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Supplying Slaves: The Disguise of Greener Pastures: An Exploratory Study of Human Trafficking in Uganda
The purpose of this study was to evaluate labor migration in Uganda with a specific focus on the role labor recruitment agencies play in transporting people and how certain circumstances such as lack of knowledge of safe migration can leave people vulnerable to human trafficking. Labor externalization is beneficial specifically for developing countries because it provides jobs for the robust and available labor in these countries. Nonetheless, when reports appear that young girls are stranded abroad in the middle east after being taken there for work, labor recruitment agencies are first to receive the blame. Although Uganda issued a ban on travel to Oman for domestic work, many Ugandans are still sent there for work by unlicensed agencies or individuals. UAERA estimates that Uganda sends about 36,000 Ugandans abroad every year, but that number is significantly higher when the figures for victims trafficked abroad are added. Another challenge is that the provisions given to Ugandans who exit Uganda officially for domestic work are not accessible to people who are taken abroad through unofficial means -- or trafficked. Also characteristic of human trafficking is the victim’s total dependence on his or her employer. To ensure complete dependence and immobility a victim’s phone is taken from them upon entering their destination country and all travel documents are withheld until the end of the employment contract. For every step of the journey, an information gap exists of the regulations put in place to protect migrant workers. When the official procedures are unknown the victim is kept vulnerable to deception and exploitation and stakeholders remain unequipped in the fight against trafficking. Therefore, a large portion of this study focuses on prevention and awareness measures and their challenges in Uganda. This research is an exploratory study on the nature of human trafficking in Uganda and the aspects of its combat. As such, efforts on the 4ps of combat will be evaluated
Refuge in a Place Without Refugees
The question of who should be given legal status as a refugee has consistently been veiled in discussions of ‘practicality,’ political motives, and inaction. Centered in these discussions tend to be state officials, international organization officials, and academics. More importantly, typically excluded from this assembly of decision makers and the thinkers are those actually and personally affected by the specifics of the term. In Jordan, this discussion is particularly interesting because the government does not legally recognize refugees since the United Nations refused to recognize Palestinians under the 1951 Convention definition. This paper aims to unpack the term refugee: both theoretically and what it actually means to be a refugee in Jordan
El rol de los agentes sanitarios para mejorar el acceso a la salud sexual y reproductiva para mujeres en San Carlos, Mendoza. / The role of agentes sanitarios in improving access to sexual and reproductive health for women in San Carlos, Mendoza.
Introducción: Es evidente que Argentina tiene un enfoque que atiende a la salud sexual y reproductiva, dado que tiene cobertura universal y la ley de Programa Nacional de Salud Sexual y Procreación Responsable que establece un estándar de cuidado para toda la población. Sin embargo, cobertura universal no implica acceso universal, el cual que está determinado por el transporte, el idioma y la cantidad de recursos de la región. En lugares como San Carlos, Mendoza, donde no hay transporte regular y hay pocos recursos, existe inequidad en la salud, lo que puede aumentar las tasas de embarazos no intencionales y las infecciones de transmisión sexual. A pesar de esto, los agentes sanitarios, trabajadores que visitan casa por casa para prevenir las enfermedades y promover la salud, pueden ayudar a disminuir esta desigualdad. A través de sus recorridos por el barrio, los agentes conocen a los habitantes, crean relaciones y entienden sus necesidades, lo que facilita su capacidad de acercar el sistema de salud a la población. Por eso, el objetivo de esta investigación fue aprender cómo los agentes sanitarios mejoran el acceso a la salud sexual y reproductiva para mujeres en San Carlos, Mendoza.
Descripción: Esta investigación fue cualitativa con el uso de siete entrevistas semiestructuradas con profesionales de la salud sexual, profesionales de la salud y agentes sanitarios, además de tres días de observación en San Carlos. El propósito de las entrevistas fue aprender las leyes nacional y provincial y entender el rol de los agentes sanitarios en la salud sexual y reproductiva. Cada participante fue informado sobre los objetivos de la investigación y decidió participar voluntariamente solo si quiere, con el conocimiento de que sus identidades permanecerían en el anonimato.
A continuación, primero se presenta una introducción del informe con el tema de la investigación y la pregunta central. Luego, se exponen las legislaciones nacionales sobre salud sexual y reproductiva, además de las características de Mendoza, la atención primaria y los agentes sanitarios. Finalmente, se presenta la estrategia metodológica con consideraciones éticas y, por último, la investigación con sus resultados.
Resultados: La investigación encontró que los agentes sanitarios tienen un rol de prevención, promoción, cuidado y asistencia para mejorar el acceso a la salud sexual y reproductiva para mujeres. Los recorridos facilitan el acceso para las mujeres de San Carlos debido que los agentes sanitarios pueden brindar información y anticonceptivos, además de promover los servicios del centro de salud, monitorizar su salud y recordar a las mujeres sus consultas siguientes.
Introduction: Argentina clearly has a focus on sexual and reproductive health given that it has universal healthcare coverage and the Programa Nacional de Salud Sexual y Procreación Responsible law, which establishes a standard of care for the population. However, universal coverage does not imply universal access, which is determined by transportation, language, and the amount of resources in the area. In places like San Carlos, Mendoza, where they lack reliable transportation and have fewer resources, inequality in health exists, which can increase the rates of unintended pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. Despite this, los agentes sanitarios, workers that travel door to door in order to prevent disease and promote health, can lower this inequality. Through their neighborhood routes, los agentes learn who the residents are, build relationships and understand their necessities, which facilitates their ability to bring together the healthcare system and the population. Because of this, the objective of this investigation was to learn how los agentes sanitarios increase access to sexual and reproductive health for women in San Carlos, Mendoza.
Description: This investigation was qualitive with the use of seven semi-structured interviews with sexual health professionals, health care professionals, and agentes sanitarios, as well as three days of observation in San Carlos. The purpose of these interviews was to learn the national and provincial laws and understand the role of the agentes sanitarios in sexual and reproductive health. Each participant was informed of the objectives of the investigation and choose to participant voluntarily, with the knowledge that their identities would remain anonymous.
Firstly, the introduction of this report presents the theme of the investigation with the central question. Secondly, the national sexual and reproductive health legislations are shown, as well as characteristics of Mendoza, primary attention, and agentes sanitarios. Finally, the methodology with ethical considerations is presented, and after, the investigation with its results.
Results: The investigation found that los agentes sanitarios have a role in prevention, promotion, and care and assistance in increasing access to sexual and reproductive health for women. Their routes facilitate access for the women of San Carlos because they can offer information and contraceptives, as well as promote the services of the Centro de Salud, monitor their health, and remind women of their next appointment
Río Muchacho: La interacción entre agricultura orgánica, educación ambiental y ecoturismo
El enfoque principal de mi proyecto fue crear un documental sobre cómo Río Muchacho combinada lo orgánico, el ecoturismo y la educación ambiental. Hice mi proyecto en la provincia de Manabí cerca del pueblo Canoa. Documenté y entrevisté a todas las personas involucradas en Río muchacho- de los dueños, a los visitantes. Empecé mi proyecto el 8 de abril y terminé con la filmación y las entrevistas el 26 de abril. En la primera semana trabajé en la finca orgánica de 7 de la mañana hasta las 4 de la tarde. Las dos otras semanas trabajé de 7 a la mañana hasta 12 en la tarde y después trabajé en mí trabajo de campo para mi proyecto. Elegí este tema porque tengo una pasión muy fuerte por la agricultura sustentable, la educación de los niños y cómo puede funcionar el turismo en una manera más sana. También, tuve experiencias muy positivas con trabajando en otra finca orgánica y quería continuar aprendiendo y trabajar más porque me gustaría trabajar en este campo en el futuro
The Understandings and Human Cost of ‘Prevention Through Deterrence,’ as seen amongst advocates in the United States and Mexico
In the last two years of President Donald Trump and his administration, immigration and border regulations between the United States (US) and Mexico has become one of the most decisive and hottest political issues. This political struggle has brought into question US border practices and strategies such as physical barriers, denial of entry, detention, and, most importantly, how the US should respond to immigration. In reality, though, this question has existed since immigration along the US-Mexico border began.
In this paper, I examine a 1994 US Border Strategy, first introduced under President Bill Clinton, called ‘Prevention Through Deterrence.’ This border strategy was one of the first stances that the US government took to begin curbing immigration and closing the border. My research question focused on the understandings and ramifications of this US border strategy amongst advocates in the US and Mexico.
Using interview data and existing literature, I demonstrate that ‘Prevention Through Deterrence’ is: (1) the driving force behind recent policies such as family separation, detention, and criminalization; (2) a strategy founded on false choices; and (3) an imprisonment of non-criminal spaces. Overall, my findings came together to question the legality of ‘Prevention Through Deterrence’ and highlight the human cost, personal narratives, and cruelty attached to this border strategy
La lucha por urbanización: El derecho de elegir donde y como vivir
Despite Chilean government efforts to eradicate campaments, or informal settlements, the number of campamentos has drastically increased in the recent years. These informal settlements originate from the urban migration in 1940-60, but persist today due to the difficulty to access affordable housing and the lack of appeal of social housing projects. To be considered a campamento, there must be eight or more families living on unregulated land without at least one of the three basic services: electricity, potable water, or a sewage system. The department of Housing and Urban Development, the Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo, recently reinforced the efforts to close campamentos in the country, with the goal of #NoMásCampamentos (no more campamentos). There are two ways to close a campamento. The first, eradication, is where the residents of the campamentos are transferred to social housing usually on the outskirts of the city. However, this policy has created many problems, as a campamento is more than a housing situation. The residents place value in the environment, the location and the social networks they have created there. This policy has been criticized for not recognizing the strife of the community, their connection to the land, and the value of their identity. The other way to close a campamento, “radicación,” urbanization, or regularization, consists of the campamento land being regularized by the state. This policy brings the hope that the state will listen to the communities voice and recognize the history and memory of the campamentos.
Currently, Manuel Bustos, the largest campamento in Chile with 2,800 families, is undergoing the process of urbanization. It represents a new emblem and a case of strong resistance where the community fights for the state to recognize their history, their identity and their memory. The original lack of basic services served as a catalyst that brought the community together, creating ties of solidarity. Through this strong community identity the majority of residents have achieved access to basic services. Now it is this unity that propels the community to fight for urbanization and the right to decide where and how to live, a choice the residents did not have before. The leadership of the community has been key, unity the 23 sectors and serving as the intermediary between the greater community and the state. Despite everything that Manuel Bustos has achieved, the funding for the urbanization only extends until 2025. Based on the current speed, there are doubts that the process will not finish in time. Nevertheless, the leadership continues fighting, sharing their story through the media as a form of resistance against the state.
Manuel Bustos is only one of the 822 campamentos in the country. The slow process of urbanization with more than twenty years in the making, even with the strong community leadership and voice demonstrates the limitation of the current policies. With the number of campamentos currently growing, the policies need to change to not only recognize the story of every campamento and the lack of appeal of social housing projects, but also to allow the process of urbanization to be executed in a more timely fashion. In order to prevent these irregular settlements, the state much examine the root of the problem, the great societal inequality and uneven distribution of resources that manifest is the difficulty to access affordable housing
A Preliminary Study for the Future Translocation of a Saimiri sciureus Troop from Sumak Allpa to Yasuní National Park: Assessing the Habitat Use, Population, and Behavior of a Common Squirrel Monkey Troop in Indillama
Sumak Allpa, an organization specializing in primate rehabilitation, plans to introduce a Common Squirrel Monkey Troop ( Saimiri sciureus ), the Yasuní Troop, to the Indillama region of Yasuní National Park. This study analyzes the habitat use, population, and behavior of the Saimiri sciureus troop, referred to as the Indillama Troop, already existing in the region, from April 14th to May 4th, 2019. Focal and scan observation techniques were used to observe the troop’s behavior, and EasyTrails on an iPhone 7 was used to record GPS data. EasyTrails was also used to map the trail system in the Indillama region. Thirty 10x30 m transects, 108 10x20m transects, and eight 20x30 meter transects were used to map the distribution of potential food sources and evidence of Saimiri sciureus presence. These data were analyzed using ArcGIS Online to establish the current home range of the Indillama Troop in order to figure out the best locations to introduce the Yasuní Troop. Population and behavior data were analyzed using Excel to determine the size of the troop and create an activity budget. The Indillama Troop’s home range is 72.3 hectares and to takes up a large portion of Northwest Indillama. The Indillama Troop consists of 29 individuals, 16 adults, 6 subadults, and 7 juveniles, and was found to spend most of its time moving or foraging. Since a large squirrel monkey troop already dominates most territory in Northwest Indillama, the Yasuní Troop should be introduced to the southeastern part of the region.
Sumak Allpa, una organización que se especializa en la rehabilitación de los primates, quiere introducir una tropa del mono ardilla común, La Tropa Yasuní, a la región Indillama en Parque Nacional Yasuní. Este estudio se analiza el uso de hábitat, la población y el comportamiento de la tropa de Saimiri sciureus , La Tropa Indillama, que ya exista en el región, desde April 14th a May 4th, 2019. Las técnicas de observación de “escanear” y “focal” fueron usados para observar el comportamiento de la tropa. Se usaba a EasyTrails, una aplicación de iPhone 7, para grabar los datos de GPS. También se usaba EasyTrails para crear un mapa del sistema de los senderos en el región Indillama. Treinta transectos de 10x30m, 108 transectos de 10x20m, y ocho transectos de 20x30m fueron usados para grabar datos de GPS de fuentes de comida potencial y grabar evidencia de la presencia de Saimiri sciureus. Se analizaba los datos con ArcGIS Online para establecer el rango hogar de la Tropa Indillama para averiguar las ubicaciones preferidas en donde se puede introducir la Tropa Yasuní. Los datos de población y comportamiento fueron analizados usando Excel para calcular el tamaño de la tropa y crear un presupuesto de actividades. El rango hogar de la Tropa Indillama es 72.3 hectáreas y toma un gran porción del área noroeste de Indillama. La Tropa Indillama tiene 29 individuos, 16 adultos, 6 subadultos, y 7 juveniles, y estaba moviendose o buscando la comida la mayoría del tiempo. Dado que una tropa bastante grande de monos ardillas ya domina la mayoría del territorio del noroeste de Indillama, debería introducir la tropa Yasuní a las partes surestes del región
Indonesia’s “Fresh Meat”: LGBTQ Activism Amid Political Homophobia and Transphobia
In 2016, Indonesia—the fourth most populous country in the world—received international attention for what the Human Rights Watch calls an LGBTQ “Crisis” (2016). Sparked by high ranking officials publicly declaring homophobic and transphobic sentiments, a wave of intolerance, fear, and hate disseminated throughout the country. Gender and sexual minorities became “fresh meat” for political players—government officials, military leaders, religious figures, and other social agents competed to take a stand against an “impeding” LGBTQ threat. These dialogues catalyzed into action as zealous anti-LGBTQ campaigns staked violence and discrimination against gender and sexual minorities across Indonesia.
The “Crisis of 2016” cannot be understood as a resentful reaction to a movement ostentatiously claiming space. Homophobia and transphobia have long been slowly encroaching on the larger hetero- and cisnormative society, especially through private and localized manners (Boellstorff, 2004). Dwelling in this environment, the “threatening” LGBTQ movement has struggled to gain basic groundings, and thus hardly qualifies as a challenger to state power in its societal influence. 2016, then, may be understood as a political gambit to strategically frame a vulnerable, and thus, marketable, minority rights movement. In this political ploy to name the LGBTQ community as enemy, how has the movement changed or moved as a result?
To explore the relationship between political homophobia and transphobia and the LGBTQ movement, I pursued a one-month-long field study, conducting interviews with LGBTQ leaders in the city of Yogyakarta, on the island of Java, Indonesia. From these interviews, it seems as though 2016 presented challenges for individual activists, increasingly divided the LGBTQ community, but brought the movement closer to other social justice movements. In this report, I present these findings from this very limited and exploratory study, in hopes of providing an introductory understanding of the effects of state-initiated LGBTQ intolerance. In the future, I hope further studies are done to better know the nuanced effects of the “Crisis of 2016.
Movement for a Gasfield Free Northern Rivers and its Applicability to Other Movements
The Gasfield Free Northern Rivers campaign evolved into a broader social movement opposing unconventional gas extraction in the Northern Rivers, New South Wales, Australia. This movement manifested the Bentley blockade in which thousands of people collaborated to resist the invasive gas industry. This movement was successful in getting all gas exploration licenses in the region bought back by the NSW government, thus achieving the goal of keeping the Northern Rivers Gasfield Free. In this study I investigate how the GFNR campaign reached the scale of the Bentley blockade, and what aspects of this campaign and the broader movement are applicable to other social or environmental movements. I chose to investigate this question to increase the likelihood of other environmental movements attainting the same level of success.
After receiving ethics approval from the local review board, I began to conduct background research. Prior to collecting data, I conducted extensive background research on activism, social movements, social networks, sustained commitments to the environmental cause, unconventional gas extraction in Australia, and the opposition to unconventional gas in the Northern Rivers specifically. Using this knowledge, I created an interview guide and electronic survey. I interviewed 11 people involved with the GFNR campaign or the movement more broadly, each signing an informed consent form prior to the interview. Twenty-seven environmental activists in the region took my electronic survey. The interview data was coded for emergent themes that best answered my study question. The survey data was analyzed by calculating the proportions of responses and using this as supplementary data to support the emergent interview themes.
The interview and survey data indicate that the growth of this movement is attributed to personal communication and the tight focus of the GFNR campaign. There are several themes which are applicable to other movements. These include the necessity of leadership structure and the benefit of the coexistence of top-down and horizontal leadership, the contextualization of individuals’ role within the greater social movement, the power of language and framing, the importance of intergenerational involvement to sustain the movement, and the necessity to adapt and resist to social movement conditions, rather than search for the exact formula for success.
I recommend further research on how complexity theory and its application to social movements can be made accessible to leaders of a variety of campaigns and social movements, in the hopes that improving its accessibility will quicken its application and thus empower more communities
The Last Yak Song: A Recount of the Decline of Pastoral Herding in Lower Mustang
This project is fundamentally one of documentation and rumination, a case study of a profound change taking place. I initially sought to exercise my creative voice, and to uncover the world of the yak, a dying world at that. As my time progressed in Lower Mustang, it became clear that given the breadth and depth of change in the area, a more extensive and detailed analysis was necessary to truly paint a picture of the ways in which yak herding, engrained so finely into the cultural and social tapestry of the landscape, is disappearing. In this paper, using primarily interviewee’s own words, I will illustrate the current significance, in the context of both capital and culture, of the yak, and recount the multitude of ways in which climate change, outmigration, nefarious national policy, conservation efforts, and changing cultural values, are making pastoral livelihoods less and less feasible. Finally, I provide a sketch of Khung Khanay Chard, the annual yak blood drinking festival that took place in Naurikot during my time in Lower Mustang, and a fine example of the transformations stated above. I will also interplay the ways in which song, poem, and myth inherently emerge out of pastoralism, a juxtaposition, the yak immortalized within this story of the mortality of pastoralism