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Falsification of Population Census Data in a Heterogenous Nigerian State: The Fourth Republic Example
This paper examines critically the controversy surrounding the recently concluded population census in Nigeria which came up between March 21 and March 25, 2006. While population census is a deliberate attempt to enumerate people within a delimited territory at a specific time so as to determine their number, their contribution over the land area and their basic socio-demographic and economic characteristics, many of such exercises have been juggled especially in Nigeria. Many infallible proofs for several scores of years have been showing that census taking in Nigeria has been surrounded by deliberate falsehood with the intents and purposes to derive one benefits or the other from the government. This paper argues that the Nigeria\u27s 2006 population census was in no way different from the past falsified ones in Nigeria. The paper concludes that for an accurate population census in Nigeria, population census should not be used for allocation of governmental benefits
Regional Dimensions and Consequences of Africa\u27s Internal Wars: The Case of Liberia and Sierra Leone
Demonstrably, internal conflicts within individual African states have tended to set off chain reactions and spillover effects in their specific regions. Indeed, this was the experience of the African continent throughout the last two decades of the twentieth century. As a result every region of Africa became a victim of several of the consequences and effects of those internal conflicts that began in specific states within it. Beyond Africa, the series of internal conflicts played into the hands of Afro-pessimists and Africa\u27s detractors who lost faith in the continent\u27s present and its future. This study succinctly examines the regional dynamics and consequences of two wars that occurred in West Africa—specifically, in Liberia and Sierra Leone—during the last decades of the twentieth century. It identifies the nature of the two wars and discusses how they engaged other West African states and how those other states in the region dealt with them. It observes that the spillovers of the two wars were not automatic or inevitable. Rather, they were a consequence of discrete decisions and actions taken by individuals, groups, and governments
African Security in the Information Age
This article examines Africa\u27s place in the information revolution and the security implications that flow from this relationship. All states in Africa now have Internet access, although the continent is still characterized by a lack of infrastructure, resources, and technology. We examine the many initiatives underway in Africa aimed at enhancing information and communication technologies. The African Network Initiative, the African Information Society Initiative, and UNESCO\u27s Regional Information Network for Africa are only a few of the many that are trying to increase the continent\u27s connectivity. Increased African security in economic and military matters will be dependent on the continent\u27s level of integration into the information revolution. Currently, it remains a member of the digital underclass. We argue that for Africa to secure its security in the information age, it needs to become part of the development and widespread use of computers, software, networks, and sophisticated high-speed communications
Zimbabwe\u27s Land Reform and Environmental Dilemma
This paper examines the evolution of thinking in the World Bank on development land reform in Zimbabwe. It argues that the evolving and broader definitions of land reform in Zimbabwe must consider the conditions necessary for the attainment of economic development that encompasses sustainable development, poverty alleviation, capacity building, gender equality, good governance and now conflict prevention and resolution. The paper explores an economic model of political power derived from Mancur Olson\u27s work relating power and prosperity in both transition and developing economies. The model is applied to Zimbabwe after independence, under one ruler and one party — Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF. The paper points out the impossibility of achieving necessary land reforms and sustainable development, given the nature of political power in present day Zimbabwe is due to lack of domestic African institutions that would check unbridled political power. The paper also provides some necessary conditions for sustainable development and credible land reforms in Zimbabwe
Public Policy Formulation and Implementation in a Democratic Nigeria: Insights from Anti-Poverty Initiatives
This paper has undertaken a critical analysis of public policy formulation and implementation in Nigeria, with graphic illustrations from anti-poverty policies since 1999 most notably the Poverty Alleviation Program (PAP), The National Poverty Eradication Program (NAPEP) and National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS). As a condition of deprivation that impedes human development, poverty represents a policy major problem in Nigeria. The pervasiveness of poverty today, despite these policy interventions, attests to the failure and ineffectiveness of the new environment of democracy, despite its promise, to improve the policy process. The may not be unconnected with the deep-rooted undemocratic legacies of prolonged military rule, coupled with the paucity of democrats, in the true sense of the term, at the helm of affairs at all levels of governance. There is also pervasiveness of perverse incentive structures that engender and nourish chronic opportunism. A related dimension relates to the contradictions in policy frameworks and their implementation, notably poor definition of the target population, low involvement of the people in policy conception and execution, political influences and a culture of conuption. Redressing these contradictions requires revisiting the policy process to make it democratic via open, transparent and participatory frameworks in all ramifications; effective coordination and monitoring of the implementation of the policies instituted. Then public policy can help to reduce, if not eliminate poverty in Nigeria
Efficiency Processes in Egyptian Enterprises: Current Status in a Transition Economy
Taking the view that business organizations are essentially resource transformation agents aimed at satisfying societal needs for goods and services and, in effect, improving quality of life, this paper examines the impact of the transition stage forces on the efficiency processes in business organizations within the Egyptian economy, an economy that is still developing free market institutions
Fostering Constructive Public and Private Sector Linkages for Agricultural Research and Development in Sub Saharan Africa
Investing in agricultural research and development is critical for improving livelihoods of the resource poor in Sub Saharan Africans and also for the conservation of natural resource. While on the global level, the contribution of public sector to agriculture research and development investment is declining; the private sector is coming in to fill the gap. In Sub Saharan Africa, private sector involvement in agriculture research and development is still very limited. This paper uses secondary data and information coming out of the Sub Saharan Africa Challenge Programme to discuss the constraints that inhibit private sector involvement in agriculture research and development. Based on experiences from both developed countries and taking into consideration the unique characteristics of developing countries, the paper suggests the various levels at which public and private sectors can cooperate in financing and undertaking agriculture research and development
Methodological Analysis of the Guinea Bissau Nationalist Movement 1963-1974: Amilcar Cabral-Marxist or Pragmatist Revolutionary?
On 24 September 1973, the former Portuguese colony of West Africa, Guinea Bissau, under the leadership of Amilcar Cabral and the PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and the Cape Verde Islands), declared its independence after fighting a national liberation war against their Portuguese colonialists. This was the first and the only war for independence in West Africa, with the complete defeat of a European colonial army. During and after the Guinea Bissau Liberation war; 1963-1974, many social scientists, particularly those using the Marxist framework analyzed this African nationalist struggle as a successful Marxist revolution in West Africa. However, representing the fight in this manner, presents at least three problems. First, it denies the African originality of Amilcar Cabral and his followers. Second, it removes or ignores the voices of local individuals and varied non-Marxist participants. Finally, it creates a new kind of colonization of the same territory, one that is intellectual, rather than physical. I argue some of the reasons to resist the Marxist calling are Amilcar Cabral never called himself a Marxist and was known to have a perspective of whatever formula works. By painting the Guinea Bissau national war as Marxist, these scholars present the struggle as part of a western evolution, rather than an African event, thus erasing at the same time the voices of local, non-Marxist participants, such as women and youth