Gustavus Adolphus College Collections
Not a member yet
92910 research outputs found
Sort by
'The Mind and Memory of a Community': Urban Record-Keeping and the Question of Civic Identity in England and Dublin
No full textThick Forests
No full textWe consider classes of graphs, which we call thick graphs, that have the vertices of a corresponding thin graph replaced by cliques and the edges replaced by cobipartite graphs. In particular, we consider the case of thick forests, which we show to be the largest class of perfect thick graphs.
Recognising membership of a class of thick C-graphs is NP-complete unless the class C is triangle-free, so we focus on this case. Even then membership can be NP-complete. However, we show that the class of thick forests can be recognised in polynomial time.
We consider two well-studied combinatorial problems on thick graphs, independent sets and proper colourings. Since determining the independence or chromatic number of a perfect graph is known to be tractable, we examine the complexity of counting all independent sets and colourings in thick forests.
Finally, we consider two parametric extensions to larger classes of thick graphs: where the parameter is the size of the thin graph, and where the parameter is its treewidth
The FSLN and the Politics of Legitimation in the Cold War: Sandinista Revolutionaries and Transnational Activism
No full textIn 1979, Nicaraguan revolutionaries of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), obtained the international legitimacy needed to defeat the Somoza dictatorship. This chapter examines the FSLN’s campaign for legitimacy in the late 1970s. It argues that activists in the Americas and Europe were at the heart of the Sandinistas’ international strategy. They influenced public opinion, introduced revolutionaries to journalists and civil society groups, and lobbied governments to recognize the FSLN as the legitimate representative of the Nicaraguan people. In doing so, these solidarity activists paved the road towards the Sandinistas’ transformation into a legitimate political actor on the global stage
Fibre-optic exploration of the cryosphere
No full textThe icy parts of the Earth, known as the cryosphere, are an integral part of the climate system. Comprehensively understanding the cryosphere requires dense observations, not only of its surface, but also of its internal structure and dynamics. Seismic methods play a central role in this endeavour. Fibre-optic sensing is emerging as a valuable complement and alternative to well-established inertial seismometers. Offering metre-scale channel spacing, interrogation distances of up to ~ 100 km and a bandwidth from mHz to kHz, it has enabled new seismological applications, for instance, under water, in cities and on volcanoes. Cryosphere research particularly benefits from fibre-optic sensing because long cables can be deployed with relative ease in icy environments where dense arrays of seismometers are difficult to install, including glaciers, ice sheets and deep boreholes. Intended to facilitate future fibre-optic seismology research in the cryosphere, this Expository Review combines a classical publication review with theoretical background, a practical field guide, a cryospheric signal gallery and open-access data examples for hands-on training. Following a summary of recent findings about firn and ice structure, glacial seismicity, hydrology and avalanche dynamics, we derive the ideal instrument response of a distributed fibre-optic deformation sensor. To approach this ideal in field experiments, we propose numerous practical dos and don’ts concerning the choice and handling of fibre-optic cables, required equipment, splicing in the field at low temperatures, cable layout and trenching, and the deployment and coupling of cables in boreholes. A cryospheric signal gallery provides examples of data from a wide range of sources, such as explosions, land and air traffic, electricity generators, basal stick-slip icequakes, surface crevassing, englacial icequake cascades, floating ice shelf resonance, surface water flow and snow avalanches. Many of these data are enclosed as an open-access training resource, together with code for reading, visualization and simple analyses. This review concludes with a discussion of grand open challenges in our understanding of cryosphere structure and dynamics, and how further advances in fibre-optic sensing may help to overcome them
Electrostatic Patterning Controls Mineral Nucleation Inside Ferritin
No full textFerritin protein nanocages store iron across nearly all living organisms. In mammals, two subtypes of ferritin exist: heavy (H) chain and light (L) chain. They have very similar 3D structures, but each performs a slightly different role in iron mineral formation. How sequence differences between the two subtypes affect mineral formation within the nanocages is still unclear. Single-particle reconstruction of cryo-TEM images was used to build models of unmineralized and partially mineralized human L-chain and H-chain ferritin, which showed that subtle differences in protein structure led to changes in the location of mineral formation within ferritin. Explicit-solvent atomistic molecular dynamics (MD) simulations were used to explore how sequence-dependent electrostatics modulate ion transport, cluster formation, and mineral nucleation within the confined environment of human L- and H-chain apoferritin nanocages. Employing NaCl as a computational probe, we show that the internal charge distribution governs ion selectivity and nucleation pathways. Analysis of liquid and solid ionic clusters, combined with Markov State Models (MSMs), reveals that mineralization proceeds through a two-step mechanism involving dense liquid-like precursors that crystallize homogeneously within the cavity. These findings provide molecular insight into how ferritin sequence variability tunes confinement-driven nucleation and suggest general principles for designing biomimetic nanoreactors
Termination of the Electoral College and Its Inherent Problems
No full textThe United States of America needs to change the process by which it elects its Presidents. The Electoral College has served its purpose and worn out its welcome at the same time. The Electoral College is an out-of-date system that is no longer needed in Presidential elections.Termination of the Electoral College
and Its Inherent Problems
by Chris Anderson
Gustavus Student Repository
Gustavus Student Repository
The United States of America needs to change the process
by which it elects its Presidents. The Electoral College has
serued its purpose and worn out its welcome at the same time.
The Electoral College is an out-of-date system that is no longer
needed in Presidential elections.
If the United States were to alter its electoral process,
there would be a fundamental change in the way the United
States selects its leaders and possibly in the workings of the
political arena in general. The legitimacy of the leaders could be
questioned. The new method by which leaders attain office may
cause suspicions among the public and insubordination among
the leader's colleagues and those he was elected to gouern.
There would be some growing pains with a new system of
electing the President, but there is always a timespan needed to
adapt and become comfortable with anything new. The Electoral
College was created by the founding fathers of this country. The
fact that "the basic Electoral College has e1-1isted until today is
due not to the wisdom of its creators, but to a combination of
adaptation and chance" (Longley and Braun 32).
Gustavus Student Repository
The Electoral College has been reformed and hopefully
improued many times. It has euolued ouer time into what it is
today mainly through necessity. Changes in political
institutions, uoters' knowledge, and special circumstances haue
all led to the deuelopment of what the Electoral College system
has come to be.
Chapter 1
History and Euolution of the Electoral College
The Electoral College was created in 1787 by the founding
fathers of this country. It was created to appease the struggle
between big states' and small states' rights. Rt the time of the
Constitutional Conuention, the conflict between big states' and
small states' representation in the new Congress was
deadlocked. The Uirginia Plan and the New Jersey Plan were
completely at odds with each other. The Uirginia Plan aduocated
representation by population while the New Jersey Plan wanted
two representatiues per state no matter what the population.
The Great Compromise brought about by the Connecticut Plan
Gustavus Student Repository
ended the battle for representation between the populous
states and those states with less people. When the Electoral
College issue finally came up, nobody wanted the debate ouer
the rights of different states to rekindle its fire. R "Committee
of Eleuen" trudged through the possibilities of direct election of
the President and Congressional election of the President. The
Electoral College was the compromise. It was the "Connecticut
Plan" on the issue of the election of the President. The
compromise was reached mainly in order to auoid conflict
concerning differing states' rights. The Electoral College was
giuen little attention not necessarily because it was such a
perfect electoral system, but because the delegates at the
Constitutional Conuention did not want to deal with the big
states' rights uersus small states' rights issue anymore. They
were sick of debating and arguing with each other. The
compromise was made not so much because eueryone agreed on
it and thought it best, but once the compromise and agreement
were reached the delegates could go home.
It is quite remarkable to think that the Electoral College
was created in a hurry-up, let's get it done so we can go home
Gustavus Student Repository
sort of way and then realize that it has been around for 209
years. Either the system is really that good and the founding
fathers had a little luck on their side or the American people and
the gouernment haue put up with an electoral process that has
had many problems and has been reformed seueral times. It can
be argued that the Electoral College has had to change with the
times. To a certain eHtent this is true, but when problems began
deueloping within the Electoral College before three elections
had passed from its inception, something was obuiously
inherently wrong. The electoral system designed by the
"Committee of Eleuen" was set up for failure in many different
ways. The possibilities eHisted for: electors to uote their own
mind instead of representing their state, the disproportionate
representation of the general population by the Electoral
College, a President elected under dispute because he may not
haue had enough electoral uotes to gain the Presidency, and
lastly and perhaps most importantly a President could be elected
through the Electoral College but not receiue as many popular
uotes as his opponent did in the general election. All of these
possibilities haue happened. They are not frequent occurrences
Gustavus Student Repository
but they do happen. These are not all of the shortcomings of the
Electoral College, but they are the main ones.
The founding fathers that implemented the Electoral
College did not need to work with it in the first two elections
because eueryone knew that George Washington would win the
first and second elections in a runaway. Euery elector uoted for
him. The election of 1796 howeuer brought to life one of the
many possible problems that the Electoral College is prone to.
The founding fathers intended for the electors in the system to
be a free elector. This meant that the electors were free to, on
their own, "uote for well-thought-of indiuiduals" (Longley and
Braun 28). In the election of 1796, Samuel Miles rejected his
. Federalist pledge and uoted for Thomas Jefferson instead of
John Adams, the Federalist candidate. From this time on,
electors were sought not to think but rather to perform an act.
This action did not affect the outcome of the election, Adams
still won, but it was a shocking turn of euents. (Sayre and Parris
26) One uoter asked in an irate tone, "What, do I chuse Samuel
Miles to determine for me whether John Adams or Thomas
Jefferson shall be President? No! I chuse him to act" (Peirce 64).
Gustavus Student Repository
James Russell Lowell who was an actual elector in the 1876
election between Tilden and Hayes was approached about
changing his uote from Hayes to Tilden. Had he done this, Tilden
would haue won the election, not Hayes.
Lowell howeuer, said,
"In my own judgment I haue no choice, and am bound in
honor to uote for Hayes, as the people who chose me
eHpected me to do. They did not choose me because they
haue confidence in my judgment but because they thought
they knew what the judgment would be. If I had told them
that I should uote for Tilden, they would neuer haue
nominated me. It is a plain question of trust." (Peirce 124)
This sums up what the role of the elector is uiewed to be today.
They are not free to act on their own ualues. They are eHpected
to cast their uote for the candidate to which they pledged their
uote.
The original intention of the founding fathers was to haue
free electors make their decisions based on their own ualues.
They were representing their state just as Congressmen did. It
is a representatiue system. This representatiue system is based
on both the Senate and the House of Representatiues. States
receiue as many electoral uotes as they haue Congressmen.
Euery state gets three electoral uotes for hauing two Senators
Gustavus Student Repository
and at least one Representatiue no matter what it's population.
This is a minimum. This minimum causes disproportionate
representation for some states. Alaska has 550,043 people and
three electoral uote·s. That equals out to be one electoral uote
for euery 183,347 people. California has 29,760,021 people and
54 electoral uotes. This auerages out to be 551,111 people for
euery one electoral uote. Is this a misrepresentation of the
population? Yes. Here are how the states population and
Electoral College uotes break down.
STATE POPULE!TION RANK E.C. UOTES
Alabama 4 040 587 22 9
Alaska 550,!!43 50 3
(!rizona 3,665,228 24 8
Arkansas 2 350 725 33 6
California 29 760 021 1 54
Colorado 3,294,94 26 8
Connecticut 3,287,116 27 8
Delaware 666,J 68 46 3
Washington D.C. 606,900 48 3
Florida 12 937 926 4 25
Georgia 6,478,216 1 1 13
Hawaii 1,108,229 41 4
Idaho 1 006 749 42 4
Illinois 11 430 602 6 22
Indiana 5 544 159 14 12
Iowa 2 776 755 30 7
Kansas 2,477,:;i74 32 6
Kentucky 3,685,296 23 8
Louisiana 4,219,273 21 9
Maine 1,227,228 38 4
Maryland 4,781,468 19 10
Gustavus Student Repository
STRTE POPULRTION RRNK E.C. UOTES
Massachusetts 6,016,425 13 12
Michigan 9,295,297 8 18
Minnesota 4 375 099 20 10
Mississii;il!i 2,573,216 31 7
Missouri 5 117 073 15 1 1
Montana 799 065 44 3
Nebraska 1 578 385 3 6 5
Neuada 1 201 833 39 4
New Ham(!shire 1,109,252 40 4
New Jersey 7,730,188 9 15
New MeHico 1 515 069 37 5
New York 17 990 455 2 33
North Carolina 6,628,637 10 14
North Dakota 638 800 47 3
Ohio 1 0 847 115 7 21
Oklahoma 3 145 585 28 8
Oregon 2,842,321 29 7
Pennsyluania 11,881,643 5 23
Rhode Island 1 003 464 43 4
South Carolina 3,486,703 25 8
South Dakota 696 004 45 3
Tennessee 4 877 185 17 1 1
TeH!IS 16 986 510 3 32
Utah 1 722 850 35 5
Uermont 562 758 49 3
Uirginia 6,187,358 12 13
Washington 4,866,692 18 11
West Uirginia 1,793,477 34 5
Wisconsin 4 891 769 16 1 1
Wyoming 453,588 51 3
This malapportionment is made up for in other ways.
Bigger states haue more electoral uotes. They possess a greater
percentage of the total uotes in the Electoral College than the
Gustavus Student Repository
small states do. This supports the idea that uoters in big states
haue more influence than uoters in small states. One uoter in
Alaska has the power to affect how three electoral uotes are
allocated. One uoter in California has the power to affect how
54 electoral uotes are allocated. From this perspectiue one
popular uote in Alaska could equal three electoral uotes. One
uote in California could equal 54 electoral uotes. In this light,
the big states, in population terms, haue a distinct aduantage.
This is especially true in winner-take-all states. When looked at
from these different points of uiew, the aduantages and
disaduantages between big states and small states begin to
,,. euen out. (Bickel 5-6)
The designers' other reasons for implementing the Electoral
College system are simple. It was uery difficult to hold a direct
election with the technology of the time. A normal election
could be held, but if a crisis came about, there was no way for a
speedy election to be held. The technology was just not there.
Another reason the Electoral College was established was to
ensure that a sound choice for President was made. The electors
were assumed to be knowledgeable. Many people at the time of
Gustavus Student Repository
the Constitutional Conuention were farmers which means the
people at that time were uery spread out. In rural states or
communities, it was difficult to get information to the public.
People that uote with little or no information are much more
subject to making a bad choice for President or Uice-President
than are people with information.
The Electoral College was put into practice with the
candidate receiuing the most electoral uotes becoming the
President and the candidate receiuing the second most electoral
uotes becoming Uice-President. This might haue worked, but
political parties began to deuelop and this effectiuely put an end
to this type of Presidential and Uice-Presidential election
criteria.
The election of 1800 brought to life another problem.
Thomas Jefferson and Raron Burr tied with 73 electoral uotes
each. The reason that this turned into a problem regarding the
election of the President and Uice-President is that both men
were from the same Republican party and neither were
designated as Presidential or Uice-Presidential candidates. The
tie between the two candidates of the same party was thrown
Gustavus Student Repository
into the House of Representatiues. Here many deals were made
by the Republicans with the Federalist party for support of one
candidate or the other. This situation called for and demanded
reform of the election process. (Sayre and Parris 26-27)
Reform came with the Twelfth Amendment. This
Amendment prouided for separate uoting of Presidential
candidates and Uice-Presidential candidates. This would mean
that euen if the second place candidate for President had more
uotes than the first place candidate for Uice-President, the UicePresidential
candidate would win. If a candidate ran for one
office, he could not be elected to the other. People haue also
realized that it is undesirable to haue a President from one
party and haue a Uice President from an opposing party. They
simply do not work together as well as people from the same
party would. This is the basis for running mates in
contemporary elections.
The winner-take-all system, that is now in place and has
been in place since 1860 when South Carolina became the final
state to conuert to the general-ticket system, is a necessity for
the Electoral College to work fairly and efficiently. Many states
Gustavus Student Repository
diuided their electoral uotes in the early years of the Electoral
College, but this changed for two reasons. One reason is that
the dominant party in a state would fauor not splitting up the
electoral uotes while the less influential party would aduocate
splitting the electoral uote. Since the dominant party was in
control, the states normally ended up keeping their electoral
uotes together and unified. If some states kept their uotes
unified while others split their uotes among different
candidates, it is easy to see that those states that kept their
uotes together could influence the election more than those
states that split their uote.
If a state used all their uotes on one person, that was a
strong statement. If a state split their uotes 50/50 or 50/30/20,
then that state obuiously had less say in who won the election
because they haue effectiuely canceled themselues out. If
Minnesota gaue fiue uotes to Bob Dole and the other fiue uotes
to Bill Clinton, Minnesota would not haue tipped the election
scales towards one candidate or the other in the way that a
state that gaue all ten uotes to Clinton would haue. In order for
states to keep their present position of political power, states
Gustavus Student Repository
felt that they had to keep their uotes unified. Maine is the
eHception to this rule. Rs of 1972, Maine implemented a system
which is a uersion of the disrict plan. Maine's constant two
electoral uotes are based on a "statewide, winner take two
basis," while the other two uotes are to be determined by
uoters in each of two districts. Maine's electoral uotes can go
either 3- 1 or 4-0. (Longley and Braun 140)
Another reason that keeping their uotes unified is a
necessity is that if states started splitting their uotes again,
third and possibly fourth and fifth party candidates could steal
away enough Electoral College uotes to cause no candidate to
;" win the 270 uote majority needed to gain the Presidency. The
election would then be thrown into the House of Representatiues
in which the people's popular uote might be disregarded. It is
uery possible that the House of Representatiues will uote along
party lines. If this is the case, the President and the House of
Representatiues will be controlled by the same party. While this
is not necessarily a bad thing, the public has, in recent times,
chosen to haue control of the Presidency and Congress belong to
differing parties with 1992 being the notable eHception. This is a
Gustavus Student Repository
check on gouernment that the people themselues haue
implemented many times. If a majority of the Electoral
College's uotes do not go to some candidate, the public may not
haue an auenue to install this check.
The Electoral College system has serued its purpose for
many y ears. It has probably lasted longer than most eueryone
thought it would. Howeuer, the times and circumstances haue
changed; it is time to install a new method of electing our
President. Some specifics of the Electoral College can be a part
of a new electoral process, but it cannot be the whole. When an
electoral system discriminates against people, parties, and
candidates, the time has come for change. The Electoral College
has made many mistakes, all of which were euentually fiHed. In
this century howeuer, the Electoral College has not made an
election loser President with the possibility of the 1960
Presidential election. The outcome depended on disputed uotes
in Alabama and Hawaii. Otherwise, it has not happened for 1 08
y ears. There haue been close calls such as the election of 1960,
but none haue produced a President that has lost the popular
election. Akhil Reed Amar asks, "If We the People would amend
Gustavus Student Repository
the Constitution after the loser President materializes . . . why
are we now just waiting for the ineuitable accident to happen?"
(Rmar 2) Rmar raises a good argument. If we can see the
problems coming, should we not be taking steps to guard against
this Constitutional accident?
Chapter 2
Alternatiues to the Electoral College
There are many different alternatiues to the Electoral
College. RII of them haue specific attributes that are superior to
the Electoral College in certain ways and all haue specific
attributes that are not as good as some of the characteristics of
the Electoral College. The four main alternatiue plans as
recognized by most scholars are: the proportional plan, the
automatic plan, the district plan, and the direct-uote plan. Each
Gustavus Student Repository
is unique in i.ts own way and offers a refreshing uiew on the
election of the President.
The Proportional Plan
The basic idea of the proportional plan is that a set number
of popular uotes equals a giuen number of electoral uotes. There
haue been many uariations of the proportional plan. The first
proportional was deueloped as early as 1848 by William T.
Lawrence. His particular plan abolished the office of the elector.
The most recent proposal was in 1950 in which the issue was
dropped because the plan did not haue the two thirds majority
required for amendment status. In many proportional plan
proposals the position of elector was terminated. This would
reduce the conflicts and problems inuolued with disputed elector
uotes cast by electors that thought and uoted their own mind
instead of merely acting.
In 1877, Jordan F. Crauens, along with Leui Maish and
William Springer were the first to propose a proportional plan
that calculated what the popular uote would equal in terms of
electoral uotes out to the nearest one-thousandth. Before this
idea was brought up, most plans consisted of 54 percent of the
Gustavus Student Repository
uote equaling 1 0 electoral uotes in a state with 20 electoral
uotes. In the Crauens plan a candidate receiuing 54 percent of
the ouerall uote would receiue 10.8 electoral uotes. This type of
proportional plan makes it much more accurate in reflecting the
popular uote. If the popular uote is 54 percent to 46 percent,
this is a large difference but if this is translated into a 1 0 to 10
tie, this is not an accurate representation of the popular uote of
the state. Crauen's plan solues this problem and most
proportional plans since 1877 use this method of computation.
(Peirce 144)
It has been argued that the proportional plan "will render
• almost impossible the election of a minority candidate" (Peirce
146). Under the present sy stem, Ross Perot receiued 19 percent
of the popular uote and 0 percent of the electoral uote. The
proportional plan would haue giuen Perot somewhere near 19
percent if not eHactly 19 percent of the electoral uote. It does
not seem like it is getting less likely for a third party candidate
to be elected, but the contrary seems to be true. R third party
candidate seems to haue a much greater chance of getting
elected. Instead of receiuing no electoral uotes and haue the
Gustavus Student Repository
portion of the population be denied all representation, the
proportional plan will prouide the candidate with some electoral
uotes and that portion of the electorate that uoted for him some
representation. This would lead to the ideal situation, that
being, "Euery uote would count" (Peirce 147).
Other arguments against the proportional plan include: 1)
the weakening of federalism, states would haue to break up
their electoral uotes, 2) one-party states would haue an
aduantage ouer other states because they would possess a
disproportionate weight on their uotes, 3) the two-party system
would be in danger because of minority political groups gaining
ground in each election, 4) a person with a minority of the
popular uote could still be elected, 5) distorted reflection of
distribution of popular uotes, 6) reducing the President-elects
margin of uictory and therefore the power and legitimacy of his
mandate to gouern, and 7) small states would haue an
aduantage ouer big states because the constant two uotes
would still be in effect. (Peirce 147- 148, Longley and Braun 55-
56)
Gustavus Student Repository
The District Plan
The district plan has been around since the beginnings of
the uoting system and has euen been used in some states. The
district plan is somewhere between the Electoral College system
and the proportional plan. The district plan is designed so that
both uotes that euery state has, known as the constant two, go
to the candidate that has the most popular uotes in that state.
The rest of the uotes are decided by the winner-take-all system
that eHists in the Electoral College today, but it is just appl
Violent and Non-Violent Nationalist Movements: What Dictates their Presence and Outcome
No full textIn my quest for an answer to the question of violence in nationalist movements, I have focused my research around Northern Ireland and Scotland. I have picked these two countries because of their similar history. I have limited my study of nationalist movements to Northern Ireland and Scotland as suggested by Coner Cruise O'Brien, who is a leading researcher of Irish nationalism. He suggests that it is easier to compare different countries nationalist movements if there [sic] history is similar. Similar historical events cut down on a variables of differences between the studies. The more comparable the study, the better conclusion can be drawn from the study. By the recommendation of Hans Kohn, another leading researcher on nationalism, my case studies of Northern Ireland and Scotland have started from the roots of these countries. I have followed there [sic] historical paths through their joining with England and there [sic] part in the United Kingdom from its foundation to the present.Violent and Non-Violent Nationalist Movements:
What Dictates their Presence and Outcome?
Jennifer Gould
fo/,j,,:,!./ Sc,.11tcR -(1/s--i-Y
/11?
Gustavus Student Repository
Chapter 1: Exploring Nationalism
Nationalism is a word that is being used often in
conversations around the world today. The word nationalism
seems to come with two different contexts, one good and one
bad; however, the unflattering context of nationalism seems
to be the one most often heard in conversations today.
Nationalism is a word often used when speaking about the
crisis in Bosnia or about the problems of Northern Ireland;
however, there are other places in the world were
nationalist movements are taking place. Examples of these
nationalist movements that are not heard of much are
Scotland or Belgium. The reason that the movements in
Belgium and Scotland are never talked about is because there
is no violence associated with these movements. I believe
Af /f'r;.d-that
there are
A
two different kinds of nationalist movements.
A nationalist movement that ends up in violence and a
Gustavus Student Repository
nationalist movement that stays peaceful. The question that
this paper addresses is why do some movements become violent
and other movements stay non-violent?
In my quest for an answer to the question of violence
in nationalist movements, I have focused my research around
Northern Ireland and Scotland. I have picked these two
countries because of their similar history. I have limited
my study of nationalist movements to Northern Ireland and
Scotland as suggested by Coner Cruise O'Brien, who is a
leading researcher of Irish nationalism. He suggests that
it is easier to compare different countries nationalist
movements if there history is similar. Similar historical
events cut down on a variables of differences between the
studies. The more comparable the study, the better
conclusion can be drawn from the study. By the
recommendation of Hans Kohn,. another; leadip.g researcher on
nationalism, my case studies of Northern Ireland and
Scotland have started from the roots of these countries. I
have followed there historical paths through their joining
with England and there part in the United Kingdom from its
foundation to the present.
I have also chosen to study nationalist groups and
their leaders in Northern Ireland and Scotland. I have
chosen this method of research on the recommendation of W.B.
Gustavus Student Repository
Pillsbury. Pillsbury argues that it is perceived that
nationalist thoughts have no one voice, so the conclusion
should be that a nation's voice would be a collection of
majorities' voices, however, this is not the case.
Pillsbury claims the opposite. He say that when individuals
come together their voices and opinions change inside a
group. This is why in order to study the seeds of
nationalism, individuals or small groups must be studied,
but in order to study nationalism as a whole a researcher
must study the country or groups' views.
Before preceding any further, I beleve that it is
important to address what nationalism. is. According to
leading nationalist researchers, Carlton J.H. Hayes and Hans
Kohn, nations exists when people living in nations
boundaries share a common decent, language, territory,
political entity, customs and traditions, and religion. I
believe that the very definition of nationaliss tac-;6,n., u/4,
nationalist movements to become violent. People want a
government which shares their language, culture, history,
tradition, and religion. They want to. be governed over a by
a body that shares these traits with thm.
The following chapters are case.studies that outline
the history of two different kinds of nationalist movements
and the underlined reasons behind these movements. I see
Gustavus Student Repository
Northern Ireland is a wonderful example of a nationalist
movement that has lead to violence, while Scotland has a
nationalist movement that is active, but non-violent. The
remarkable thing about these two movements is that both of
these countries have the same adversary, England.
works Cited
Hayes, Carlton J.H. Essays on Nationalism. The Macmillan Company. New
York. 1926.
Hayes, Carlton J .H. Nat:ionalism: A Religion. The macmillan Company.
New York. 1960.
Kohn, Hans. Nationalism: Its Meaning and History. D. Van Nostrand
Company, Inc. Princeton, New Jersey. 1955.
O'Brien, Coner Cruise. Ancestral Voices; Religion and Nationalis.m in
Ireland. Dublin, Ireland. 1994 ..
Gustavus Student Repository
Chapter 2: Case Study on Nationalism in
Northern Ireland
The Irish and the English have been at war for as long
as the history books go back. After many centuries of
battling between English land lords and the different Irish
clans, a defining event that has molded the present Irish
conflict took place on July 12, 1690. It is called the
Battle of the Boyne. The Battle of the Boyne was a battle
between the Protestant forces of William of Orange and those
of his Catholic father-in-law, King James II of England.
The victory went to William of Orange. The loss of King
James II Catholic force's consolidated Protestant supremacy
in England and ultimately in the Ulster region. The Battle
of the Boyne is still referred to by Catholics as a battle
that needs to be revenged.
Gustavus Student Repository
For the next two hundred and fifty years Ireland was
ruled by England. The English had many problems with
establishing there dominance in Ireland, so there solution
to this problem was to settle English, Scottish, and Welsh
people in Ireland so that order could be established there.
These English, Scottish, and Welsh mostly settled in
northern part of Ireland. Generations of these transplanted
British people have flourished in Ireland.
The second event that has greatly defined the present
Northern Ireland situation was the 1921 election for the
free state of Ireland. Pre-1921, the United Kingdom ruled
over all of present Republic of Ireland and Northern
Ireland. Through these years the people of Ireland had been
calling for their independence; however, England had been
concerned about giving independence to Ireland because of
the number of English, Scottish, and Welsh that had settled
in Ireland over the past three hundred years. These
settlers considered themselves to be English and wanted to
stay part of the United Kingdom.
In 1921, the British government allowed Ireland vote on
their independence. The arrangement was that if a majority
of Ireland wanted to be independent, that independence would
be granted. Ireland voted overwhelmingly to be independent
as a whole; however, the majority of the Irish state of
Gustavus Student Repository
Ulster, which was densely populated with English (about 70%)
voted down independence. As a result of these elections,
six of the then seven Irish states were granted independence
and are the present Republic of Ireland. The seventh state,
Ulster, remained part of the United Kingdom and is called
Northern Ireland. The leaders of the Republic of Ireland
would not acknowledge the part of Northern Ireland that
Britain still claimed. The claming of Northern Ireland by
Britain has caused them nothing but trouble ever since, most
of which has been caused by the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
The IRA first made its appearance before the
independence of the Republic of Ireland. It was a
successful player in the winning on the Republic of
Ireland's independence from Britain. The IRA appeared again
in the 1930's and 1950's. It continued to call for the end
of two separate Ireland's, however, it was unsuccessful
because of lack of support.
By the 1960's the Irish Catholics of Northern Ireland
were tired of being treated as second-class citizens.
Massive peaceful demonstrations demanding equality in jobs
and housing were taking place. The Catholics were inspired
by broadcasts of the BBC which were showing the civil rights
demonstration that were taking place in the United States.
The Irish Catholics felt that Martin Luther King Jr. was
Gustavus Student Repository
talking to them to non violently protest the wrongs that
were being inflected upon them. The purpose of the BBC for
showing the unrest in the United States was to make the
united States look as if it could not handle its own
problems. Instead, this backfired and started civil unrest
in Northern Ireland. The Catholic "civil rights"
demonstrations lead to counter demonstration by Protestant
extremist. This lead to serious social disorders.
The present violence was started in 1968. It started
with a Catholic-led "civil rights" demonstration that was
protesting against political and social discrimination.
These small social disorders lead to larger disorders. The
final result is referred to as "Bloody Sunday". "Bloody
Sunday" accrued on January 30, 1972. It was a Catholic
civil rights march at Londonderry (a city populated by both
Protestants and Catholics) was infiltrated by hooligan
elements. This resulted in thirteen civilians being killed
in a clash of Irish Catholics and British troops. "Bloody
Sunday" started a wave of violence that is still ongoing in
Northern Ireland today.
These are defining historic events, but there are many
recent events that have shaped the present situation in
Northern Ireland, including United States involvement. The
first of these defining events was the cease-fire announced
Gustavus Student Repository
by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) on September 1, 1994.
This announcement of the IRA cease-fire was shortly followed
by the cease-fire announced by the combined loyalist
military commend, which represent gunmen of the Protestant
side of the Northern Ireland conflict.
At this time, I feel that it is important to inform
the reader of the main political and military groups that
are serious players in the Northern Ireland conflict. The
most often heard about player is Sinn Fein faction of the
IRA. It serves as the legal political wing of the outlawed
Provisional Irish Republican Army. The 1987 Sinn Fein
manifesto demanded improvements in living and working
conditions for its primarily Catholic working class. It
also calls for the disbanding of British security forces,
the withdrawal of Britain from the Northern Ireland
government, and negotiation of a political settlement
through an all-Ireland constitutional conference. Gerry
Adams is the present President of the Sinn Fein faction of
the IRA.
The leading Protestant party is the Ulster Unionist
Party (UUP) . In the past the UUP has attempted to disrupt
local government in protest of the Anglo-Irish accord. The
UUP leader is Josias Cunningham.
Gustavus Student Repository
The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) split from the UUP
in 1988. The DUP, led by Rev. Ian Paisley, has long adhered
to a "no negotiation" policy. In addition, the party
mainstream appears recently to have moved away from an
"integrationalist" to a "devolutionist" posture that favors
a provincial government with relatively strong legislative
and executive powers.
The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) are a
largely Catholic, left-of-center party that has advanced as
its goal of reunification of Ireland by popular consent.
They also want Catholics to be granted full political and
social rights in the interim. The SDLP leaders have taken
part in various initiatives aimed at facilitation a
negotiated settlement. The formal leader of the SDLP is
John Lowry.
The final party of concern is the Workers' Party (WP) .
The WP is the Northern Ireland wing of the Workers' Party in
the Irish Republic. It supports a goal of a "socialist
republic" for a unified Ireland but most of its activity is
devoted to local issues effecting the working class of
Belfast. Its leader is Tom French. On December 1, 1994,
the leaders of these radical political and military groups
meet publicly for the first time in 22 years.
Gustavus Student Repository
Between December 1994 and February 1996, not much
progress was made over the peace talk table in Northern
Ireland. The stall came between the IRA and the British
government. The British government wanted the IRA to
decrease and possibly eliminate there estimated 100 tons of
weapons and explosives. Before the IRA will agree to
decrease their arsenal, they want the British government
decrease their troop size presents in Northern Ireland.
Presently, there are eighteen thousand British troops
stationed in Northern Ireland. over this year and a half
window, only 400 troops have been removed from Northern
Ireland. This did not satisfy the IRA' S demands.
In early February 1996, the IRA declared the cease-fire
over. It broke the seventeen month cease-fire by detonating
a massive truck bomb in the east London Docklands. This
bomb killed two newspaper vendors and wounded many. This
bomb also did extensive damage to the new lucrative
industrial center of London.
The Irish Catholic population has been growing in
Northern Ireland since the 1960' s. It is estimated that
they are presently about 40% of the Northern Ireland
population. With a continuance of poverty among the
Catholic population it is estimated that the Catholic
Gustavus Student Repository
population will grow to be 50% of the Northern Ireland
population in the next thirty years.
Northern Ireland towns are predominately Protestant or
Catholic. This cuts down on the confrontations among the
different groups; however, in the big cities, such as
Belfast and Londonderry (Derry) , both groups co-exist. The
Protestants and Catholics have different sections of town
that they eat, drink and live in. Exhibit 1 shows some of
the hate murals that appear on houses in the different
communities.
Economically, all Northern Ireland would be better off
to stay part of the United Kingdom. The Republic of Ireland
is almost a third world country that has little industry and
too many people. On the other side, Britain provides a
great social welfare system, education, and good public
utilities. Northern Ireland living would change drastically
if Britain pulled out and stopped their economic support to
Northern Ireland.
In early 1996 President Clinton granted a visa to Gerry
Adams, the leader of the IRA, for March of 1996. Gerry
Adams' agenda was fund raising for the IRA. He was also
invited it the White House for a St. Patrick' s day lunchen.
This decision of President Clinton generated two different
reactions from each side of this conflict.
Gustavus Student Repository
Many officials from the Irish Republic and moderate
political figures in Northern Ireland have said that
President Clinton's decision to grant Adams' a visa was
crucial in enabling him to convince the IRA militants that
good behavior and peaceful gestures would be recognized and
rewarded. Adams has been quoted as saying, "Every time he
(President Clinton) engaged in this peace process, his
engagement has been positive and has had the effect of
moving the peace process forward."!
John Major, the former Prime minister of Britain, and
members of the British parliament have different views as to
President Clinton's involvement in the Northern Ireland
conflict. They are especially upset about Clinton's
invitation to Gerry Adams to hold a fund raising trip in the
united States. John Major reportedly refused to accept
President Clinton's phone calls for a week because he was so
outraged by Clinton's decisions. After finally excepting
President Clinton's phone call, John Major insisted that the
IRA had not made a firm commitment to decommissioning of
arms. Members of the British Parliament were outraged.
Legislator David Wilshire was quoted as saying, " I am
appalled and disgusted. This is further proof that bombing
1 "Sinn Fein opens its first office in U.S., seeks talks on disarming" Star Tribune (News
Service) 15 March 1995: 2A.
Gustavus Student Repository
and shooting works."2 After John Major and members of the
British Parliament calmed down, multi-party peace talks
started again on June 10, 1996; however, the IRA was not
invited to these talks because they would not re-instate the
cease-fire.
These peace talks did not get far because of President
Clinton's visit to Northern Ireland in November of 1996. It
has been unofficially reported that John Major stopped
progress of the peace talks because he did not want
President Clinton to take any credit for the talk"s
progression. A crowd of over 50,000 turned out to see
President Clinton turn on the Christmas tree lights outside
Belfast's city hall and to hear him give a speech on
standing up to violence. Members of the crowd were reported
as saying that Clinton has renewed hope and inspired
everyone.
Rich in symbolism, Clinton's visit was designed to
build up momentum in the peace process and a sense of
accomplishment in the cease-fire. The journey, with a stop
in Dublin, was also politically motivated because 44 million
Americans, including President Clinton himself, claim some
Irish ancestry.
2 "Clinton invites Sinn Fein leader to U.S." Star Tribune (Asssociated Press) 19 March
1995: 2A.
Gustavus Student Repository
The peace talks are still stuck at the same point that
they were two years ago. The IRA refuses to disarm until
British troops pull out of Northern Ireland. With the end
of the cease-fire, it seems very unlikely that British
troops will be leaving Ireland anytime soon.
There are economic reasons, humanitarian issues, public
pressure, and foreign policy issues that all contribute to
the United States actions in Northern Ireland. One of the
most important issues is the economic reasoning behind the
United States concern in Northern Ireland. Foreign
investors, including U. S. investors, have been drawn to
Ulster by lucrative financial incentives and its proximity
to the European market. It is reported the U. S. companies
alone employ 11% of the industrialized work force in
Northern Ireland. This is why many U. S. companies want the
united States to stay involved in the Northern Ireland
conflict. These U. S. companies want to promote stability in
the region, so the business can further invest there.
THE ENGLISH STANCE ON NORTHERN IRELAND
It is common assumption that if England could get out
of Northern Ireland in a dignified way, it would in a
second. The only thing that Northern Ireland does for
Gustavus Student Repository
Britain as a whole is drain its resources and embarrass
Britain on a world level. Northern Ireland is a poor
country with a very limited amount of resources. Because of
the lack of jobs, the British welfare system spends a lot of
its money on Northern Ireland.
Northern Ireland was been nothing but an embarrassment
to England for years now. In 1976, the European Court of
Human Rights found Britain guilty of torture and in 1978
Britain was found guilty of inhuman treatment of its
prisoners. Both of these incidents and many to follow have
involved situations involving Catholics in Northern Ireland.
The European Court has condemned Britain more often than any
other nation for human rights violations. Of the fortythree
cases that have come before the European Court
involving Britain, most of them have involved incidents in
Northern Ireland, and out of those forty-three, in thirty
cases Britain was found guilty. In one case in which the
court heard and found Britain guilty in, was for using
rubber bullets that have killed many civilians, including
woman and children. However, rather than change its
practices, Britain has suspended its due-process obligations
under the European Court of Human Rights.
While the British Parliament would probably like to
take a more active position on the problem in Northern
Gustavus Student Repository
Ireland, they will have a hard time doing so. Northern
Ireland sends delegates to the British Parliament. With the
Tory Party, lead by John Major, only holding the British
Parliament by a couple of votes, which includes most of the
Northern Ireland delegates, it would have significant
effects on the Tory party if they tried to do something.
However, on May 3, 1997, the power transformed from the long
standing politically dominate Tory Party to the Labour
Party, lead by Tony Blair. They now hold a comfortable
majority in the House of Parliament. With a change in
power, the British stance on Northern Ireland could change
drastically in the next few months.
Works Cited
Banks, Arther S. , Day, Alan J. , Muller, Thomas C.
Handbook of the World 1995-1996 New York:
Publications, 1995. (1002-1008)
Political
CSA
"Britain chilly as Irish nationalist joins Clinton St. Pat's day fete"
Star Tribune (Washington Post) 18 March 1995: 2A.
"Britain to remove 400 troops from northern Ireland" Star Tribune
(News Service) 15 March 1995: 2A.
"Bomb injures 200, IRA blamed" Star Tribune (News Service) 16 June
1996: lA.
"Clinton invites Sinn Fein leader to U .. S .. " Star Tribune (Associated
Press) 10 March 1995: 2A.
"Clinton tells northe
Community Organizing and Its Role in Producing Social Change
No full textLast semester, as part of my Political Science major, I participated in the HECUA internship program. In the Metro Urban Studies Term, my classmates and myself examined the root causes of economic, social, educational and political inequality in the urban core of the Twin Cities. We talked to many people around the city, public officials, welfare mothers, neighborhood organizers, artists, teachers, and corporate heads. We discussed with each individual various aspects of urban inequality and gained insight into the perception of inequality from people in this individual's demographic. We learned that while the majority of people want to help members of poor communities, the programs through which each attempts to remedy the causes of inequality vary tremendously. Some individuals favor letting the members of poor communities help themselves, while others promote large government programs that will alleviate problems of inequality. We saw in action many of these people's efforts and attempts to remedy the effects that inequality has on the city's urban core. After observing many of these programs, be they the recent welfare reform legislation, neighborhood development initiatives funded by the government, or community art projects, all successful programs had at their core a highly organized, active, and well-informed constituency. Many of the groups that were able to effect positive change relied heavily on funding from corporations, government, or from their membership, but groups without major funding, like the immigrant population in the Twin Cities, were also able to exert tremendous power because of a well-organized acting body. It soon became clear to me that the key to promoting positive social change is the organizing of people around specific issues. When this group can attract a sizable and active membership, they will be able to challenge the institutions of power and have their voice be heard. And this is particularly important in poor communities and neighborhoods in America's cities, where individuals have limited monetary resources with which to influence public officials. Organizing at the neighborhood and community level is truly democracy at work- individual citizens, lacking in monetary resources, brought together to stand up for issues that they feel are important and convincing elected officials to act on their behalf. In this paper I will examine first the roots of community organizing and its various incarnations it takes on in response to societal conditions. Next, I will examine some of the common characteristics that successful organizing institutions use when mobilizing a community. In the third section, I will present a case study on the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative, a very successful community organization in Boston. After that, I will move on to the role of the community organizer and explain some important characteristics that they must have. Finally, I will explain some of the obstacles that community organizers are facing and will face going into the twenty-first century.Community Organizing and Its Role in
Producing Social Change
Political Science Thesis
5/12/98
Dan Meylink Jr.
Gustavus Student Repository
"The person who acts alone has very little power. When people join together and
organize, they increase their ability to get things done. The goal is to strengthen
their collective capacities to bring about social change."i - Lee Staples
Last semester, as part of my Political Science major, I participated in the HECUA
internship program. In the Metro Urban Studies Term, my classmates and myself
examined the root causes of economic, social, educational and political inequality in the
urban core of the Twin Cities. We talked to many people around the city, public officials,
welfare mothers, neighborhood organizers, artists, teachers, and corporate heads. We
discussed with each individual various aspects of urban inequality and gained insight into
the perception of inequality from people in this individual's demographic. We learned
that while the majority of people want to help members of poor communities, the
programs through which each attempts to remedy the causes of inequality vary
tremendously. Some individuals favor letting the members of poor communities help
themselves, while others promote large government programs that will alleviate problems
of inequality. We saw in action many of these people's efforts and attempts to remedy
the effects that inequality has on the city's urban core. After observing many of these
programs, be they the recent welfare reform legislation, neighborhood development
2
Gustavus Student Repository
initiatives funded by the government, or community art projects, all successful programs
had at their core a highly organized, active, and well-informed constituency. Many of the
groups that were able to effect positive change relied heavily on funding from
corporations, government, or from their membership, but groups without major funding,
like the immigrant population in the Twin Cities, were also able to exert tremendous
power because of a well-organized acting body. It soon became clear to me that the key
to promoting positive social change is the organizing of people around specific issues.
When this group can attract a sizable and active membership, they will be able to
challenge the institutions of power and have their voice be heard. And this is particularly
important in poor communities and neighborhoods in America's cities, where individuals
have limited monetary resources with which to influence public officials. Organizing at
the neighborhood and community level is truly democracy at work- individual citizens,
lacking in monetary resources, brought together to stand up for issues that they feel are
important and convincing elected officials to act on their behalf. In this paper I will
examine first the roots of community organizing and its various incarnations it takes on in
response to societal conditions. Next I will examine some of the common characteristics
that successful organizing institutions use when mobilizing a community. In the third
section, I will present a case study on the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative, a very
successful community organization in Boston. After that, I will move on to the role of
the community organizer and explain some important characteristics that they must have.
Finally I will explain some of the obstacles that community organizers are facing and will
face going into the twenty-first century.
3
Gustavus Student Repository
History of Community Organizing
The history of community organizing in America can be divided into six main
periods in time, with each era of organizing developing in response to societal or political
pressures of its time. The first period of community organizing began in 1886 and
continued until the Great Depression in 1929. The first generation of community
organizers sought to resolve the conflicts of urban life that the industrial revolution had
created through education and interclass communication. In social settlements,
community centers, and neighborhood health clinics, community workers put into
practice their ideals of a "progressive democracy." They wanted to resolve the conflicts
that had evolved during the rapid change of the industrial revolution without challenging
the existing class system. Liberal corporate leaders and political figures set the tone for
the early reform movement through their strategy of "corporate liberalism." This new
strategy sought, or course, to maximize profits, but also stressed the need to develop more
liberal mechanisms and attitudes that would minimize conflict and disorder and promote
industrial harmony. It was within the emerging political economy of corporate liberalism
that urban community reformers began the first neighborhood organization movement in
American history. Community organization in this first period is typified by the Social
Settlement Movement. In this movement, college-educated men and women, often the
sons and daughters of moderate wealth, established settlements in the slums of New York
and offered services to community residents. These settlements offered classes in
English, civics, literature, and wood and sheet-metal working; provided services such as
legal aid, employment assistance, health care, nurseries, and public baths; and sponsored
4
Gustavus Student Repository
recreational and athletic programs. Some of the more progressive settlements encouraged
neighborhood groups, labor unions, and would permit radicals to use the house for
discussions on current issues. For the most part, though, the settlements refrained from
engaging in political action, and limited their activity to providing necessary services for
residents of urban neighborhoods_ii
The corporate liberal strategy that guided the first generation of community
organizers depended on a prosperous economy. The social settlement programs were
costly and could only operate when corporate profits were large enough to cover the costs
of business as well as social programs. When the stock market crashed in 1929, and the
Great Depression began, the settlement programs were all but abandoned. From 1929-
1946, neighborhood organizing took on a radical nature and sought to challenge the
existing sources of power. fu response to the inability of the government to curb the
Depression, protest groups organized urban neighborhoods, where unemployment was
endemic. While protest groups developed first at the local level, they primarily saw
community organizing as the best means for forming a national party, or a nationwide
insurgent movement that could effectively address the failures of the American economy.
The Socialists and Communists mounted impressive campaigns and attracted large
numbers of people during the height of the Depression. President Roosevelt's New Deal
programs in the late 30's and early 40's helped stimulate a national industrial workers
movement, which in tum created a host of community organizing projects in workingclass
neighborhoods. Saul Alinsky's Back of the Yards Council, a neighborhood
organization in the Chicago stockyards, is the best known and most significant of these
projects. Alinsky's method of organizing, later dubbed "Alinskyism", has five essential
5
Gustavus Student Repository
elements: I. The professional organizer is the catalyst for social change. 2. The task is to
build a democratic community-based organization. 3. The goal is to win power. 4. Any
tactics necessary should be used. 5. A people's organization must be pragmatic and
nonideological. Alinsky believed that the system could work for working-class people if
they could only attain power, and therefore become party to the decision-making process.
He felt that pragmatism was a key to achieving this power because ideologies would only
narrow the group's focus and limit their potential for attaining success. Alinsky enjoyed
a tremendous amount of success with the council, obtaining pay raises for workers in the
stock yards and funding from the city's community chest. More importantly, the group
created a relationship between radical union leaders, priests, small buisnesspeople, and
neighborhood residents that gave the members of the Back of the Yards community a
sense of their ability and power to affect change and restore a sense of dignity and pride
in their neighborhood. Alinsky's successes were ultimately overshadowed by the drift of
the council to reaction and racism. While the council was able to win victories and
achieve power, they did not put forth a clear anti-racist ideology for the group, or engage
in political education, especially on issues like racism. They did not seek to form
alliances with black organizations in the neighborhood, or engage in other coalitions that
could foster the development of a multiracial organization. Alinsky focused only on
achieving success and chose the path of least resistance, while ignoring potentially
destructive issues like race_iii
After World War II, neighborhood organizing once again developed within a
specific historical context that determined its nature and success. The highly conservative
and anti-Communist nature of the political climate in the years after the war isolated
6
Gustavus Student Repository
many of the radical organizers and radical organizing all but stopped. Conservative
efforts at building support for the Cold War and "protecting" middle- and upper-class
neighborhoods became the dominant forms of neighborhood organizing. Organizing for
social change had little place in the Cold War economy, where the roots of the "affluent
society" were in economic and military expansion and the national and international
level, not in local development.iv American community development efforts in this
period took place not in our borders, but in Third World nations, where economic and
social progress could be used to "prevent the spread of Communism" and "to build
customers for an ever expanding [US] economy."v The most prominent form of
neighborhood organizing efforts in this era were the neighborhood improvement
associations that sprung up throughout the nation, notably in new, affluent suburban
areas. These associations had two main goals, enhancement and protection.
Enhancement included efforts to secure public services, control taxes, promote uniform
and homogeneous development, and to generally oversee the development of the
community. More importantly, the association served to protect property values and
community homogeneity by opposing commercial development and excluding members
of lower classes and racial minorities. Neighborhood improvement associations do not
use confrontation tactics to advance their objectives, or encourage active membership.
Associations instead rely on their affluence to work quietly and cooperatively behind the
scenes as interest group "brokers" for their neighborhood. Often neighborhood
associations are excluded from histories of community organizing, but this conservative
form of community organizing predates most progressive forms of community organizing
7
Gustavus Student Repository
and some studies have shown that it is more common, lasts longer, and can exhibit more
pressure in local politics than can organizing efforts in working-class neighborhoods.Vi
The shift in organizing styles in the 60' s was similar to that which occurred in the
late 20's and early 30's. Radical organizing efforts responding to the contradictions of
life in the "affluent society" once again became prevalent. The leading efforts in
community organizing in the early part of the 60's were the Student Non-violent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Each
group emphasized the value of radical, community-based organizing and each focused its
attention on developing new forms of grassroots political action based on their ideal of
participatory democracy. In these two groups, participatory democracy became an
ideology of both goals and methods, a vague vision of how to get people together, act
together and win power together. Their perspective was primarily anarchistic in that they
wanted to create a spontaneous, decentralized, antiauthoritarian movement that would
stand in stark contrast to the current bureaucratic system. Based on these ideals, a unique
organizing style took shape: 1. Be a catalyst, not a leader. 2. Let the people decide. 3.
Develop loose organizational structures. 4. Establish places in the community free of
external restraints. 5. Develop indigenous leaders. 6. Create supportive personal
relationships. These basic ingredients were designed to maximize participation in the
organization by community people. The organizer would serve as a catalyst and
facilitator for the community organization, but the ultimate goal of the organizer would
be to work his or herself out of a job. These two organizations were very successful in
the civil rights movement, eventually teaming up with black leadership to force the
government's passage of civil rights legislation. But with this passage, SNCC and SDS
8
Gustavus Student Repository
were at a loss as to which strategy a radical organization should follow once the
government had become a partner to civil rights reform. SDS gave up on community
organizing and returned to college campuses, while the SNCC began advocating black
nationalism, and adopted the organizing style of the Black Panther Party.vii
The sound economic foundation that the US had enjoyed since World War II
began to crack as the worldwide imperial system of American capital faltered in the face
of insurgency in the Third World, exemplified by the costly war in Vietnam, and
increased competition from Japan and West Germany. Unemployment once again began
to rise and the economy went into recession. The government responded to urban
problems with harsh conservative strategies, restricting services to the poorest areas of
cities, and cutting back on government support programs. The people affected by these
policies responded by forming neighborhood organizations to protect their interests. The
organizations they formed were not radical like those of the 60's, but populist in ideology.
These organizations were critical of the economic system, but saw bigness and
unaccountable power, rather than capitalism, as the fundamental problem. Harry Boyte
compares the New Populism of the 70's with the radical organizing of the 60's when he
says that "contemporary citizen organizing is more down to earth, more practical, above
all more enduring and rooted in the social fabric [than sixties organizing]. It seeks to
build organizations through which the people can wield power. It is accompanied by a
sense of rightness, creativity, and vitality in people's traditions, folkways, and culture that
sixties radicals were prone to scorn or dismiss."viii More progressive populist groups also
existed during this period, and many reflected a modification of Alinsky methods, thus
spawning a "neo-Alinskyite" organizing strategy. The essence of these groups was to
9
Gustavus Student Repository
develop mass political organizations rooted in neighborhoods, grounded in local concerns
and focused on winning concrete gains. The goal was to advance social and economic
democracy, empower people, and challenge existing power institutions both inside and
outside the neighborhood. ACORN (Arkansas Community Organizations for Reform
Now) was established in 1970 and was one of the earliest and most successful neoAlinskyite
organizations. For ACORN, the neighborhood was the training ground from
which to mount larger campaigns for democracy, equity and justice.
The economic slide that began in 1970 continued through the 1980' s. While the
economy expanded and inflation fell between the early 1970's and 1990, the gap between
the rich and the poor increased tremendously, the average weekly wage or working
Americans fell nearly to W.W.II levels and the number of working poor doubled.
Mounting social problems and cutbacks in spending on social and public programs
caused many people in the 80's to get involved in community organizing. Current neoconservative
programs tend to be directed from above by corporate leaders or heavily
influenced by "partnerships" with banks and development agencies. They try to
demonstrate a shared, mutual interest between the poor and oppressed on the one hand
and the economically privileged and politically connected on the other. Neopopulist
movements strive to meet community needs and to attract more people to a political
vision of social, economic, and political democracy, one that will challenge the current
institutions of power. The goals of new populist grassroots organizing reflect its leftwing
heritage and roots in the oppositional social movements of past generations.
Community Development Corporations, which had originated in the 60' s, were also
affected by the changing economic climate. CDC's primary goal to correct the market's
10
Gustavus Student Repository
failure to provide jobs and services to the community took a step back as the bottom line
became economic viability_ix
The economic trends of the past two decades have continued on into the nineties.
The gap between rich and poor in America continues to increase and the globalization of
national economies has created an even more competitive marketplace. Businesses,
thanks to advances in technology and transportation, are able to move around the world in
an effort to maximize profits, leaving the working class American more vulnerable than
ever. Community organizing efforts continue, be they radical, populist, or conservative,
and each draws from the rich historical traditions of organizing to discover the most
effective means of dealing with present societal conditions.
Characteristics of Successful Organizing
Although community organizing has no guaranteed formula for success, there are
some key characteristics of community organizing that are common to organizations that
become powerful agents of change. The first characteristic of successful organizing is
fostering communication between the members of a community. Organizers must create
an atmosphere where the members of the community are encouraged to come together to
address the problems that they face. Community members may have previously had little
or no real contact with one another, and many believe that the problems they face are
unique to them. The people of the community need to be brought together so that in
discussing their problems, they may realize that their situation is not unique. They will
also realize that their problems do not solely result from their own deficiencies and
11
Gustavus Student Repository
failures, but primari
Prisons: Overpopulation and the need for better solutions in Rehabilitation
No full textWhy are prisons overcrowded? Are there alternative methods of punishment other than imprisonment? Could a focus on rehabilitation be a start to keeping the increasing population of persons behind bars from returning to prison and lower the crime rate at the same time?Prisons:
Overpopulation
and the need
- - for better solutions
in Rehabilitation
R £Bfc(A R»';fJJ
4l>Ak1 \ qi
Gustavus Student Repository
Why are prisons overcrowded? Are there alternative
methods of punishment other than imprisonment? Could a focus
on rehabilitation be a start to keeping the increasing
population of persons behind bars from returning to prison
and lower the crime rate at the same time?
Currently, one of the main controversial issues dealing
with correction institutions in the United States deals with
the over crowding of prisons. In many cases, individuals who
commit serious crimes are released early and those who commit
less serious crimes are locked for longer periods of time.
With the tough war and drugs or the "three strikes you're
out" laws, drug users, dealers, and other criminals are
spending more time in prison than a rapist, child molester,
and in some cases even murderers.
One solution is to focus on rehabilitation for those
people whose crimes are not quite as serious. Some
institutions have facilities or programs for criminals to
attain their GED or even a college degree and some offer
manual labor programs to learn a trade. These programs are a
start, but more are needed to prevent reoccurrences of all
crimes. These sort of programs may be useful outside of
prison walls as well for those criminals who commit less
serious crimes and can be rehabilitated back into the
community. With these programs, criminals get a sense of
responsibility, get an education, and feel important which is
a large step in reducing the chance they will commit another
crime in the future. This paper will first show how prisons
Gustavus Student Repository
are over crowded and why they need to be less crowded. Less
populated prisons running at normal capacity helps to keep
repeat offenders of serious crimes behind bars and prisoners
who are able to be rehabilitated can be dealt with
differently. Hpw rehabilitation will work and how it is
working already will be another focus.
Over population
The problem of prison overpopulation has increased in
the past couple decades with the incarceration rate being
tripled and not enough beds in facilities to hold the
inmates. This increase of incarceration is because of the
"get tough on crime" attitude the United States has adoptj!!d.
Much of this attitμde of being tough on crime came from the
1994 Crime Act which included the requirement that inmates
serve 85 percent of their sentences. In 1996, an
appropriations bill eased up on this requirement, allowiqg
states and local co1111Dnities to determine sentencing laws
that are best for their community. Since then, some states
have created laws such as the serving 85 percent of
sentences, abolishing parole for some or all offenses, and
two/three and strikes you're out laws. At the state level,
all of the nw legislation created has pushed prison
population beyond one million. (Engler 118-120)
Even with the mandatory sentencing and the war on drugs,
because qf overcrowdig sentences served by criminals can
still be shortened with mandatory prison population caps.
Most of the beds in the prison are given to non-violent
Gustavus Student Repository
criminals because of state laws including the war on drugs
and "three-strikes and you're out". The more violent
criminals could be locked up longer if non-violent criminals
did not take up so much room. In many cases, a three time
non-violent criminal will not be removed and a one time
murderer will be removed because of these laws. This gives
the murderer another chance to commit a crime. Some people
argue that resources should be spent on things such as drugtreatment
which will be seen as a useful technique later.
(And punishment: crime 25-26)
Crime and punishment are hard issues to deal with.
Crime rates have increased over the past few decades which
should correspond with increased incarceration and did.
Since punishment levels did increase, crime should
correspondingly decrease. Unfortunately the only reason the
crime level has decreased is because the people who normally
commit crime are locked up. When these individuals are
returned to the streets, there is no promise there won't be a
return to crime. We may be just delaying a large criminal
population being let free. The crime rate only looks like it
is dropping, with so many criminals incarcerated, when in all
reality there is no less criminal activity (Levitt) .
The reason the rising incarceration rate corresponds
with the large decline in the crime rate comes from
incapacitation. This comes about because the peopie who are
more prone to committing crime are locked up which is why
crime is reduced through incapacitation. It also may seem
Gustavus Student Repository
that crime may be reduced in a form of deterrence with an
increased threat of imprisonment but prison usually is not
considered a frightening place to many criminals. (Levitt)
With so many inmates behind bars, the safety of U.S.
citizens has increased. The increase of incarceration has
mainly been brought on by underlying demographic
determinants, such as gang involvement, increase of singleparent
families, and the declining availability of legitimate
economic opportunities for teenagers that have worsened over
time. With demographic factors as these increasing, the
increase of incarceration may just be hiding a greater
problem of actually increased criminal activity. It is hard
to tell if criminal activity would have actually increased
because such a large portion of the criminal population is
behind bars. {Levitt)
Economically, the social cost of keeping an inmate
incarcerated is formulated from the averages of both the
monetary costs of crime (medical bills, property loss, lost
productivity) and quality of life reductions caused by pain
and suffering, plus multiplying that number by five or six
crimes per inmate. Incarcerating one additional prisoner
yields a social benefit of 25,000 to 35,000 depending on which
calculations are used. On the surface, this looks positive
but it won't help in the long term goals of lowering the
crime rate and solve over-population at the same time. The
Gustavus Student Repository
costs seem like a bargain compared to the social benefits but
the price of incarceration does not include the price for
having to build more prisons while the prison population
continues to rise. (Levitt}
The crime rate is still seen as lower because these
offenders are locked up but what happens when they are
released? Conditional supervised release from prison or
parole has reached an all time high rising to almost four
million by 1997 and is only rising by an annual increase of
3% since 1990. About 18% of these people who are discharged
are reincarcerated because of a rule violation or new
offense. (Reichert 105-106)
Many people under parole or probation supervision are
put there because of the lack of space in prisons. Those who
are released often are put back into the same environments
from which they came. If prison is not deterring them from
committing a crime in the first place, it may not keep them
from.committing another. Many of the individuals "see no
particular options in the legitimate economy, for whom life
in the street is very risky anyway, and who have not been
effectively socialized against committing crime. For them,
the prospect of spending time in prison, perhaps with others
they know, of being assured of meals and a bed (even if well
short of luxurious}, may riot be strong enough to have much
effect on inhibiting their criminal activity. Even though
prison may not be a very attractive option, it disutility is
likely to be far less than it is to middle-class
Gustavus Student Repository
populations." (Blumstein) To many people, prison is seen as
a comfortable place. The living conditions may not be
perfect but for a large portion of the population they are
probably not too much worse then where they came. These
types of conditions were illustrated in the movie "Shawshank
Redemption" when an old man, named Brooks, was released after
about 50 years of being locked up. He did not want to leave.
Prison was his home. He was institutionalized. He knw
people there and did not have anything to offer the outside
world. He ended up taking his life because he could not stay
in prison.
Effects of Overpopulation
Some evidence has been shown to prove how prison
actually "angers" the inmates in some court cases, especially
because of the problem of over crowded prisons. Cases such
as Rhodes V. Chapman involved the problems of over crowded
prisons being unconstitutional based on cruel and unusual
punishment. In this particular instance, cells were double
bunked but cruel and unusual punishment was not
proved. (Call) This was not the only case concerned with
these issues and with the over-crowding needed to be
controlled. The anger and enragement of the inmates will not
be curbed unless these cases are taken seriously. One of the
reasons crimes are committed deal with psychological
problems. If the criminal does have a psychological ailment,
which is common for criminals, and has a problem with anger,
the conditions in prison will only worsen his or her
Gustavus Student Repository
situation.
As mentioned before, drug offenders hold a large
population in prisons. Since the 1970's, drug offenses have
increased tenfold and can be accounted for 45% of the total
prison growth. (Blumstein) One positive result of this is
that most drug offenders are seen as crime " generalists" who
tend to engage in a variety of crime. However, when they are
locked up, they are unable to commit more serious crimes.
These are the types Of non-violent criminals who are
imprisoned for long periods of time because of the war on
drugs. Because they are seen as " generalists", when they are
released, chances are they will be back to a life of crime.
On the down side, drug marketeers will always recruit
replacements for any incarcerated person, continuing the drug
problem on the street. This just creates more and more
criminals and also shows how the crime rate is not
necessarially falling. Drugs lead to other problems and will
not be wiped out by incarcerating the dealers or users.
(Blumstein)
With a social benefit being much higher than the actual
cost of incarceration, two thing should happen: First is more
prisons should be built to hold the increase of incarcerated
criminals and keep those who are truly dangerous inside which
costs more money. Second, use the money to work on more long
lasting solutions such as rehabilitation. Rehabilitation
could actually lower he crime rate like prisons are doing
but with out the problems of prisons over-flowing and as will
Gustavus Student Repository
be seen later, can actually be an affordable alternative.
With criminals not serving all their time, even with the
laws, and non-violent criminals taking most of the space,
most of the inmates that could possibly be helped through
rehabilitation are locked up. When they are released, they
will not necessarially be ready to be honest, hard working
members of their community. They may be right back out on
the streets and in our neighborhoods committing more crimes
because of the anger built in them during their time in
prison.
Rehabilitation
There tends to be a certain population that is more
likely to be repeat offenders and if They are released early,
may commit another crime. Plus, with the United States'
stance on locking up criminals for as long as possible, the
prisons have become over-crowded which increases the tension
within the prison walls and the likelihood of more crimes
being committed upon released. The best solution may seem to
be building more prisons but this would be more of a burden
on the taxpayers by paying for both the construction and
imprisonment. What is needed is a sort of rehabilitation
program that will help keep criminals from being repeat
offenders and eventually with less people being incarcerated,
the prison population will fall.
The first step in creating programs in our criminal
justice system for a rehabilitation system is to recognize
that throwing criminals in prison to just sit there until
Gustavus Student Repository
their time is up is not the answer. Showing which criminals
are more likely to be repeat offenders and also showing most
criminals do not see prison as a deterrent is just a start to
this process.
There tends to be an underlying economic, racial,
cultural, and social backgrounds of the typical inmate. In
the rehabilitation programs available in a few correctional
facilities, a classification role is used to assess offender
risk and the prediction of future criminal behavior. (Bonta)
In most U.S. prisons, the population is divided by race and
is often weighted heavier with black inmates. However, it
must be remembered that race is not a significant
contribution to the cause of crime. "Strain, differential
association, social control, and social learning theories are
equally relevant across racial groups" and often lead to
crime. (Bonta) People who are less likely to be repeat
offenders often returned to environments that are less
criminogenic. Their life experiences are less extreme.and
isolating given their greater proximity to mainstream life.
Also, the programing in their communities are more effective
since their needs are better reflected in the activities
provided. (Bonta) Where you live, how you were raised, and
many other factors contribute to a life of crime.
Peter B. Wood and company have researched and studied
groups of criminals to show that there is an actual
difference in the make up of a habitual criminal's chemical
balance, history, and outlook on life. Criminals have
Gustavus Student Repository
learned a different way of life which mostly comes from the
environments in which they were raised (Wood et al) . Donald
R. Lynam did research concerning the chronic offender and
pointed out that "behaviorally, psychopathic individuals are
risk-taking sensation seekers involved in a variety of
criminal activities. Interpersonally, they have been
described as grandiose, egocentric, manipulative, forceful,
and cold hearted. Effectively, they display shallow
emotions, are unable to maintain close relationships, and
lack empathy, anxiety, and remorse" (Lynam 209). These types
of offenders are often the most violent and commit the most
crimes. They are also more likely to recidivate after being
released from prison. These types of criminals are the type
that need the most help learning a new way of life.
As children, these offenders were often aggressive,
antisocial, hyperactive, and had histories of learning
disorders. As adults, they were "more mobile geographically,
had more marital difficulties, poorer occupational and
economic histories, impoverished social and organizational
relationships, poor Armed service records, excessive use of
alcohol, and to some extent poorer physical health" (Lynam
210). These types of criminals constitute the largest
portion of the prison population and don't necessarially
include the mentally unstable offenders. These types are the
people who need help and stability in their lives.
Many studies have been done dealing with learning
theories and the reinforcement of criminal behavior. Results
Gustavus Student Repository
of many studies have found that both violent and non-violent
crimes are intrinsically rewarding which reinforces behavior
among habitual criminals. Criminals often feel positive
sensations, both physiologically and psychologically, which
are important in continuing and maintaining a criminal
career. (Wood et al 335)
When dealing with learning theories, criminologists
focus mainly how social processes reinforce and maintain
deviant behavior. There are five bodies of evidence dealing
with reinforcing this type of deviant behavior that Peter
Wood and company found when studying criminal behavior.
The first type of behavior is 'Sensation seeking and
arousal as nonsocial reinforcers'. This means that criminal
behavior is often caused by a strong appetite for the thrill
and excitement which the deviant behavior produces. Many
criminals tend to have high levels of impulsivity,
hyperactivity sensation-seeking, and risk-taking, and low
levels of self and social control. All of these attributes
come from childhood (Wood et al 338-339) .
The second type of reinforcement behavior is,
'Ethnographic evidence of nonsocial reinforcement'. This
type of study of behavior deals with where the motivation
comes from and most criminals feel their behavior produces an
effective state that is intrinsically rewarding. They also
fel that their behavior is symbolically very significant
because it defines themselves (Wood et al 339-343).
The third type is 'Identity, edgework, and symbolic
Gustavus Student Repository
meaning as nonsocial reinforcers'. Many criminals had
unpleasant childhoods and unstable adult lives. Often
criminals are victims of physical and emotional abuse, and
have limited education, poor work history, and low income.
All together, this leads to reduced access to material
rewards and heightened stress. Criminal behavior gives a
sense of identity that gives meaning to their lives.
"Edgework", or risky work, stimulates this sense of self
through self-determination and self-actualization. The
greatest reward is being able to "control the
uncontrollable" (Wood et al 343-344).
'Neurophysiologic "highs": the chemistry of nonsocial
reinforcement' deals wi.th the actual physical and/or
biological occurrences in the brain. This science is more
recent but deals with the high levels of endorphins that are
often associated with challenging and/or risky behavior. In
criminals, some differences are apparent in their brain
composition (Wood et al 344-345).
The last piece of evidence dealing with where criminal
behavior comes from is 'Crime, drugs, and nonsocial
reinforcement'. These findings are not very surprising, that
criminals have high levels of alcohol and other drug use.
The "thrill" of drug use is much like that of the "thrill" of
risk taking because of the physical high (Wood et al 345-
346).
It has been shown that a low economic variable leads to
high rates of crime. A study done in Ohio show how cities
Gustavus Student Repository
with socioeconomic problems have increased levels of crime.
The study focused on 111 cites with populations between
10, 000 and 99, 999. This area of the country is a good one to
study because of the effect the decline of the "American
Manufacturing Belt" had on all the smaller cities. Some
social repercussions from this are increased poverty, femaleheaded
households, and a greater reliance on governmentprovided
income assistance programs. Spatial consequences
include the concentration of poverty and crime in
increasingly blighted neighborhoods. These mirror the
conditions most criminals face on a regular basis (Ackerman).
The study sought out to find the rate of increased
violent and property crime in smaller Ohio cities. Also, the
extent to which violent and property crime rates can be
explained by socioeconomic factors and by current theory, and
also how the spatial distribution effected the crime rates
among smaller Ohio cities. One finding was that the
difference between a neighborhood with a poverty rate of 20%
to one with a rate of 40% found an increase of violent crime
more than threefold. All the research done has found that
poverty and its associated conditions, such as lower
education and drug use, correlates with increased crime.
(Ackerman) This study provided more evidence for what was
already lulown.
Prisons themselves are a "costly failure for controlling
and reducing crime, expensive beyond belief, debilitating,
demeaning, counterproductive, dangerous to prison staff and
Gustavus Student Repository
the non-violent majority who are imprisoned, and efficient
breeders of even more serious future offenses against
society" (Rentschler) . What prisons are good at doing is
turning a minor street felon into a hardened lifetime
professional when the inmate is finally released, which 95%
of inmates eventually are released back into society. Most
are likely to be "embittered, unskilled, penniless, fearful
of the future, bereft of all hope, and trained only to
continue along the path of crime. Their aim is to get out
and get even. Society bears the burden. " (Rentschler) Most
prisons are dirty, dark, and depressing. Those conditions
would have an negative effect on anyone.
It seems to be a snow-balling effect when we continually
send people back to the prisons where they never learn that
what they did is wrong. The whole situation becomes worse
when building more prisons, giving longer sentences, and
tougher parole conditions are what the inmates are facing.
The " tough on crime" attitude is an expensive way to keep the
crime rate low when more and more people are locked up every
day. The way many states are saving money is by slashing
rehabilitation. Fewer than 4% of the male prison population
even participate in a prerelease program to get them ready
for life on the outside. Less than 60% have employment in
prisons and most of these skills are not useful when
released . . They also don't have much cash in their pockets
when they are released when most only make 5 a week that
usually goes towards cigarettes and only $200 is given as
Gustavus Student Repository
gate money. Once out, these inmates almost have to resort
back to
Who is a Citizen: The Argument for Dual Citizenship for African-Americans in Ghana
No full textThe institution of enslaving Africans helped to boost economies all over the world. This institution forced millions of Africans from their homeland to various places of servitude. Their unique story has become my own as, I am a descendant of the African slaves brought to America. Throughout my life I wondered were my beginning was, I would often sit in a library for hours reading horrific stories about slavery and the plight of my people. One story in particular was called Tears for Asante. This story related how an African boy was kidnapped and forced to live a life of servitude in America. The story. put faces and names to the friends that were left behind and the agony it caused them. I had never thought that African-Americans were descendants from Africa. I had heard it many times before, but what is Africa to a person, living in Memphis, Tennessee ten minutes away from Mississippi. Racism I knew about, but Africa, I did not. In the famous words of Paul Laurence Dunbar, "Africa my Africa, I do not know you, but my face is full of your blood." I began to learn of my true history, one that the public schools denied me. As I read more books, I learned that my people were stolen, their citizenship taken, not given away. Through research I have discovered that most African-Americans may trace their roots back to Ghana, West Africa. Upon visiting the El Mina castle, which held over a million slaves captive, I saw that this place was definitely our beginning. Although many critics may argue that there is no conclusive evidence that all African-Americans can trace their roots back to Ghana, the overwhelming evidence of the slave castles throughout Ghana, show that most of us can. This paper deals specifically with the argument for dual citizenship for African-Americans in Ghana. We look at the beginning, and merge it with the past in order to plan for the future. I hope that this paper challenges the minds of those in the Diaspora, and those in the continent to re-write history, and determine what our combined destiny will be. Dual citizenship may be but one step on the road to the spiritual, economic, and social growth and development of a separated people, on the continent and abroad.Who is a Citizen? The Argument for Dual Citizenship for AfricanAmericans
in Ghana.
June S. Phillips
SIT-Spring 99
ApriL 30, 1999-04-30
Project Advisor: Professor Kwame Gyan
Gustavus Student Repository
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgement 1
Abstract 3
Methodology 4
Iritroduction 7
Chpter One 9
. Chapter Two 16
Chapter Three 24
Chapter Four 35
Conclusion 39
I
Gustavus Student Repository
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to take this time to thauk God for his grace and for allowing me the
opportunity to travel to Africa, my original homeland. I can not express in words all that I
have seen heard and experienced for the last three months. To the ancestors, I offer my
apologies for not remembering you in my youth, now that I understand my heart has been
filled with a heaviness, and uncontrollable urge to help my people, I have heard your cry
and I have accepted the plea .... A heart-felt thauk you to my program advisors_Kwadwo
and Nana Opoku-Agyemang who have through words and deeds shown me the essence
of African life, the way God intended. I can thiuk of no other way to travel and learn my
history for the first time without your presence, and for that I am forever grateful. In my
lifetime I am honored to know you both. If at any time you require my help or assistance,
consider it done. To both of my homestay families, the Sackeys and the Arthurs, thank
you for welcoming me into your home and your hearts. I will never forget you or your
kindness. To Professor K wame Gyan, how can I put into words all that you have done to
help me with my project and my law career. You have shown me that to be a politician is
my destiny and that f should accept it with nothing less than my all. f know that we will
change the course of history for our people in a positive way, and for that I can not
wait. ... until the summer of2000 1'1To each and every person I interviewed I would like
to extend my thanks for your time, patience and willingness to let me interrupt your busy
schedules.
To the 12 most powerful and awe-inspiring African-American women in the SIT
program, night sisters, I know we all are forever bound by the experiences we have had. I
will miss each of you and thiuk of you all collectively. This trip was a destiny fulfilled,
each ofus played a major role and one day we will see the end result. .. in the meantit:$.e
may God surround and watch over your lives. Remember that we our the mothers oftl;ie
revolution and of a future generation of revolutionaries!!! Peace and Progresion
To my family and friends in the States. I love you so much and without you this
trip would not have been possible. I only hope I can continue to make you proud. Mother
& Daddy, one day I hope to repay you for all the sacrifices you made for my Sake.
Thauk-you for always challenging me to thiuk before I step but always have the courage
to leap.
Lastly I dedicate this research project to Isiah Shoels, an 18 year old AfricanAmerican
boy who was killed execution style in a high-school library, as a result of
senseless racism and ignorance in America on April 20, 1999 in Littfeton Colorado. His
death is a sign that America is not free and we arc not al I considered equal. .. I dedicate
my life to the eradication of inequality and ill treatment ofmy people in America and the
liberation ofmy people in the Diaspora and abroad ... peace and progression ....
Gustavus Student Repository
La Porte De Non Retour
So we had just left the beach at Benin
We followed the slave route
Imagine if you can walking were your ancestors walked to meet their tragic fate.
I tried not to go into the Ocean but something pulled me .. a force ... until now maybe
I didn't believe in "feeling the ancestors" . .I thought it was an expression to pacify our
cravings for roots ... .
but it is not that ... it is all things and more ....
I spoke to the Old Ones today they told me in the rhythm of the Ocean the things that
would come to pass ..
Deep tides in .. Small tides out.
I listened. they wailed ... ! listened they moaned . .! covered my ears as the sound was too
much .. .I covered my eyes .. the sight of it all to much for words ..
They sighed and beckoned me listen, oh but listen to hear the anger of how our people
came to be ....
And then when I thought I would explode they began to sing .. not a sad song but one of
rejoicing
I asked what could they rejoice .. they said our daughter has remembered and come back
home ..
It was my time to moan and voice my frustration they wept with me .. then they sent me a
huge tide and away went the hate that bums the lining of my stomach .. the hate that
makes everything I taste bitter. ...
That hate that keeps me up nights ...
Deep tides in Small tides out... they left me singing their rejoicing song ... something
about how their daughter remembered and came back home ....
2
Gustavus Student Repository
ABSTRACT
"Sure enough, soon after we landed there came to us Africans of all languages .... We
were not many days in the merchant's custody before we were sold ... ln this manner,
without scruple, our relations and friends separated, most of them never to see each
other again ... [Tfhere were several brothers who were sold in different lots and it was
very mo ving to see and hear their cries at parting ...... and through that time, in that
time, they became us. Free. Forever searching for freedom .....
Charles Johnson, Africans in America
The institution of enslaving Africans helped to boost economies all over the
world. This institution forced millions of Africans from their homeland to various places
of servitude. Their unique story has become my own as, I am a descendant of the African
slaves brought to America. Throughout my life I wondered were my beginning was, I
would often sit in a library for hours reading horrific stories about slavery and the'plight
ofmy people. One story in particular was called Tears for Asante. This story related how
an African boy was kidnapped and forced to live a life of servitude in America. The story.
put faces and names to the friends that were left behind and the agony it caused them. I
had never thought that African-Americans were descendants from Africa .. I had heard it
many times before, but what is Africa to a person, living in Memphis, Tennessee ten
minutes away from Mississippi. Racism I knew about, but Africa, I did not. In the famous
words of Paul Laurence Dunbar, "Africa my Africa, I do not know you, but my face is
full of your blood." I began to learn ofmy true history, one that the public schools
denied me. As I read more books, I learned that my people were stolen, their citizenship
taken, not given away. Through research I have discovered that most African-Americans
may trace their roots back to Ghana, West Africa. Upon visiting the El Mina castle,
which held over a million slaves captive, I saw that this place was definitely our
beginning. Although many critics may argue that there is no conclusive evidence that all
African -Americans can trace their roots back to Ghana, the overwhelming evidence of
the slave castles throughout Ghana, show that most of us can. This paper deals
specifically with the argument for dual citizenship for African-Americans in Ghana. We
look at the beginning, and merge it with the past in order to plan for the future. I.hope
that this paper challenges the minds of those in the Diaspora, and those in the continent to
re-write history, and determine what our combined destiny will be. Dual citizenship may
be but one step on the road to the spiritual, economic, and social growth and develppment
of a separated people, on the continent and abroad.
3
Gustavus Student Repository
METHODOLOGY
During my research period, I used many methods to attain information. One of the main
methods I used was interviews. Below are names of interviewees and their relationship
and contribution to the research. Due to the nature of the person's background and
relationship to the interview some of the questions were more in depth. I also included
the basic questions asked in each interview.
In order to construct the Cost Benefit Analysis, a general sample was taken of AfricanAmericans
presently living in Ghana. The questions were the same as the basic interview
questions listed below, with the exception of asking the person's occupation. Those who
were interviewed were anonymous sources. The reminder of research was derived from
written sources that are listed in the bibliography.
List of Interviewees
Dr. Robert E. Lee
Interview date: March 12, 1999
Relationship to Research: Dr. Lee is a African-American who was asked personally by
K wame Nkrumah to return to Ghana after independence. Lee was a student with
Nkrumah at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. He is originally from Harlem, New
York.
Specific Interview Questions: What led you to return to Ghana, besides an invitation
from President Nkrumah
Can you explain in detail what Kwame Nkrumah meant when he spoke of AfricanAmericans
returning home9
Why did you not leave after Nkrumah's government was overthrown in 1966?
Ekow Baiden
Interview date: April 2. 1999
Relationship to Interview: Mr Baiden is a lawyer who is the teachers assistant to
Professor K. Gyan at the University of Ghana, Legon. Bai den is involved heavily with
international as well as civil law in Ghana.
Specific Interview Questions: Law wise doe you think it is possible to grant dual
citizenship to African-Americans?
What would the political consequences be of dual citizenship for African-Americans?
How could one structure an argument for dual citizenship for African -Americans in
Ghana today?
Professor K wame Gyan
Interview date: April 7, 1999
Relationship to Interview: Professor Gyan is a Professor of Law Studies at the
University of Ghana, Legon. He specializes in International, Civil, and Human Rights
law. He served as my academic advisor. and was a wealth ofinfonnation.
4
Gustavus Student Repository
Specific Interview Questions: Are there any examples of dual citizenship being granted
in other African country?
What is Ghana's history with foreigners who seek citizenship?
What is Ghana's history involving citizenship?
Dr Lisa Aubrey
Interview date: April 12, 1999
Relationship to Interview: Dr Aubrey is a Fulbright scholar, as well as a professor of
Political Science at the University of Ghana, Legon. She specializes in Politics of
Developing Countries. She is an African-American who has lived and worked in various
African countries.
Specific ,Interview Questions: Should limitations be put on the citizenship offered to •
African-Americans in Ghana?
What are some of those limitations?
What examples are there of dual citizenship being offered in other countries?
Do you believe that the infra-structure of Ghana could support an influx of AfricanAmericans?
Why or why not?
Ramuel Moore
Interview date: Apri I 12, 1999
Relationship to Interview: Mrs Moore is the Director of the W.E.B DuBois Centre. Mrs
Moore offered sources for more information on the issue of dual citizenship for AfricanAmericans.
She is an African-American who has returned to Ghana.
NanaOkofo
Interview date: April 15, 1999
Relationship to Interview: President of the African World Reparations andRepatria.tion
Truth Commission. Offered insight into the challenges of acquiring dual citienship. !
Specific Interview Questions: What are the chances of dual citizenship being offered
within the next IO years? ' •
What work, if any have you done with Parliament on the issue of dual citizen'ship fo1
African-Americans?
Dr V. Kwame Nyanteng
Interview date: April 27, 28, 1999
Relationship to Interview: Dr Nyanteng is an Agricultural Economist and Senior
Research Fellow at the Institute of Statistical, Social & Economic Research Centre,
University of Ghana, Legon. Dr. Nyanteng served as the advisor for the Cost Benefit
Analysis of returning i\frican-Arncrican in Ghana.
Specific Interview Questions: What impact could an influx of trained African
Americans have on Ghana's economy?
Would it be economically feasible to grant dual citizenship to African Americans?
What are some of the areas that African-Americans can contribute to in the workforce to
further development?
5
Gustavus Student Repository
What is the best way to structure a cost benefit analysis?
Basic Interview Questions:
How do you feel about the present bill in Parliament that may give African-Americans
dual citizenship?
Do you think dual citizenship should become a reality? Why or why not?
Do you believe that African-Americans would take advantage of dual citizenship if it was
offered?
What problems would the returning African-Americans as well as Ghanaians face as a
result of dual citizenship?
What are some strategies that will solve the problems?
What problems have you faced while living in Ghana?
What adjustments in lifestyle did :·ou make in order to stay in Ghana?
6
Gustavus Student Repository
INTRODUCTION
"Ghana's liberation is meaningless unless it is linked with the total li beration of
the African continent".
President Kwame Nkrumah
The first President of an independent Ghana, was one among many leaders to
embrace the notion of a United Africa. However; it was Dr. Nkrumah who increased the
vision of unification to include Africans in the Diaspora. As a step toward this idea of
unification, President Nkrumah opened the floor of citizenship for all people of African
descent in Ghana. Unfortunately, Nkrumah's vision and promise of open citizenship was
short-lived as his government was overthrown in February 1966. By that time many
Africans born in America had returned to Ghana because of Dr. Nkrumah's open
invitation. As a result of this fact, the seeds of dual citizenship had been permanently
planted in the minds of returning African Americans.
Presently, in Ghana there are forces working to make Nkrumah's dream a reality.
This paper analyzes the argument for dual citizenship by focusing on four key
components within the argument. The first component examines the history of African's
born in America. Specifically, how their existence came to be and what that existence
involved? Upon, examining the history of Africans in America, for the second component
we then focus on Kwame Nkrumah's definition of a citizen of Ghana vs. the present day
definition of citizenship. We will trace Nkrumah's beliefs back as they relate to dual
citizenship for Africans in America, and compare those be] iefs with the current Ghanaian
constitution and treatment of past people who maintained citizenship from other African
countries.
After properly establishing Ghana's past experiences with dual citizenship, it then
becomes necessary to address the possible economic contribution African-Americans
would make to the Ghanaian economy. The third component of the argument will consist
of a cost benefit analysis of dual citizenship for African-Americans who return to Ghana.
This analysis will consist of the performance of the economy based on growth rates, the
performance of the 3 major sectors of the economy: Agriculture, Industry and Services as
reflected in the growth rates. The issues involved in the low performance in the major
sectors of the economy, the gaps that exist in the required manpower skills for
development and the skills African Americans should have that would fill in the gaps and
develop Ghana, will be briefly examined. After determining the feasibility of dual
citizenship in Ghana, the fourth component analyzes the social-political benefits of dual
citizenship for African-Americans. Primarily, the reconnection of roots as well Africanc
Americans as allies for Ghana. The conclusion will consist of a summary of all evidence
found in the above components of the argument, and will be the basis for developing
possible strategies and solutions to the issue of Who is a Citizen?, The argument of dual
citizenship for African-Americans in Ghana.
Upon research into archives and some literary sources there are no works which
fully examine and propose dual citizenship for African Americans in Ghana. There have
been summits and conferences that deal with the issue of Repatriation. Specifically there
7
Gustavus Student Repository
is the African World Reparations and Repatriation Truth Commission located at the
W.E.B Dubois Memorial Centre for Pan- African Culture in Accra, Ghana. One of the
main purposes of this organization is to unite the efforts of the entire African World, that
will speak with one voice to the United Nations and the International Court of Justice,
demanding the unconditional cancellation of Africa's debts to Western lending
institutions. Also, that will demand reparational payments to Diasporans for the human
rights abuses, meted out for over 400 years as a result of the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade
and Colonialism, carried out by Western European nations and the USA. Again, this
organization is not directly linked with my project, but the subject matter has some
similar components. For example the shared issue of the benefits of Africans of the
Diaspora returning to Ghana, whereas I deal solely with Africans from America, the
organization offers some unique suggestions that I include at length in my paper,
8
Gustavus Student Repository
CHAPTER ONE: The History of Africans in America
"By 1700, the Gold Coast had become known as the Slave Coast. Europeans controlled
the trade, but many African kings and leaders were suppliers who profited from the
traffic. "1
In America, there are many ethnic groups, but the story of the African born in
America is a unique one. No other race has been the utter turmoil as African Americdlls
have. This section of the paper will deal with the past, present and continuing existence
of Africans in America, beginning with the slave trade.
El Mina, the.fort built by the Port uguese in the late fiftee nth cent ury, had shifted its focus
from gold to human beings. By the eighteenth century, El Mina was sending more than
thirty thousand slaves a year to the Americas. 2
History shows that by the beginning of the sixteenth century, over 200,000
Africans had been involuntarily taken from their homes and shipped to Europe, Sao
Tome, and the Atlantic Islands. It was the Portuguese who created a path to such a trade.
Through exploits in Brazi l in the early l 500's a permanent settlement was forged and
labor for the highly profitable sugar plantations, and other money yielding industries was
needed. The indigenous people of the area. who were called Indians, were alienated by
the unfamiliar intricacies of sugar cultivation, mining and plantation work forced upon
them by the white man, and could offer only limited assistance. It was through harsh
physical enforcement, that many were made to work in intolerable conditions, and harsh
1 Johnson, Charles. Africans in America: America's Journey through Slavery. 1998: 20.
2 Ibid p. 68
9
Gustavus Student Repository
circumstances to produce sugar and other products. The Indians. who were unfamiliar
with such intensive labor demands withered and died under the strain. For those who
were left and were strong enough, escaped into familiar terrain was often attempted and
achieved. Another element that led to the demise of the Indian people were the diseases
carried by the Europeans such as, tuberculosis, diphtheria and small pox. These diseases,
once contracted by the indigenous people meant certain death for lack of immunity built
up in their systems. The devastation the diseases and other untimely deaths caused the
indigenous people was irreversible. As a result within two generations the people were
almost extinct. The Spaniards already reapin