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    Unfinished Business: An Analysis of the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent

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    Communities of African descent worldwide experience persistent structural discrimination, manifested in poverty, underdevelopment, marginalization, social exclusion, and economic disparities. The historical crimes of enslavement, the transatlantic trade of enslaved Africans, apartheid, and colonialism, recognized as crimes against humanity and potentially constituting genocide, have left enduring trauma and systemic repercussions. These atrocities are demonstrably linked to current disparities in health, welfare, and the fulfillment of human rights for people of African descent. The International Decade for People of African Descent (2015 to 2024), proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in 2015 under the theme “People of African Descent: Recognition, Justice and Development,” concluded in December 2024. In its wake, the Permanent Forum on People of African Descent (PFPAD), established in 2021, has emerged as a crucial mechanism to address the structural inequalities faced by Afro-descended communities globally. Serving as both a dialogue platform and an advisory body to the UN Human Rights Council, the PFPAD plays a vital role in amplifying the voices of people of African descent on issues of racism, discrimination, and marginalization. This paper analyzes the PFPAD’s function in this regard and critically reviews the draft UN Declaration on the promotion, protection, and full respect of the human rights of people of African descent. Furthermore, as the initial decade concludes, this paper critically examines the call for a second decade, considering the proposed themes of systemic racism, reparatory justice, and sustainable development. By analyzing the PFPAD’s mandate and the ongoing need for dedicated international attention, this paper argues for the PFPAD’s significance in advancing racial justice and equity for Afro-descended communities worldwide

    “Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose”: The Ongoing Decolonisation’s Mechanic Inside the Franc Zone

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    This paper examines the persistent neocolonial dynamics within the Franc Zone, encapsulated by the adage “plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose” (the more things change, the more they stay the same). Despite nominal independence in the 1960s achieved by countries colonized by France, the analysis reveals how France maintains significant control through the Franc Zone and the “Françafrique” system. The Franc Zone, encompassing fifteen African states using the CFA Franc and Comoros Franc, functions under principles ensuring French dominance and the enslavement of these countries: fixed exchange rates pegged to the Euro, mandatory centralization of a large portion (historically 100% and currently 50% since 2005) of foreign reserves of member states in “operations accounts” located in the French Treasury in Paris and unlimited convertibility guaranteed by France. The article argues that secret “cooperation agreements” signed at independence established a “colonial pact,” binding these nations to France through leonine clauses covering debt repayment for colonization, resource exploitation rights, military intervention privileges, and monetary control via the CFA Franc. This system perpetuates underdevelopment, evidenced by limited intra-regional trade, overvaluation harming local production, and vulnerability to external shocks. Political independence is shown to be illusory, illustrated by dynastic power transfers within the zone and French veto power within the governing bodies of the central banks of the franc zone. Recent attempts to rebrand the system, such as replacing the CFA Franc with the Eco in West Africa while maintaining the peg to the Euro and French guarantees, appeared to be superficial changes which fail to dismantle the underlying mechanics of control. The withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso from ECOWAS to form the Alliance of Sahel States is interpreted as a reaction against this enduring neocolonial structure. Ultimately, the Franc Zone exemplifies the continuity of French economic and political domination long after formal decolonization

    Population Increase, Environment, Food Access and Development in Africa: The Role of the African Union

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    This paper examines the impact of the massive population increase in Africa in the post World War II era and the environmental challenges the continent confronts in trying to feed such a high number of people. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section examines the demographics of Africa, which show that the continent has increased its total population by 750 million people from 1950 to 2008. The second section of this paper then presents arguments by scholars pertaining to the environmental challenges, especially for agriculture, facing Africa as it finds ways to feed this massive number of people. Finally, the third section presents a framework with suggestions or recommendations as to how policy makers in Africa should proceed in managing this problem

    Micro Finance in Eritrea: A Catalyst for Women Development

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    The microfinance refers to small-scale financial services (primarily credit and savings) provided to people who engage in the farming, fishing and operate micro-enterprises to gain subsistence income from these activities and subsequently support the rural economy. Microfinance is a highly accepted and recognized development tool. It has been playing a vital role in many developing countries of the world. The women are considered to be a pillar of the society and economy. For example, 45 per cent of the measurable Gross Domestic Income comes from the work of women in the world\u27s richest countries. Eritrea, a poor but young nation in Africa got Independence in 1993. Women constitute more than 50 percent of the country\u27s population. The role of women in thirty years war of independence brought major changes in the present demography and economy of the country. Eritrea has extreme poverty and more than 66 percent of people live below poverty line. Many are women-headed households, whose husbands died during the conflicts or who are now serving in the National Service. Women-headed households are particularly vulnerable because of adverse socio-economic conditions the country after the border conflict with Ethiopia in 1998. To reduce the poverty and to cope with the growing number of female-headed households, Eritrea needs to increase the earning potential of women. The Savings and Micro Credit Program (SMCP) provides major microfinance to women entrepreneurs. A small group of women and men were interviewed to ascertain their successes and problems with micro credit and enterprise development. This paper examines how the women benefited from the microfinance program and got rid of their poverty. The paper also analyses various other institutions that provide microfinance to the women and other beneficiaries. The paper concludes that the women entrepreneurs are considerably supported and benefited by the microfinance program

    Peacemaking or Pacification for the Pool: The Restoration of State Authority in a Rebellious Region of Congo-Brazzaville

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    Congo (Brazzaville) has experienced a succession of periods of civil violence that has included an outbreak of ethno-political killing in 1993-1994, two full scale civil wars in 1997 and 1998-1999, and another round of regional rebellion in 2002-2003. Since 2003, the Pool region, site of the last round of serious fighting, has often been the scene of continuing episodes of banditry and corollary government crackdowns. The civil war of 1997 brought back to power Denis Sassou-Nguesso, Congo\u27s ruler under a nominally Marxist regime between 1979 and 1991. Since 1997, Sassou has operated as an electoral authoritarian ruler; that is, he stages regular elections under a multiparty constitution, while manipulating both the law and the political opposition to assure his personal dominance. Sassou did not fully consolidate his military grip over the country\u27s territory until the second civil war, during which he eradicated the military opposition to his regime, and terrorized the southern population into submission. The rebellion in the Pool region in 2002-2003 served as a reminder, however, that one large Congolese ethnicity was not yet pacified, the Lari of Pool region. That rebellion was nominally ended through intensive negotiations, as well as a heavy dose of military repression. Since the end of the rebellion, the Congolese government has tried to project an image that it has engaged in sustained and genuine peacebuilding in Pool. The most engaged elements of the international community have tried to facilitate peacebuilding m the Pool, most notably through disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs, but they have also unintentionally contributed to the illusion of reconciliation. The reality is one of pacification through violence and repression in Pool, setting up the region for another round of violence at the inevitable future moment that Sassou\u27s grip on power wavers

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    Youth Participation in Local and National Development in Ghana, ca. 1620–2013

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    While there has been a long tradition in development studies on analyzing types of participation and their effectiveness, the idea that participation is not stationary, but that it can evolve with variegated experiences, is relatively unexplored. This paper takes up the challenge of showing how participation in development planning can change, the role of underlying institutions, and the implications of evolutionary participatory development for policy making. It uses a critical postcolonial approach and zooms in on the role of the youth in development planning in Ghana. It knits together the diverse processes and dynamics of youth participation in postcolonial Ghana since the pre-colonial era, and teases out implications of these \u27participation moments\u27, particularly, current moments, for national development in Ghana

    Civil Conflict and AIDS: Implications for Post-Conflict Sierra Leone

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    This paper discusses the civil conflict in Sierra Leone and its role in the transmission of HIV in the country, including the activities and role of the military population in the conflict and the spread of HIV. The paper also assesses the present capacity of the government of Sierra Leone to handle a possible explosion of the disease and the implications for HIV/AIDS in post-conflict Sierra Leone. The paper concludes with some policy suggestions for post-conflict Sierra Leone regarding possible responses to the pandemic

    Environmental Policy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

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    This paper explores the dynamics of environmental policy in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It argues that the constituents of the policy and policy analysis itself must be judiciously and critically comprehensive in their overall scope, so as to encompass the fullness of the problem at hand. It stress that it is imperative for the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo to tighten up slackness extended to international companies operating and polluting the nation. This slackness in environmental policy enforcement is the reason why foreign companies do not observe or respect the nations\u27 policies and laws. This paper is a modest attempt on my part to examine very closely the tenets, attitudes and predominant features of the Congolese Environmental Policy at this critical period of the Congolese history

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