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    Josiane Boutet’s sociolinguistic contributions in context

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    International audienceJosiane Boutet is a key figure in French sociolinguistics, known for her pioneering work on language practices and their intersection with power, education, and the workplace. This paper explores the intellectual and historical contexts of her contributions, highlighting her commitment to interdisciplinarity, empirical rigor, and politically engaged sociolinguistics. From her early research in the 1970s to her ongoing work in the 2020s, Josiane Boutet has consistently bridged theoretical innovation with practical applications, addressing issues of social inequality and language policy. This article examines the enduring legacy and contemporary relevance of Josiane Boutet’s approach to language as social practice

    On nominal number marking in Amharic: Singular, plural and transnumeral

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    International audienceMy presentation examines the transnumeral nature of count nouns in Amharic. Traditional Amharic grammars (e.g., Leslau 1995) typically distinguish between a morphologically unmarked singular form and a marked plural form of a noun, e.g., ʤɨb ‘a hyena (SG)’ vs. ʤɨb-otʧ ‘hyenas (PL)’. In contrast, Baye (e.g. 1996: 70–71) proposes that the suffix -otʧ marks the paucal, while both the singular and the plural are expressed by the unmarked noun. Another, little-noticed perspective, put forward by Hartmann (1980: 282–283), argues that bare count nouns in Amharic lack specification for singular or plural, a phenomenon he refers to as unbestimmter Numerus (‘undefined number’), as in ʔɨzzɨh ʤɨb ʔallä. (here hyena exist.NONPAST.3SM) ‘There are hyenas/is a hyena here.’In this paper, I adopt Hartmann’s (1980) relatively overlooked analysis and demonstrate that Amharic count nouns do not have inherent specifications for number in the lexicon. By analyzing morphosyntactic and semantic patterns, I argue that overt number marking in Amharic primarily functions as an indicator of definiteness. This challenges the conventional view of number as an intrinsic nominal feature, situating Amharic within the broader typological spectrum of languages with fluid number systems, where specific-number interpretations emerge from a combination of pragmatic, morphological and morphosyntactic cues. These findings contribute to a better understanding of Amharic grammar and shed more light on the interplay between number, gender, and definiteness

    Développement des études d'ourdou en France

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    Verbal complex predicates in Wolof (Atlantic)

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    Article de 45 pages soumis en Décembre 2024 accompagné d'une contribution à la base de données typologiques sur les prédicats complexes du projet ANR Complex Predicates in Languages: Emergence, Typology,International audienceThis chapter discusses verbal complex predicates (VCPs) in Wolof in accordance with the Questionnaire of the ANR-DFG funded ComPLETE project and its definition of VCP, i.e 'monoclausal constructions with a single set of argument positions, consisting of at least two verbs (or “verb-like” items)'. This study on Wolof reveals a typologically peculiar linker construction showing features of a nuclear juncture. In most cases, this syntactic pattern is used to form auxiliary constructions in which the finite verb conveys various indications about the realization of the infinitive lexical verb; these include a large array of TAM-type specifications, but also negation, comparison and relationships between events, some of which are widespread in the Niger-Congo phylum (see the study on Tswana by Creissels in this volume). Nevertheless, two sub-constructions exhibit different semantic properties and syntactic constraints: the qualifying construction and the intensive construction. Additionally, in the comitative construction, the linker combines with a with-preposition and enables the two verbs to form a single composite event. This construction has partially different properties and is closer to core juncture. In all these constructions, V1 is the syntactic head of VCP, but V2 is not always the semantic nucleus, as it is the case in auxiliary construction. In qualifying construction, V1 is the semantic nucleus while V2 expresses a modifying subaction for the quality predicated by V1. In the intensive construction, the juncture of the complex predicate is within the scope of the assertion and the two occurrences of the same verb create together the semantic nucleus. In the comitative construction, the two verbs form a macro-event with a complex semantic nucleus to which both contribute symmetrically.Besides these prototypical linker constructions for complex predicates, Wolof also has an infinitive construction, which only in some cases has the typical properties of VCPs of the nuclear type, and in other cases multiclausal uses. The omission of the linker in auxiliary constructions, which tends to be widespread in urban environments, seems to be motivated by a reanalysis of V2 as an object infinitive. The reappearance of the linker in the presence of clitics makes it an ambiguous case. By contrast, in the purposive motion construction, both verbs clearly contribute to the semantic nucleus of the VCP, each with a different semantic role: V1 for the manner or directionality of motion, V2 for the purpose and endpoint of the motion.The existence of a specific juncture marker such as Wolof's linker is rare in Atlantic languages (maybe due to its unique morphological evolution towards an isolated type) and perhaps even typologically so. As far as African languages are concerned, such a juncture marker has been recorded in Khoe (Güldemann & Pratchett, this volume), therefore outside the limits of the Niger-Congo phylum. Further typological and areal investigations into the existence and origins of verbal linkers are needed

    Calibrated Engagement: Chronicles of Local Politics in the Heartland of Myanmar

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    International audienceFor decades, the heartland of Myanmar has been configured as a pacified space under military surveillance. A closer look reveals how politics is enacted at distance with the state. Calibrated Engagement weaves together ethnography and history to chronicle the transformation of rural politics in Anya, the dry lands of central Myanmar. The book presents situations as varied as local elections, inheritance transmissions, land conflicts and ceremonies, to show that politics is about how people calibrate the way they engage with each other

    An Austronesian-type voice system in an Amazonian isolate? Comparing Movima and Tagalog

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    International audienceThe paper discusses some typologically rare structural similarities between Movima, a South American isolate, and the Austronesian language Tagalog. Both languages have a symmetrical voice system, and in both languages verbs and nouns are syntactically nearly equivalent. For Tagalog, it has been argued that the system is due to a basically equational sentence pattern with a nominal predicate (the "nominalist hypothesis"), and this explanation is also plausible for Movima. However, in contrast to some accounts of Austronesian languages, there is no evidence of a nominalizing origin of the Movima voice markers, which would help to explain the use of verbs in nominal domains. The article shows that the description of small, understudied, and even isolate languages is necessary to realize that some grammatical patterns may not be as uncommon as one may think, and can help to refine the ideas conceived about the better-known linguistic systems.El artículo analiza algunas similitudes estructurales entre el idioma movima, una lengua aislada suramericana, y el tagalo, una lengua austronesia. Ambas lenguas tienen un sistema de voz simétrico, y en ambas los verbos y los sustantivos son sintácticamente casi equivalentes. En el caso del tagalo, se ha argumentado que el sistema se debe a un patrón oracional ecuacional con un predicado nominal (la "hipótesis nominalista"), y esta explicación también es posible en el caso del movima. Sin embargo, en contraste con algunas lenguas austronesias, no hay pruebas de un origen nominalizante de los marcadores de voz de Movima, lo que ayudaría a explicar el uso de verbos en dominios nominales. El artículo muestra que la descripción de lenguas pequeñas, poco estudiadas e incluso aisladas es necesaria para darse cuenta de que algunos patrones gramaticales pueden no ser tan infrecuentes como se piensa, y puede ayudar a refinar las ideas concebidas sobre los sistemas lingüísticos más conocidos

    The Popolocan languages

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    Transmission intergénérationnelle de la variété tachelhit de l’amazighe au Maroc et chez la diaspora en France. Étude de cas auprès des familles dans la région de Souss et en Île-de-France

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    في هذه الأطروحة التي تندرج ضمن حقل السوسيولسانيات، تناولنا بالدراسة والتحليل ديناميكيات تناقل تشيلحيت بين الأجيال، استنادًا إلى سياق مزدوج: سياق منطقة سوس بالمغرب وسياق فرنسي لإيل دو فرانس. يهدف البحث، من منظور جلوتوبوليتيكي (السياسة اللغوية)، إلى فهم آليات تناقل تشيلحيت داخل الأسر الناطقة بالأمازيغية عبر ثلاثة أجيال في عصر التنقل والعولمة والتعددية اللغوية. وكجزء من هذا النهج الشامل، تم إجراء استطلاعات نوعية وملاحظات مباشرة مع عدد من العائلات المكونة من ثلاثة أجيال والتي قبلت بحماس وتعاون كبيرين المشاركة في استطلاعاتنا وقد مكننا هذا البحث من تسليط الضوء على قضايا الهوية والقضايا التاريخية والسياسية المرتبطة بالاعتراف بهذه اللغة وتناقلها. ويبدو أن الأسرة الناطقة بتشيلحيت تشكل، بوصفها فاعلا أساسيا في نقل تنوعها، المؤسسة الأساسية للتنظيم اللغوي لتشيلحيت في السياقين المغربي والفرنسي. فالاستراتيجيات والممارسات اللغوية التي تتبناها تمكنها من المحافظة على اللغة والثقافة من جيل إلى جيل.كما تجدر الإشارة الى أن هذه الدراسة خلصت الى أنه بالإضافة إلى دور السياسة اللغوية المؤسسية والتي أقرت ترسيم اللغة الأمازيغية بالمغرب، لا يمكن أن تحافظ تشلحيت على استدامتها إلا إذا استثمر المتحدثون بها أنفسهم في الحفاظ عليها، لا سيما على المستوى الميكرو سوسيولساني بداخل البيوت.In this sociolinguistic thesis, we set out to study the dynamics of the intergenerational transmission of Tachelhit, one of the main varieties of the Amazigh language, based on a dual context: that of the Souss region (Morocco) and that of Ile-de-France. From a glottopolitical perspective, the research aims to understand the mechanisms of transmission of Tachelhit within three-generation Tachelhit-speaking families in an era of mobility, globalisation and multilingualism. As part of this comprehensive approach, qualitative surveys and participant observations were carried out with a number of three-generation families who enthusiastically accepted our investigations.This research has made it possible to highlight the identity, historical and political issues linked to the recognition and transmission of this language. It appears that the Tachelhit-speaking family, as an essential glottopolitical actor in the transmission of its variety, is the primary institution for the linguistic regulation of Tachelhit in the Moroccan context and in that of immigration to France. The language strategies and practices they adopt enable them to perpetuate the language and culture from generation to generation. We have therefore concluded that, over and above the institutional linguistic policy which gives Amazigh the status of an official language in Morocco, the Tachelhit variety can only be transmitted if its speakers themselves invest in preserving it, particularly at the micro-sociolinguistic level of the home.Dans cette thèse, qui s’inscrit dans le cadre des recherches sociolinguistiques, nous avons cherché à étudier les dynamiques de la transmission intergénérationnelle du tachelhit, l’une des variétés de la langue amazighe, en nous appuyant sur une double contextualisation : celle de la région du Souss (Maroc) et celle de l’Ile de Maroc (Maroc). Dans une perspective glottopolitique, la problématique traitée vise à comprendre les mécanismes de la transmission du tachelhit au sein des familles tachelhitophones trigénérationnelles, à l’ère des mobilités, de la mondialisation et du multilinguisme. Dans cette posture compréhensive, des enquêtes qualitatives et des observations participantes ont été menées auprès de familles trigénérationnelles.Cette recherche a permis de mettre en évidence les enjeux identitaires, historiques et politiques liés à la reconnaissance et à la transmission de cette langue. Il apparaît qu’étant un acteur glottopolitique essentiel dans la transmission de sa variété, la famille tachelhitophone constitue la première institution de régulation linguistique du tachelhit dans le contexte marocain et dans celui de l’immigration en Maroc. Les stratégies et les pratiques langagières qu’elle adopte lui permettent de perpétuer sa langue et sa culture de génération en génération. Aussi, avons-nous retenu, dans nos conclusions, qu’au-delà de la politique linguistique institutionnelle qui affecte le statut de langue officielle à l’amazighe au Maroc, la variété tachelhit ne se transmet que si ses locuteurs eux-mêmes s’investissent dans sa préservation, en particulier au niveau micro-sociolinguistique qu’est le foyer.ⴳ ⵜⵓⵙⵔⵉⵙⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵉⴽⵛⵎⵏ ⴳ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⵎⵓⵏⵉⵍⵙⵜ, ⵏⵎⵍⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵖⴰⵔⴰⵙⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴷ ⵓⵙⴼⵙⵉ, ⵜⴰⴷⵉⵏⴰⵎⵉⵜ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵙ ⵜⴻⵜⵜⵎⴰⵜⵜⴰⵢ ⵜⵛⵍⵃⵉⵜ ⴳⵔ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴰⵜⴰⵍ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵢⵢⵓⴳⴰⵏ; ⴰⵙⴰⵜⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵙⴳⴰ ⵏ ⵙⵓⵙ ⴷ ⵓⵙⴰⵜⴰⵍ ⵏ ⴼⵕⴰⵏⵚⴰ ⵍⵉⵍ ⴷ ⵓⴼⵕⴰⵏⵚ.ⵏⵡⴰⵜⵜⵙ ⴳ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵍⵍⵉ, ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵏⵉⴷ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵊⴳⵔⴰⴼⵉ ⴰⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏ, ⴰⴷ ⵏⵔⵎⵙ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵙ ⵜⴻⵜⵜⵎⴰⵜⵜⴰⵢ ⵜⵛⵍⵃⵉⵜ ⴳ ⵊⴰⵊ ⵏ ⵜⵡⵊⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵜⵜ ⵉⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵖⵣⵉ ⵏ ⴽⵕⴰⴹⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵜⵉⵏ, ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵡⵉⵏ ⵓⵎⵎⵓⵜⵜⵉ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵎⴰⴹⵍ ⴷ ⵜⵎⴰⴳⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⵜ. ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⴳⵣⵣⵓⵎ ⴳ ⵓⵙⵏⴼⴰⵔ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵓⵎⴰⵏ, ⴳⴰⵏ ⵜ ⵉⴷⵣⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⴰⵡⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵔⵉⴷⵉⵏ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵏⵙⴽⵔ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⴰⴳⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵡⵊⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵍⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⴽⵔⴰⴹⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵜⵉⵏ, ⵜⴰⵡⵊⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⴷⴳⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵜⵓⴽⴽⵙⵉ ⴷ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵡⴰⵙ ⴰⴷ ⴷⵔⵓⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵉⴷⵣⵏ ⵏⵏⵖ.ⵢⵉⵡⵙ ⴰⵖ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵏⵙⵙⵉⵙⴼⵉⵡ ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⵣⴷⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⴷ ⵜⵙⵔⵜⵉⵜ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵉⵣⴷⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⴷ ⵓⵎⵎⵓⵜⵜⵉ ⵏⵏⵙ.ⵢⵓⵎⴰⵏ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵡⵊⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵉⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏ ⵙ ⵜⵛⵍⵃⵉⵜ, ⵍⵍⵉⴳ ⴷ ⵏⵜⵜⵏⵜⵉ ⴰⴷ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵙⴽⴰⵔⵏ ⵉⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵙⵎⵎⵓⵜⵜⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵏⴰⵡ ⵏ ⵜⵛⵍⵃⵉⵜ, ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵔⵙⵍⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵎⵉⵍⵉ ⴰⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙ ⴳ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵉⵙⴰⵜⴰⵍⵏ ⵏⵏⵙ:ⴰⵎⵖⵔⵉⴱⵉ ⴷ ⵓⴼⵕⴰⵏⵚⴰⵡⵉ. ⵜⵉⵙⵜⵔⴰⵜⵉⵊⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵡⵊⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⵔⵉⵏ ⵍⵍⵉ ⴳ ⵓⵎⵥⵏⵜ ⴰⵔ ⴰⵙⵏⵜ ⴰⴽⴽⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵃⴹⵓⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⴳⵔ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵢⴰⴹ.ⵎⴽ ⵍⵍⵉ ⴷ ⵉⵇⵇⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⴷ ⵏⵙⵙⴰⴳⴳⵯ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⴰⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵉⴼⴼⵓⵖ ⵙ ⵜⵓⴼⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⴷ :ⵓⵔ ⵢⵓⴷⵉ ⵍⵍⵉⴳ ⵜⵍⵍⴰ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵙⵔⵜⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⵜ ⵍⵍⵉ ⵉⵙⵙⵉⴽⵣⵏ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵣⵉⵖⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵍⵎⵖⵔⵉⴱ, ⵃⵎⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵖⴰⵎⴰ ⵜⵛⵍⵃⵉⵜ, ⵉⵇⵇⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵖⴰⵎⴰⵏ ⵡⵉⵍⵍ ⵙⵉⵙ ⵉⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏ ⵙⵍⴰⵡⴰⵏ ⴰⴽⴽⵯ ⴳ ⵓⵙⵡⵉⵔ ⴰⵎⵉⴽⵔⵓ ⴰⵙⵏⵎⵓⵏⵉⵍⵙⵜ; ⴳ ⵓⴳⵏⵙ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵯⵎⵎⴰ

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