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    398 research outputs found

    Hyperlink networks as a means of mobilization used by far-right movements

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    The article provides an analysis of the mobilization strategies of far-right movements from the Czech Republic and Germany based on the content they provide via hyperlinks on their websites. Vertical and reticular characteristics of the hyperlinked pages have been analyzed, two aspects which form central parts of the mobilization strategies of social movements. The vertical level refers to territorial relations, while the reticular level refers to relations with other actors. The analyses confirmed that the movements focused on the vertical level to their countries of origin. With respect to reticular characteristics the type of hyperlinked content neither differs significantly throughout countries, nor throughout segments of the far-right movement. Additionally, the analysis of the type of hyperlinked content provides insight into the general mobilization strategies employed

    Examining the populist communication logic: Strategic use of social media in populist political parties in Norway and Sweden

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    Previous research has demonstrated that right-wing populist parties are particularly successful in gaining engagement and interaction on social media, but less is known about how rightwing populist parties use social media strategically, both in relation to voters and news media. By focusing on two Nordic countries, Norway and Sweden, this paper addresses the strategic use of social media within the Sweden Democrats and the Progress Party based on three different data sets: interviews, content analysis of Facebook posts, and engagement data from the parties’ Facebook pages. This study finds that the two populist parties basically follow up their social media strategy in practice, and the Sweden Democrats are more closely following a populist communication logic in their Facebook posts. The article argues that right-wing populist parties’ social media strategy and communication style must be understood in relation to their position in the political system and the parties’ different phases in the life cycle model of populist parties

    30-second politics, 30 years too late: Political TV advertising in Swedish election campaigns, 2006–2018

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    Televised political advertising appears in very different national political communication contexts. Sweden is an interesting case study. For many years, political ads on TV were not allowed at all. However, with the transition from analog to digital terrestrial television the public service obligations of the “hybrid” channel TV4 were dismantled. In the 2010 national election campaign, all Swedish parliamentary parties bought advertising time on TV4. This article intends to shed new light on political TV ads as a new campaign feature in a rapidly transforming political communication environment. The study relates to the concept of hybridization of election campaigns and intends to increase knowledge about hybridization processes by focusing on a critical case where one of the most adopted campaign practices worldwide is finally implemented within a specific national context and deviating political culture

    Press coverage of the German reunification issue in a long-term perspective, 1990–2014

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    This paper analyses the long-term coverage (1990–2014) of German reunification by six German newspapers. Our quantitative content analysis shows how often the press covers the event, what the content of the coverage is, and how journalists evaluate the reunification process. As we have analysed newspapers of different locations, ranges, types, and editorial lines, we can see whether newspapers cover German reunification differently. Our analysis shows that the amount of coverage of reunification quickly decreases, and only a few articles are published prominently. The press reports on more differences between East and West Germany than similarities; about one third of the articles mentions problems and conflicts, although they become less important over time. All in all, positive evaluations of German reunification outweigh negative judgments and increase over time. We see evidence that the placement, content, and tone of coverage highly depends on the type, editorial line, range, and location of newspapers

    Nonverbal components of the populist style of political communication: A study on televised presidential debates in Poland

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    While much of the scholarship on populist political communication focuses on its content and a verbal style, less is known about the nonverbal cues accompanying populist messages. This paper aims in filling that gap by providing findings of the study on characteristics of nonverbal communication of two Polish presidential candidates: Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda, traced during two debates broadcast on television before the second round of the presidential elections in 2015. The results revealed that both candidates employed nonverbal cues such as appearance, eye contact, facial expressions, or gestures that emphasized their references towards the people or negative attitudes towards elites expressed in their verbal messages. The study also proved that the methods used previously in research on nonverbal content on television observational protocols and analysis of facial expressions may be successfully employed in studies on nonverbal components of the populist style of communication

    Some remarks on the comparative experiment as a method in assessing populist political communication in Europe

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    In this paper fundamental information concerning the designing and conducting of comparative experiments, as methods which are able to be employed in the field of media studies, will be successively delineated. On the basis of the large-scale online experiment conducted in 15 countries in 2017, the assessment of the populist message impact as well as methodological challenges to such a project will be presented. We discuss challenges and lessons learnt from this type of research design

    Nuclear media discourses after the closure of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant: Is the game over?

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    The article presents a critical discourse analysis of media coverage of the most important Lithuanian strategic object — the Ignalina Nuclear Power Plant INPP — in the three biggest news portals. Media news focuses mostly on certain aspects of decommissioning of the INPP management issues and the transparency of financing mechanisms. Environmental and social aspects of the decommissioning are not sufficiently disclosed and discussed. The community of Visaginas the satellite town for the workers of the INPP remains an invisible and silent actor of the discourse. In the media news portals, the town is portrayed as disconnected from the INPP. This divide could be explained by assuming that after the closure of the INPP as a major feeding enterprise the town must search for a re-definition of its identity and construct this identity without nuclear energy and without the INPP. On the other hand, such a divide reflects a common trend characteristic of the entire nuclear discourse — to disempower communities and the public, create a boundary between the industry and the public, between the experts and ordinary citizens

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