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Foreign Investment and Repression in Lesotho
Get PDFAccording to neoliberal theory, foreign direct investment enhances socioeconomic conditions in host countries, which in turn leads to democratization and greater protection of human rights. The structuralist theory, in contrast, holds that, in interaction with domestic unrest, foreign investment fosters repression. Lesotho serves as a fitting laboratory in which to test these competing theories. In 1995, the country had experienced a huge surge in foreign direct investment. In the period leading up to and during this increase, Lesotho was among the most impoverished countries in the world, and had a relatively poor human rights record. This confluence of factors makes Lesotho a suitable case on which to test neoliberal theory. Furthermore, numerous acts of domestic unrest in the form of riots, strikes, and anti-government demonstrations have posed a recurring threat to the country\u27s political and economic stability. Thus, Lesotho also provides an opportunity to evaluate structuralist theory. Which theory is best supported by the qualitative data from Lesotho? Although there is evidence that repression diminished after the 1995 surge in FDI, it is argued that this reduction was not the outcome of a process initiated by FDI flows. The preceding conditions that neoliberals expect to foster greater respect for human rights—including increased living standards and growth in the middle class—were absent in the Lesotho case. In tandem with economic growth, living conditions for the average Basotho had begun to worsen following the surge. Remaining one of the world\u27s most unequal countries, moreover, Lesotho does not appear to have experienced any sustained growth in its middle class. Further, there is evidence that, in spite of the overall reduction in Lesotho\u27s repression level, there was violent suppression of domestic unrest related specifically to foreign investment projects. As is thoroughly explained, the Lesotho case exemplifies the problem with interpreting such overall trends as reflecting the degree of government respect for human rights principles. In short, the Lesotho case provides greater support for structuralist theory on FDI and human rights
A Framework for Managing Environmental Policy in Nigeria
Get PDFThis paper examines environmental issues in Nigeria. It argues that there is the need for public commitment to effective management of environmental policies in Nigeria. The paper provided a management framework that could be used by the Nigerian government for the effective implementation of their environmental policies. The underlying rationale is that any goal-oriented environmental policy must have management at its core. It is argued that regardless of their levels of sophistication, environmental policies are unlikely to be successful without a corresponding management infrastructure. Establishing effective management infrastructure for the implementation of environmental policies, in turn, requires political leadership and commitment, both at the national and international levels. Industrialized countries should support Nigeria\u27s environmental protection initiatives
Insecurity and the African State: The Myth and Reality of Armed Non-State Actors
Get PDFArmed non-state militia groups of different shades—comprising rebels, criminals, extremist religious militants, and other opportunistic outfits—have played a significant role in creating instability and undermining human security in Africa. The militia and rebel groups, including the Islamist militant groups have fomented unending ethnic and religious tensions and conflicts in the region. Cognizant of this state of affairs, in this paper I analyze and try to explain the rise of some notable militia groups in Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the Central African Republic. While focusing on the Mungiki, the Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) in (Kenya), the LRA of Uganda, the militias under Southern Sudan Defense Force (Sudan), the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), and the National Congress for the Defense of the People (now M23) Rebels in the (DRC), I argue that these groups have had debilitating and destabilizing consequences for good governance in those countries and their neighbors. In the paper, I postulate that the groups emerged due to poor national leadership, which marginalized some communities by creating economic imbalances perceived to favor certain communities and classes. The actions have bred poverty and disparities in the resource and service allocation among the different ethnic groups. Consequently, the actions of these groups not only contributed to regional conflicts but also have created instability, underdevelopment, and insecurity in the different African states. In an attempt to address these issues, I examine the rise of these rebels groups with a focus on their objectives, ideological or political orientation, and sources of funds and analyze how communities and the states in the region have responded
Africa\u27s Economic Growth and Development Dilemma: Dysfunctional Leadership
Get PDFThis paper examines the impact of leadership on economic growth and development in all African countries. The historical records of leadership changes in African countries since independence show a dichotomous pattern. In 23 countries, the changes in leadership occurred more frequently, which indicated a scramble for leadership. In 30 countries, the changes in leadership were infrequent, which fit the strongman-sit-tight leadership syndrome. Based on the historical data of leadership changes, we construct the ideal leadership bounds for each country and compute the indices of dysfunctional leadership. We find that the index is positive in countries with more frequent leadership changes and negative in countries with infrequent leadership changes. More importantly, our empirical evidence which shows that both groups of countries have poor economic growth performance supports our contention that dysfunctional leadership is the fundamental cause of Africa\u27s economic growth and development dilemma over the past five decades
Introduction to This Special Issue of JOAPS: Dynamics of Conflict, Peace, and Security in Africa
Get PDFThe Problems of Financing Library Services
Get PDFFunding of libraries is a problem whether in Nigeria or anywhere in the world. The reason is that libraries are relegated to the background economically or otherwise when competing with facilities or products for limited budget or financial resources. More importantly is the fact that library service is incorporeal and cannot stand political selection. The library service does not enjoy the status of economic or private goods susceptible to price or excludability and public or social goods for which price cannot exclude users. This is the significance of library service or circulation and should therefore attract or enjoy enough budgetary allocation/library funding. This is the focus of this study
Political Corruption, Critical Governance Problem Facing the Nigerian State: Comparative Assessment of Various Regimes
Get PDFThis paper examines political corruption as the most critical problem of Governance besieging Nigeria, by looking at, assessing and comparing the various administrations, both the civil and the military. The state of poverty, peace and development in each government were used as assessment indicators. The focus is from 1979 when democracy was introduced in Nigeria to 2007 when President Obasanjo left the corridor of power. Whereas this paper uses few direct citations and evidence from other works/reports to support its case, it however argues that political corruption impacted negatively on the poverty, peace and development of the Nigerian state. The paper finds that the military regimes were more corrupt than the civilian regimes; however it concludes that on governance, Nigeria has not been fortunate with most of its leaders because they succumb to corruption at different levels and were unable to address the nation\u27s problems