepted grammatical sentences, and rejected ungrammaticality with the wrong auxiliary use. Additionally, the L2 learners rejected the preterite in contexts where the present perfect was preferred (Figure 2). However, HSs and SD accepted this form more.
We also found a strong association between expected aspectual use and proficiency in the EPT (Table 1) and judgment in the AJT (Table 2); the higher their proficiency in Spanish, the higher the expected response. Results are discussed along the lines of previous work claiming proficiency effects in heritage speakers and L2 learners
A unified syntactic analysis of three Spanish wh-complement constructions: head movement and the labeling algorithm
No full textBackground: Donati (2006) accounts for the contrast between nominally interpreted free relatives (FRs) and clausal indirect interrogatives (IIs) via labeling and head movement. In FRs, the wh-item moves as a D-head to Spec,C and labels as DP (1a). In IIs, the wh-item undergoes phrasal DP movement and does not project, resulting in a CP (1b). Chomsky (2013), in discussion of the Labeling Algorithm, questions (as does Ott 2011) if Donati’s analysis can be upheld for morphologically complex wh-items in non-English FRs, like [con quien] (2). Are these truly heads that label?
(1) a. Llamé [DP a quien invitó].
b. Pregunté [CP a quién invitó].
(2) Soñé [con quien hablaste].
Spanish also licenses irrealis free relatives (IFRs) (3). A prominent debate surrounds whether IFRs are nominal, like FRs (Plann 1980, Suñer 1984, Ojea 2016), or if they are clausal, like IIs (Caponigro 2003, Grosu 2004, Šimík 2011). IFRs are not discussed in Donati (2006) or Chomsky (2013).
(3) No tengo [a quién invitar].
Goal: I argue these related open questions—(i) how to analyze complex wh-items in Spanish FRs, (ii) the category of Spanish IFRs—can be accounted for within the head movement/labeling approach. Assimilating complex wh-items and IFRs into this analysis provides a unified, Minimalist account for interpretational and distributional differences among wh-complement constructions (FRs/IIs/IFRs) while largely maintaining a uniform internal structure.
Proposal: I propose maintaining Donati’s account of FRs by analyzing complex wh-items as a derived head formed via a head adjunction operation like m(orphological)-merger (Matushansky 2006). In [con quien], P0 and wh-D0 are structurally adjacent, allowing for m-merger to collapse the two heads into one (D0), before movement to C. This is consistent with the syntactic indivisibility of these items and their parallel behavior to non-morphologically complex FRs.
Extending Donati’s diagnostics to IFRs, I argue these wh-items behave as phrasal DPs, resulting in a clausal label and interpretation of the wh-complement. Moreover, I demonstrate how patterns of sluicing, case matching, and obligatory control are consistent with a clausal analysis of IFRs. I end with some further implications regarding additional questions of head/phrase labeling distinctions at intermediate (Spec,vP) wh-positions
Variable Clitic Placement in Monolingual and Bilingual Spanish-Speaking Adolescents
No full textAbstract
Many structures in language show variation. One example of variation in Spanish is clitic placement in restructuring contexts, where the clitic pronoun can appear after the infinitive Quiero hacerlo (enclisis) or before the conjugated verb Lo quiero hacer (proclisis), with no change in meaning. The acquisition of clitic pronouns and their position has been studied bilingual children: Some studies have found that Spanish-English bilingual children produce more enclisis than proclisis (Pérez Léroux et al. 2011); while others documented higher rates of proclisis than enclisis (Requena & Dracos 2018). Because structures that are variable in the input may take longer to be acquired, this study investigated variable clitic placement (VCP) in Spanish-speaking bilingual adolescents, an understudied population in bilingualism. If adolescence is a time of variability and continued development, then significantly different patterns would be predicted when compared with adults in their community. The goals of this study, therefore, were to determine the patterns of VCP for monolingual and bilingual adolescents and adults using three different tasks as measures for preference and acquisition of VCP.
It was hypothesized that monolingual and adult bilingual Spanish speakers would show greater proclivity to proclisis than enclisis, as documented in corpus studies (Davies, 1995), whereas the bilingual Spanish-speaking adolescents, who tend to be dominant in English, would realize significantly different patterns of VCP than monolingual adolescents. Participants were 25 monolingual Spanish-speaking adolescents from Honduras, 25 monolingual adults from the same community, 25 Spanish-English bilingual adolescents from the USA, and 25 adults from the same community. Participants completed a narrative task, a sentence repetition task, and an elicited production task.
The results of the three tasks revealed a consistent pattern of preference for proclisis over enclisis for all groups. As predicted, the US adolescents were significantly less accurate than the other groups, especially in the sentence repetition task, where some instances of enclisis were repeated with proclisis. Overall, our study demonstrates the robustness of clitics and VCP in the morphosyntax of bilingual adolescents.
Keywords
Adolescent heritage speakers, Spanish, clitics, morphosyntactic variatio
Perception of dialect and attitudes towards Ecuadorian-Spanish speakers in the US
No full textRecent research on language attitudes and perceptual dialectology has explored the perception of dialectical features of diverse Spanish-speaking communities in the US (Alfaraz, 2014; Carter & Callesano, 2018; Chappell, 2019, 2022). While numerous studies focus on dominant regional populations (Alfaraz, 2018; Callesano & Carter, 2019), few have explored the position of minority Spanish-speaking populations in these communities (Hermosillo, 2018; Potowski & Matts, 2008; Zentella, 1990). Ecuadorians are the 10th-largest Spanish-speaking population in the US (Pew Research Center, 2019), but outside of select metropolitan centers like New York and Miami, most reside in places where they are the minority and interact more with Spanish speakers from other dialects. This makes them an ideal group for exploring minority language attitudes in the context of Spanish in the US.
This study examines the negotiation of dialect identity and the perception of dialect visibility among minority populations of Ecuadorian Spanish-speakers living in the US, more specifically, in Denver, Colorado and Saint Louis, Missouri. Given that language use and expression of identity are inseparable (Abrams et al., 2003; Tabouret-Keller, 2017), and identities can and do change through interactions with others (Tanno, 1994), we investigate the perception of dialect and identity among US-based Ecuadorians through their regular interactions with mixed-origin Spanish speakers in their communities.
Online surveys and interviews reveal a perception that non-Ecuadorian Spanish speakers in the US have a difficult time “locating” varieties of Ecuadorian Spanish, often confusing their dialect with those of other countries or ascribing “non-distinctive” values. These perceptions contribute to feelings of dialect invisibility and insecurity among US-based Ecuadorians. Furthermore, when certain regional varieties are used (i.e. dame pasando “pass me”, used in the Andean region), other speakers accuse them of “inventing” non-Spanish forms. This has compelled US-based Ecuadorians to suppress their own dialectal features when communicating with others in their communities.
The results of a pilot study on attitudes of Ecuadorians living in the U.S. towards Andean and Costeño Ecuadorian Spanish varieties suggest: 1) a shift in the attitudes of the Costeño participants towards Andean Spanish, and 2) the possible emergence of Andean Spanish as the prestigious variety among the participants, which is in line with Flores Mejía\u27s (2014) results from Ecuador. The participants evaluated, using a semantic differential and a 7-point Likert scale, six 9-10 seconds recordings of Ecuadorians (serranos and costeños) talking about food. Participants evaluated Andean Spanish more positively than Costeño, and both considered Costeño Spanish as more solidary
When the dominant languages are not ergative. A case of ergative variation in Basque in Basque-Spanish and Basque-English bilingual communities
No full textSpanish and English follow the Nominative-Accusative case-marking system. That is, intransitive and transitive subjects carry the Nominative –Ø mark (1a-b, 2a-b), whereas, in transitive sentences, they mark the object with the Accusative case to distinguish the arguments (1b, 2b). If the object were not marked (–Ø), it would be ungrammatical (1c, 2c).
(1) a. I–Ø go to school. (2) a.Yo–Ø voy al colegio.
b. I–Ø see her. b. Yo–Ø la veo.
c. I–Ø see *she–Ø. c. Yo–Ø *ella–Ø veo.
However, Ergative-Absolutive languages, like Basque, follow a different pattern where they mark the subject to distinguish it from the other arguments. Thus, intransitive subjects carry the Absolutive –Ø mark (3a), whereas transitive subjects are marked with the Ergative case -k (3b). If both the subject and the object were marked with the same Absolutive –Ø mark, it would not be grammatical (1c/2c/3c).
(2) a. Ni–Ø eskolara noa.
I-NOM school-to go
b. Ni-k bera–Ø ikusi dut.
I-ERG her-ABS see AUX
c. *Ni–Ø bera–Ø ikusi dut.
I-ABS her-ABS see AUX
Given the different strategies in these two kinds of languages, bilinguals show variation in ergative nominal marking (Rodríguez-Ordóñez, 2022). Due to language ideologies of correctness and nativeness, the lack of marking is highly judged in the Basque-speaking society (Gondra et al., 2024). Thereupon, this paper investigates how sociolinguistic factors and language ideologies influence this variation in two very different settings: the Basque-Spanish speakers of the Basque Country (N=23), and the Basque-English heritage speakers (HS) (N=17) of Boise, Idaho.
An acceptability judgment task was employed, where participants rated the grammaticality of marked and unmarked utterances. Significant differences were found based on acquisition type, schooling, sibling order, animacy, and subject type (all p
Keywords: Basque – ergativity – variation – social meaning – language ideologies – heritage speakers – Boise – Idaho - Basque Country
REFERENCES
Rodríguez-Ordóñez, I. (2022). The role of frequency in the acquisition of structured variation: the case of Basque ergativity. International Journal of Bilingualism, 26(5):656-672.
Gondra, A., Rodríguez-Ordóñez, I. & Franco-Landa, E. (2024). Variation in the Production of Basque ergativity: Change or Stable Variation?. Language Variation and Change, 1-26
Enraptured by Rapture: Production Context, Biblical Interpretation, and Evangelical Eschatology in The Rapture, Left Behind, and This is the End
Get PDFThe Book of Revelation\u27s place in the popular imaginary has been fueled by both its popularity within evangelical eschatology and its endless evocations within mainstream film and TV. Both evangelicalism and popular culture frequently equate the events of John’s Apocalypse with the rapture, a selective reading of New Testament verses which envisions God’s faithful being called to heaven in advance of the Tribulation. This paper analyzes three distinct films which mediate on both the rapture and Revelation: The Rapture (1991), Left Behind: The Movie (2000), and This is the End (2013). Analyzing these films within their respective modes of production reveals that each film’s presentation of the end-times is informed by their narrative conventions and intended audiences. Of these three films, however, only This is the End, the mainstream studio comedy with the least intellectual pretensions, reflects the ethical rubric for salvation originally emphasized by John in Revelation