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The Liberation of Humanity: A Project in Political Theory
No full textThe goal of the following pages is to form an original and logical connection between the intricate definition of human nature, and the political system that supports this notion of humanity to the best capacity. The concept that human nature is either good or bad inherently is one that deserves attention.The Liberation of Humanity:
A project in political theory
Written by:
William R. Schoonover
For:
Professor Chris Gilbert
For the purpose of completing the
Political Science Major thesis requirement.
May 20, 1999
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Throughout the history of social and political philosophy
there has been a multitude of theories and opinions offered to
the debate. These writings have been from the ultra-liberal to
the religiously right conservative. They have ranged from
anarchy to dictatorships. The importance of these theories can
be said to be the cause and foundation of social movements and
political revolutions. Political theory provides direction and
reference for the leaders of systems to base their style of
leadership or their origin of social direction.
As a still young student of theory I have been unsatisfied
with the complete theories of those I have studied. From the
earliest of theorists, such as Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, to
the most recent of Nussbaum and others I have found their input
to be relevant and well founded in logic and reality. Each and
every great of political thought has developed a concept that
with incredible merit. Every theorist has found something on
which to comment, and nearly every theory includes some truism
that could be added to the "market place of ideas".
However, the systems they create, or the foundation for
those systems, have always left me with the thought that they
missed something. One tradition that has been universal in all
theorists is the origin of the debate being found in human
nature. These conceptions of human nature are fundamental in
creating a political system, if any, that either cares for or
restricts humans. Faith in human nature will often correlate
with a less restrictive government, while fear of our nature
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precedes a formation of government that will limit the freedom of
its' citizens and make decisions for them in their interest.
The goal of the following pages is to form an original and
logical connection between the intricate definition of human
nature, and the political system that supports this notion of
humanity to the best capacity. The concept that human nature is
either good or bad inherently is one that deserves attention.
Human nature is complex. It contains dynamic qualities,
which are the capacity to do both good and evil, and it is also
intrinsically dualistic. The dualism involves both the mind and
the body. The nature of humanity could be described as a sphere
consisting of multiple layers developing from a core. At that
core lies the dynamic and dualistic qualities. There are
theorists that claim that humans are good, and others that claim
that we are bad. If humans are good, where does evil originate?
If humans are evil, why do so many of us strive for good?
It is my opinion that humans have the capacity for both
good and evil. We learn behaviors that develop these qualities.
Some learn to place good at the front of their concern, while
others experience traumatic events during their lifetime that
cause them to develop evil tendencies. As humans live life, we
learn lessons that teach us about the consequences of our
actions. We strive to do the good; good for ourselves and for
those we love. It is beneficial and rewarding to strive for that
which we determine to be our essence because it fulfills us and
those around us.
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The reason that these qualities are at the core, along with
our dualistic nature, is because fulfillment is a basic need of
humanity. The dualism mentioned above refers to the
interconnectedness of mind and body. Frequently, when discussing
societies, basic needs are mentioned in terms of what should be
supplied to each individual, or at the very least is what is
necessary for human life. This list often includes food,
clothing, shelter, and water. Very rarely is it argued that this
list is wrong. The list is not wrong in my opinion, just
incomplete. This list satisfies the needs of the human body, but
neglects the equally important human mind. The basic needs for
the mind are love with companionship, validation, mental
stimulus, and the occasional negative counterparts to these. The
reason this list is basic for human nature and our mind is that
they are necessary for the development of the individual.
In his work, Fear and Trembling, Soren Keirkegaard, the
father of Existentialism, wrote human fulfillment. Although the
thrust of his work was religious, some interesting parallels can
be drawn to humanities fulfillment with in society. He defines a
metaphor in which the progression of religious thought is that of
a ladder. Most people stand at the bottom and never climb. To
him these people do not truly exist. Humans can stop ceasing to
exist if they climb that ladder which entails the rational
realization that believing in God is a logical absurdity. Then,
despite this realization, choosing to believe nevertheless and
thereby throwing the ladder away from the place that you now
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stand. It is at this point that we begin to exist. i The
parallels center on the idea that humanity must make steps to
educate, think, and experiment in their mental capacities before
we can be said to truly exist.
It may be true that the human body will simply exist
without nurturing the mind, yet it will not exist as a human life
but rather be simplified to animal life. Humanity is more than
the satisfaction of body needs and desires. Yes, the mind can
not live without the basic needs of the body, but only together
is human life realized.
I n defense of these arguments to common understanding of
human nature, consider the purest form of human life. From birth
to late childhood, children are innocent, impressionable, and
strive for inclusivity. Their behaviors are learned from older
children with whom they are trying to be included, their parents,
and their child care providers or educators. These people often
nurture children, and encourage them to succeed. But, from this
example, it is easy to see the grave importance of childhood
development. Being neglected, abuse, or any other of a long list
of negatives could become catalysts for "evil" behavior in the
future.
When we are born, we are instantly connected. Babies have
a remarkable ability to sense the emotional atmosphere in a room.
If there is tension in a room, they pick up on it and cry. If
there is happiness in the room they giggle, (so long as there are
not other infancy needs that come between these sensory pick-
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ups). It is this automatic connection that is cause for the
desire for inclusiveness in the future.
Children are also given a basic understanding of good, bad,
and pain. Children know what is uncomfortable, painful, and
pleasing. The ability to determine these traits is innate in us.
No one has to tell a child that the hot stove is burning their
hand before they remove it. No one has to tell a child that
getting scolded by a parent does not feel good either. Yet, at
the same time, it is important in the lives of children and in
all of us to nurture the ability to be interconnected with
people. Some good and bad things are not so obvious, and it is
important that children are guided to see those. When it comes
to evil, all people must be educated and informed about the
necessities of human life, most importantly parents.
The capacity for good and evil presupposes the reality of
good and evil manifest in our actions. Evil actions arise from a
lack of connection between actions and empathy. They can also
occur in response to pain, hurt, or disappointment by someone or
something.
Developmental psychology suggests that humans are complex
and require certain needs that provide for the healthy
development of our being. One of the leading psychologists in
the field of developmental psychology is Erik Erikson. In his
book The Life Cycle Completed, he states that there are
"pregenital modes" that apply to the individual as well as the
individuals relations with others.ii
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"These organ modes are incorporation, retention,
elimination, intrusion, and inclusion . . these
modes also comprise basic configurations that dominate
the interplay of a mammalian organism and its parts
with another organism and its parts, as well as with
the world of things. ""'
The cause of evil lies then in negative life experiences that are
not accompanied by a healthy healing process. The most obvious
examples are sexually, physically, and emotionally abused
children. These children, without proper help for healthy
adults, are more likely to grow up into similar practices.
Untreated and unnoticed, these problems will foster evil actions.
Beyond the obvious correlation's is those instances in which
people have bad experiences while dating tend to be more likely
to push their partner away and close the doors of intimate
conversation as a defense mechanism. The point is that people
need to have the proper channels for help and healing in order to
ensure that those traits do not interfere with their further
development. Other than those people who have mental diseases,
or deficiencies, there is no one on this Earth that is beyond
help.
It is in this faith in the power of human nature and the
potential that it holds that is central to the foundation of
interconnectedness. Martha Nussbaum dedicated her article "Non-
Relative Virtues" to the discussion of interconnectedness of
humanity. She based her statements in Aristotelian thought and
expanded his ideas to form the concept of non-relative virtues.
These virtues are commonalties in the human race. iv Aristotle
discusses the foundation for these in Nicomachean Ethics. He
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lays out an action and the corresponding virtue to which it
applies. v What I have done is look at humanity and add things to
the list as well as groups them together in categories that
expand their significance.
Humans have central aptitudes that link all people crossculturally.
The benefit to recognizing this is to validate
humanity as a whole. The inclusivity of all people is paramount
in considering a peaceful society. Therefore, I have organized
eight categories of observations that I have recognized as common
links in humanity. The first is Life and Death. All humans
live, and our lives are mortal. We are born, raised, live, and
die. It is the course of our existence and a source of
commonality in the human condition. As a result of our
mortality, our experience is shaped by the birth and death of
loved ones. We create institutions that help us to cope with
death and celebrate birth. The institutions we create may be
different in design, but the fact remains, we create them.
The second commonality is the human body. It is obvious
that all humans share the same mode of transportation in life,
and that is the human body. Regardless of the beliefs of the
people who use these bodies, we all have them. Aside from
male/female distinctions, they are similar. In all humans they
are the source of procreation, and birth. It is the treatment of
these bodies, and the celebration of their semblance that will
contribute to the purpose of unity.
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Third is the ability to use and interpret the five senses.
Sight, smell, touch, sound, and taste mean nothing without the
ability to interpret them. To sense, define, and react are all
abilities that humans are able to do without training.
Following the use of the five senses comes the ability to
connect that data with emotion and reason and come to a
conclusion. The ability to realize the sensations of pleasure and
pain entitle the fourth category. Any individual can tell you
what gives them pleasure and what gives them pain. The sources
of these perceptions will obviously be different, yet pleasure is
associated with positive sensations, and pain with negative.
This brings me to a similar fifth category, which is
laughter and tears. All people, in every culture, laugh and cry
at some stimulus. Like pleasure and pain, the cause of this
behavior varies from individual to individual, but again, the
behavior continues regardless.
The sixth concept is that of rationality and reason. All
people have the ability to think on some level. Some can develop
this gift more than others, but on some level, all people think.
All people are able to form a conception of good on some level .
The seventh idea is that people connect with others, and
seek affiliation. Families, communities, and societies exist on
some level regardless of location in the world. The conception
of these groups is vastly different between cultures but they do
exist. These groups provide a source of love, companionship,
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development, and friendship. People seek these groups for those
reasons.
Finally, individuality is the eighth category.
Individuality is the reality that each person' s life and being is
different than the next. It is the ability to live in your own
surroundings, in your own context. It is the individuality of
people that allows for connection with others with which to share
our uniqueness. This is not to be confused with freedom, but
rather it is the idea that all people are able to make choices
about their lifestyles (however limited) and live life the way
they want. The extent to which this is restricted by government
or an oppressor is the measurement of freedom.
This short list is an example of the interconnectedness of
humanity. Based on these concepts of connection and inclusivity,
as well as the cause of evil and healing follows a new concept of
responsibility. There are two categories in which each member of
a society, (I will call them citizens), has a responsibility.
The first is individual responsibility. Individual
responsibility obligates our action in matters involving
ourselves or our fellow citizens so long as we possess the means.
Foremost is the idea of individual responsibility to ourselves.
We are responsible to make the best of our potential and develop
our gifts to the best of our ability. Our social responsibility
rests in the need for each citizen to be socially active.
Compassion for those people who have had negative life
experiences is not enough. Something must be done to help them.
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Psychologists with more degrees than myself are better equipped
to suggest how to deal with this idea, however it is likely that
the surface of the support programs will look like therapy.
Perhaps this program will include incarceration with required
education, job training, and discussions with trained individuals
who are able to delve into the source of the evil, locate it, and
treat it. We have a responsibility to aid the fellow citizens
that we are able to because of our interconnectedness with them .
It is a requirement if we wish others to help us should we need
it.
When we fail in our responsibilities as individuals or as
societies we owe it to the victims to help them however we are
able and not simply put them in jail or ignore the problem. This
is not to mean that punishment for crimes against society and
other individuals will not happen. I refer to them as victims in
the sense that someone has failed to observe their responsibility
to that person. Victims of this lack of responsibility perform
actions that create new and frequently innocent victims. But our
responsibility does not begin with the new victims. This form of
responsibility is an afterthought.
This being the case, that all of humanity is connected on
fundamental concepts of human nature with responsibility
intrinsically connected, it follows that unity and equality must
exist. It is here that issues are not as straight forward.
Unity and equality must exist in the world in order for progress,
interconnectedness, and inclusivity to flourish. However, they
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are not concepts that can be legislated. One major example from
history articulates this fact. In schools across America after
the Civil Rights Movement, bused integration policies were
implemented. The ideas that began these policies were in the
correct location, but the policies themselves were flawed.
Legislation is not capable of forcing beliefs and opinions.
Minority students that were forced to bus to "white" schools were
not happy about their indecision to go. Furthermore, buses did
not solve the segregation with in the schools once the students
got there.
In terms of equality, legislation again is not the answer.
Laws are inherently limits on freedoms. To make a law that
forces someone to be treated equally, inherent is the ultimate
inequality of another group. Unity and equality are concepts
that must define our society, however they must be actualized by
changing people's minds and not forcing their behavior.
Another discussion that must follow the definition of human
nature and the interconnectedness of humanity, and precede the
discussion of societal definition, is that which defines human
fulfillment. Illustrating human fulfillment is somewhat futile
because, to a certain degree, once we achieve fulfillment our
goals and direction will change. I t is innate in humans to
strive for something greater. It is because of this fact that
human fulfillment is even a concern to people. Our nature and
reason forces us to render precise our significance in the world,
which in turn gives us a purpose. Without these things there is
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no meaning, and we are mentally dead. As a result, it can be
expected that once humans achieve fulfillment they will not just
lie down, but rather find something even greater.
Evidence of this concept can be found in the debate of
human nature. Some argue that human nature is selfish, and only
cares about the ascertainment of basic needs, stockpiling them
for security, and the collection of property. If this is true,
then how can it be explained that people do not just sit down and
do nothing once they have achieved security and basic needs? The
answer is that these goals are not the ends of human fulfillment.
Human fulfillment lies in the understanding of self and relating
that self to the context of the greater society. This involves;
education in the areas of basic knowledge; commitment to
something with which time and input is valued; a form of
political awareness that is informed of issues relevant to
society; understanding of self in terms of limits, gifts, and
abilities; and the development of skills into an occupation that
is rewarding and challenging.
It is when we are inhibited from achieving our fulfillment
that we can begin to define oppression. Oppression exists on
many levels, and each person defines the word oppression itself
differently. Some choose to say that oppression is everywhere
and inescapable. Michel Foucault states in "Discipline and
Punish," that humans are "docile bodies" and that "discipline
increases the forces of the body. ,,vi As humans, Foucault suggests
that we are subject to whatever force influences us to the
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greatest degree. In that sense we are victims of power everyday
and as a result loose ourselves within that struggle.
Yes, it can be said that oppression occurs everyday. My
alarm clock going off at 6:30am and thereby inhibiting my sleep
could be argued as oppression. However, I would like to narrow
that definition to say that oppression exists in all cases in
which it is caused by one person to another, and therefore has
the potential for solution. I would like to define situations
like the alarm clock as a hardship. Oppression is something that
an individual may or may not be capable of overcoming without
help. It is something that most commonly affects more than one
person. Typically it affects groups, classes, cultures, races,
sexes, or ages. Oppression exists for the benefit of the
oppressor and is a hindrance of the oppressed from the
opportunity to achieve their potential.
What then must be done? It is clear that oppression is
necessary in order that a moment in time without oppression is
appreciated. However, that does not justify the oppression of
people. Oppression must be fought and ended in every possible
instance.
The ends of oppression, at the very basic level, begin with
the creation of a society. In a state of nature, (that is virgin
society without governments, formal law creations, or large
organized communities, and one with that resorts to a basic human
life similar to cave dwellers), humans are organized by families
and small communities. These are necessary for the survival of
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humanity. Children born in a state of nature need assistance to
exist. Mothers need to be provided for during much of the
pregnancy and for a time after childbirth to ensure good health.
Fathers need assistance with other responsibilities related to
providing for the family. I find it hard to believe that a
family could exist in the state of nature without the assistance
of each member much less an extended family or small community of
people to help meet basic needs.
Because humans, without development of the mind, are
basically animals, an analogy can be drawn from the animal
kingdom. Lions live their lives in prides. Male lions are
concerned with only one thing, survival of themselves and their
bloodline. Female lions only care for their young for a limited
time, and will often loose some of them t
The Politics of Generation X
No full textI have decided to write my thesis on "The Politics of Generation "X'' for four main reasons. First, because I am a part of Generation X (I was born in 1977), and I wanted to learn more about my generation as a whole. I wanted to know how alike or different from the rest of them I was. Secondly, I am a Political Science major, and in my classes here at Gustavus, I have learned much about the politics of the Boomer Generation and before, but little, if nothing about my own generation's politics. Were we drastically different in our political views, or more alike than one would think, to generations past? And thirdly, it has long been said that we are the generation of apathetic citizens who have no interest in voting, lobbying, or being politically active in any way. I wanted to know if this was a basic truth, or an unwarranted stereotype.
Through this thesis, I hope to get a hold on who Generation X really is. I want to know why they are the way they are, and if, and how, this affects them politically. Once there, I want to know if they are truly an apathetic bunch, and if they are not, I want to explore how they are politically active. After a brief look at a survey that I conducted earlier this semester, I will take everything into account prior to the survey, and including it, and draw some conclusions as to where this generation is going, and what we can hope to expect from them.The Politics
Of Uncertainty
The Future
Democrat Socially Liberal
Apathetic Republican
Poverty Cohabitation
Independent
"Buster" Party Affiliation
Economy Patriotism
Family Values By: Kate Martin
Policy Making
"Free" Divorce
Alone Voting
Politically Active
Choice
Materialistic
People Matter Cynicism
Fiscally Conservative
Money
Generation X
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Thesis Table of Contents:
Introduction
Section 1: Who is Generation "X"?
--A Boomer's Perspective
--A Gen-X Perspective
Section 2: How did Generation "X" grow up? And how
will this affect their opinions on certain matters pertaining
to public policy?
Introduction of Sections 3&4
Section 3: Politically Apathetic Xers
Section 4: Politically Active Xers
Section 5: Survey & Survey Results
Section 6: What does the Future hold?
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INTRODUCTION
I have decided to write my thesis on "The Politics of Generation "X'' for four
main reasons. First, because I am a part of Generation X (I was born in 1977), and I
wanted to learn more about my generation as a whole. I wanted to know how alike or
different from the rest of them I was. Secondly, I am a Political Science major, and i n
m y classes here a t Gustavus, I have learned much about the politics of the Boomer
Generation and before, but little, if nothing about my own generation's politics. Were we
drastically different in our political views, or more alike than one would think, to
generations past? And thirdly, it has long been said that we are the generation of
apathetic citizens who have no interest i n voting, lobbying, or being politically active in
any way. I wanted to know i f this was a basic truth, or an unwarranted stereotype.
Through this thesis, I hope to get a hold on who Generation X really is. I want to
know why they are the way they are, and if, and how, this affects them politically. Once
there, I want to know if they are truly an apathetic bunch, and if they are not, I want to
explore how they are politically active. After a brief look at a survey that I conducted
earlier this semester, I will take everything into account prior to the survey, and including
it, and draw some conclusions as to where this generation is going, and what we can hope
to expect from them.
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WHO ARE THEY?
Let us begin then, with who "they" are. To be fair, I have decided to write two
accounts of this, first taking the views from a Boomer's perspective (someone who was
born anywhere from 1945-1963, most often the parent generation to the Gen- Xers), and
secondly from the views of a Gen-Xer (most often the generation born anywhere from
1964-1982). By talting views from both of these people, I feel like we can better
distinguish who this generation really is. The Boomer will give us a portrayal of how
other generations see this generation, at the same time, mentioning flaws that the Xer
himself may tend to leave out. The Xer on the other hand will give us a realistic picture
of what it was like to grow up in this generation, (being he did), while at the same time
exposing stereotypes other generations have labeled us with.
A Boomer's Perspective of Generation "X"
2
For the Boomer, I have decided to use George Barna, who wrote the book,
Invisible Generation: Baby Busters. Barna touches on many points regarding Generation
"X", such as, who Xers "think" they are as opposed to who older generations see them as;
their issues regarding trust; what kind of workers they are; the importance of
relationships t o them; how they feel about religion, and the political views and activity
that they demonstrate. Though I will not repeat his book word for word, I do feel that it
is important to share his main points about each of these topics, in order that we may
learn more about who this generation really is.
Before we get started, I think it is important to note that the generation that I am
referring to as Generation "X", is know b y many other names. And just like it has many
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names, there is an equal amount of discussion of what years make up this generation.
Neither of these questions will probably ever be solved, with each person deciding on
their own what the right answer is. So to make this a little easier, prior to each author, I
will mention what they refer to this generation as, along with what years of people they
are including under that title.
3
Barna refers to this generation as the "Busters", (i.e. the Baby Busters) and states
that they are the people born anywhere from 1965 and 1983. He also refers to their
predecessors, the "Boomers" (i.e. the Baby Boomers), as those born anywhere from 1946
to 1964, and their predecessors, the "Builders", as those born anywhere from 1927 to
1945.
1
These titles will be important to remember as we talk about Barna's views.
Barna says this about the Busters, " ... the Baby Bust group has experienced a
totally different type of life than any prior generation ... they have largely been overlooked
in public discussion because of the exaggerated attention lavished upon the Boomers."
2
He goes on to say, "In comparative terms, the Baby Busters are really not a "bust"
generation at all. Put in the larger context, their numbers are actually unusually large,
although not as substantial as those witnessed during the Boom years ... While there are
nearly 79 million Boomers resident within America today, there are about 68 million
Busters."3 And one other important statistic to note about the Busters is that the
generation is currently a combination of three distinct segments: Those in the 30-35 age
bracket, those in the 23-29 age range, and the 17 to 22-year-olds. "There are some areas
of values, perspectives, and activities in which these three groups are indistinguishable;
and there are other dimensions in which they differ radically. This diversity is, of course,
1 The Invisible Generation, pg. 19
2
The Invisible Generation, pg. 20
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\ /
4
common to all generations, just as the profile of the "typical" Boomer is likely to conflict
with the true being of a great many of the Boomers."4
Now that we have some basic statistics on what "technically " constitutes a
Buster, let us look at the statistics of surveys, taken by Busters, to try to decipher whom
they think they are. When it comes to personality, nine out of ten Busters describe
themselves as outgoing (89% ). However most of them do not feel like they have an
aggressive personality (47% say they do).5 Almost nine out of ten Busters (87%) claim
that they are curious by nature. But consistent with their view that they are not overly
assertive, more than two-thirds of the Busters (69%) argue that they are easy to please.6
"The experience of many marketers has been that Busters are a group that loves to be
entertained. They feel quite at home playing the role of audience, whether it be for a
commercial pitch, an artistic event, an athletic contest, or an informational activity. But
getting this group to act on the desires of the marketer is another story altogether. The
Busters admit to this freely, indicating a strong distaste for-and acute awareness
of-being manipulated. Even more important is the recognition by a majority of these
young adults (57%) that they are skeptics, in general."7
Next, Busters evaluate how their lives "feel". Two out of every five Busters
(38%) claim that they are "stressed out." The proportion of stressed out Busters is nearly
double that of older adults. Nine out of ten Busters (88%) state that they are busy. Half
of the generation (47%) goes a step further and admits that they are "too busy."8 More
3
The Invisible Generation, pg. 21
4
The Invisible Generation, pg. 23
5
The Invisible Generation, pg. 24
6 The Invisible Generation, pg. 28
7 The Invisible Generation, pg. 28
8
The Invisible Generation, pg. 28
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than nine out of ten Busters described themselves as hard workers (94% ). And in the
midst of accepting the challenges of life, a surprisingly high proportion of the Busters
(47%) think of themselves as being scholarly. "Busters prefer to carefully consider their
options and make circumspect choices." 9
Just one out of every seven young adults (15%) concluded that they are lonely.
5
Relationships, it turns out, are perceived to be of crucial importance among Busters.10
Just one of those relationships is religion. Currently, just over half of the Buster
generation see themselves as religious people (52%). Seven out of ten busters (71 %)
claim they are Christians. Relatively few Busters claim to be born again, though. While
more than f our out of ten older adults describe themselves as "born again Christians,"
only 25% of the Busters assign that label to themselves. This vague notion of being
Christian, but neither overtly religious nor deeply committed to Biblical Christianity, has
not precluded most Busters from viewing themselves as leading a traditional
lifestyle ... 71 % of the Busters claim they lead one.11
"Interestingly, it appears that Busters are uncomfortable with terms such as
"liberal" and "conservative" ... Busters transition between such descriptive extremes with
alarming fluidity."12 At the same time that they fail to align themselves with the Left or
the Right, most Busters do construe themselves to be patriotic (77%).13 And finally, a
majority of Busters see themselves as leaders (52% ). While this is a high proportion, it is
9 The Invisible Generation, pg. 29
10 The Invisible Generation, pg. 29
11 The Invisible Generation, pg. 30
12
The Invisible Generation, pg. 30
13 The Invisible Generation, pg. 31
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not as high as was witnessed during the same point in the life cycle of the Boomer
generation.
14
The author goes on to say, "The differences are evident." In comparison to
Busters, Boomers emerge as more religious; less stressed out; less difficult to please; less
skeptical; less likely to lead a traditional lifestyle; and less likely to see themselves as
living comfortably. Builders, when matched against Busters, emerge as more religious;
more committed to Christianity; more accepting of people and institutions; less
aggressive; less likely to complain of being too busy; and more comfortable with
traditional lifestyles.
15
The most significant divergence may be the gap between how Busters view
themselves and how they are viewed by their elders. For instance, the author says,
"Studies conducted among employers have shown that Busters are not revered within the
labor pool. In fact, a number of employers have become so frustrated by the Buster
generation that they have developed innovative strategies for inducing Seniors to remain
active employees beyond their normal date of retirement, rather than have to hire and rely
upon Busters."
16
"If you ask a typical young adult to work a hard, eight-hour day, you
get laughed at", reported one employer. "The work ethic died around 1965. Today's
young people want things handed to them. Paying their dues and earning their way up
the ladder are foreign concepts to them."
17
Workplace studies have identified these concerns about the Busters:
• they are ambitious, but their ambitions are personal, not corporate;
14
The Invisible Generation, pg. 32
15
The Invisible Generation, pg. 33
16
The Invisible Generation, pp. 33-34
17 The Invisible Generation, pg. 34
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• they are more individualistic, exhibiting little interest in team work or cooperative
efforts;
• they are uncooperative with authority; they feel a need to make their own decisions,
but to leave the consequences of those decisions with the company;
• loyalty is not in their vocabulary; it is an "all for one, and one for me" strategy;
• they are not driven by desires of excelling in a given career; their career path is
generally viewed in a very short-term manner;
7
• their work habits, literacy skills, and training capacity seem less refined than was true
for prior generations;
• they are not motivated by work; it is a necessary but unappealing means to an end. 18
Other concerns about the Busters, based on the perceptions of older adults, are
that they fear any types of long-term commitment (marriage, friendships, housing, faith,
career); they are interested in having a high quality of life but have little interest in
working hard to get it; they lack patience; and they are ignorant of the life systems and
political processes that they wish to influence to create a different world order. While
innately bright, they are seen as a lazy generation and one lacking drive to excel and
innovate.19 The author sums up the difference between the Boomer generation and the
Buster generation well, in regards to work, when he says, " ... the difference between
Boomers and Busters may be summed up in this statement: Boomers live to work, while
Busters work to live."20 The author does say though, that one plausible explanation for
all of this may be that they are truly a hand-me-down generation. "They have not created
or embraced much that is uniquely theirs and of which to be proud; they are able to
18 The Invisible Generation, pg. 35
19 The Invisible Generation, pg.35
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8
identify with little which they believe can be attributed to or possessed solely by their
generation."
21
"Given the absence of a lifestyle, a value system or a world view they can
truly claim as their own, the Busters may be suffering from an acute, if low-profile,
identity crisis ... Thus, it may not be too presumptuous to state that the Busters are still
searching for their own place in history, their own sense of self, and their own level of
comfort with what they can yet become in a world dominated by the Boomers."
22
"Busters feel surprisingly hopeless in a world seen by their elders as possessing
virtually unparalleled opportunity." Americans have always been unusually optimistic
about the future. However, Busters are the first generation in the past 60 years (i.e. since
such estimates have been available) to believe their futures will not exceed or even match
the experiences of their parents' generation.23 Research conducted in 1992 showed that
Busters were four times more likely to indicate that the quality of their life had
deteriorated in the past 12 months than to suggest that it had improved. And they were
not terribly hopeful for the future; one-third said they expect the quality of their life to
decline even further. Busters frame their life issues in terms of what it takes to get a
foothold in the world. This is perhaps more of a reflection of their stage in life than it is a
distinctive of their generation ... For instance, the three most challenging personal issues
for Busters are overcoming their immediate financial needs (27% ); achieving success in
their career (26% ); and satisfactorily completing their education (23% ).24
As far as the Busters' opinions about politics, this is what the author found:
Recent research on socio-political views of Busters finds them to be more inclined to
20
The Invisible Generation, pg. 120
21
The Invisible Generation, pg. 36
22
The Invisible Generation, pg. 37
23
The Invisible Generation, pg. 54
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9
focus on domestic policies and problems than upon international concerns. The statistics
also point out that Busters are primarily concerned with those issues which have the
highest potential to affect them personally, as opposed to demonstrating an altruistic
concern for those affairs which will have the most encompassing impact.25 A similarly
unique view of the world comes through upon examining the social and political issues
that Busters say would inform their choice of a presidential candidate. Asked to rate the
importance of a candidate's stands on each of fifteen issues in their choice of a candidate,
Busters clearly distinguished themselves from their elders. Top on the Busters' list of
important indicators were candidates' stands on public education and the national
economy. The next highest echelon of critical issues included positions on crime, the
enforcement of drug laws, health care, and environmental policy. 26 The author goes on to
state, "Ever the pragmatic group, Busters tend to view personal investment in community
affairs and in politics and government as being of minimal importance. Only one-quarter
of the Busters described their community or government and politics as very important
cornerstones of their worldview.27 And lastly, when it comes to having both low and
shrinking levels of confidence in major institutions, the statistics further indicate that the
more contact Busters have with a given type of organization, the less confidence they are
likely to have in that entity.28
Barna (the author) then moves on to talk about the Busters as the "activist
generation". "Their efforts to raise attention in relation to the environment,
homelessness, and similar national and international difficulties have lead many to think
24
The Invisible Generation, pg. 55
25
The Invisible Generation, pp. 57-58
26
The Invisible Generation, pp. 58-59
27 The Invisible Generation, pg. 73
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of the Busters as cause-driven zealots. While Busters do get involved in shaping their
world, depicting them as an activist generation is an inaccurate portrayal. Consider the
realities of their social involvement:
• They are less likely than other adults to write to elected officials to express their
opinion on current issues.
• One-fifth of the Busters may be involved in boycotts of products, brands or
companies in a given month. This, too, is equal to or lower than the participation
rates of older adults.
10
• Busters are the least likely to identify a cause for which they would be willing to die.
• Of all adult groups, Busters have the lowest proportion registered to vote. Even
among registered voters, their turnout at the polls on election day has been the lowest
for each of the last three national elections ( 1988-1992), when Busters first became
eligible to vote.
• Busters are less likely to donate money to causes or charities than were prior
generations at a similar stage in their life cycle.
• When millions of Busters sacrifice their time to work as volunteers at churches and
other non-profit organizations, they are less willing to do so than are older adults.
Studies indicate that they are not expecting to increase their volunteer time in the near
future.
29
One major departure however, from the dominant Boomer mentality, is that to
Busters, people matter. Busters in comparison to the preceding generation are more
emotionally sensitive and more relational in character. Busters demonstrate a greater
28 The Invisible Generation, pg. 75
29
The Invisible Generation, pg. 108
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11
willingness to sacrifice some of their time and energy to initiate and nurture meaningful
friendships. The impetus behind this may have to do with their own poverty of emotional
connections as they were raised. Busters tended to be raised in a more isolated
environment due to divorce, household transience, their own diminished communication
skills, and the dissolution of neighborhoods.
30 Today, though, Busters see friends and
family as two of the more important aspects of their lives. When they reflect on their
sources of emotional support and encouragement, about two out of three Busters claim
that they often receive such help from personal friends (67%) and from family members
(62%). All other sources pale in comparison.
31
Since we are on the topic of family, the author also mentions some information in
regards to Busters, themselves, marrying and having children of their own. Let us
begin with their thoughts on marriage. Whereas nearly eight out of ten adults over
age 25 were married in previous decades, that figure has dropped to just six out of ten
adults these days. Busters, though, believe that marriage is a good thing. Most
Busters are married now (30%)-(keep in mind that these are 1992 statistics),
definitely want to be (30% ), or would like to be if the right person came along (29% ).
Very few Busters believe that marriage is an outdated social institution (11 %). And
just two out of ten Busters say it is better to remain single than to get married.32 The
desires for a lasting companionship tops the list of compelling reasons to get married.
Nearly six out of ten single Bust
Prohibitionist Public Policy and American Civil Liberty
No full textThe objective of the following research is to examine the development of prohibitionist public policy within the context of American civil liberty. I began this project with a neutral mind but my research has led me to the conclusion that alcohol/drug prohibition is antithetical to values long endeared in the United States and lacks a sound utilitarian basis of justification. I will elaborate on my findings throughout this paper as I work towards developing a viable policy alternative.Brian Thatcher
Prohibitionist Public Policy and American Civil Liberty
The objective of the following research is to examine the development of
prohibitionist public policy within the context of American civil liberty. I began this
project with a neutral mind but my research has led me to the conclusion that
alcohol/drug prohibition is antithetical to values long endeared in the United States and
lacks a sound utilitarian basis of justification. I will elaborate on my findings throughout
this paper as I work towards developing a viable policy alternative.
This paper is presented in a temporal format. I will begin by tracing the evolution
of alcohol/drug prohibition. I will present evidence pointing to the conclusion that people
with hidden motives crafted these policies. The prohibition statues are racially neutral
yet their implementation seems to indicate certain ethnic and racial biases. I will then
move into an empirical analysis as to the effect of prohibitionist policy. I explore
whether or not these policies accomplish their objectives and also ascertain their ancillary
effects. I will show that prohibition does not accomplish its objective of lowering
consumption and also directly causes many negative side effects. I will also look at how
these policies have affected American jurisprudence. I will explore the protest and power
struggles that have resulted from prohibition. Prohibitionist policies have affected the
interpretation of the Constitution as well as the interpretation of freedom itself. I will
conclude this project by addressing alternative policies and assessing their viability.
Chapter 1: The Evolution of Prohibitionist Public Policy
Chapter 2: The Empirical Effects of Prohibitionist Public Policy
Chapter 3: The Substantive Effects of Prohibitionist Public Policy
Chapter 4: Alternatives to Prohibitionist Public Policy
Gustavus Student Repository
Prohibitionist Public Policy and American Civil Liberty
by Brian Thatcher
Chapter One:
The Evolution of Prohibitionist Public Policy
Prohibition is an awful flop
We like it
It can't stop what it's meant to stop
We like it
It's left a trail of graft and slime
It don't prohibit worth a dime
It's filled our land with vice and crime
Nevertheless, we're for it
--Nathan Kyvig
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Alcohol and other drugs have existed for nearly the entire span of human history.
The problem of substance abuse likely originated when some caveman ate some old
apples that had fermented. It is impossible to tell if that early encounter led to violence,
sloth, or other social ills. Human societies have evolved a great deal since those times
but the presence of alcohol and other drugs remained. The use of these substances has
become a major cultural characteristic in many parts of the world. The United States has
struggled with issues pertaining to alcohol and drugs throughout its history. It has proven
rather difficult to create policy in this area given the social diversity and strong liberal
ideology of the country.
The American colonies were founded in part by religious fundamentalists. The
views of these early colonists were reflected in the legal system of the time. For
example, a drunk might find himself charged with disorderly conduct if he disturbed the
tranquility of the community but there were no statutes specifically against drunkenness.
This is because alcoholism was thought to be the result of sinful human nature and thus
its remedy lay not with government but with the church. 1
The temperance/prohibition movements started as moral endeavors of the church.
Organizations such as the Catholic Total Abstinence Union worked to persuade people
not to use alcohol or other drugs. These groups achieved success by speaking in public,
distributing literature, and lobbying for alternative drinks such as clean public water and
tariff free coffee. They were also successful in persuading many newspapers to
voluntarily refrain from printing liquor advertisements. 2
1
Jack Blocker, Jr. American Temperance Movements: Cycles of Reform (Boston: Twayne Publishers,
1989) 5-6.
2 Ibid., 35.
2
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The church sponsored temperance campaigns were initially very effective but the
early successes convinced many activists and donors that the battle was won. This
coupled with economic recessions dried up the private funding and prompted temperance
activists to turn to government for help. 3 The movement was forced to secularize in an
effort to achieve wider impact. This change in organization led to significant changes
throughout the temperance movement. The shift from spiritual to social activism
undermined the church's claim for divine sanction as the basis of social change. The
development also represented a change in tactics from persuasion to coercion. 4 Jack
Blocker, Jr. describes this change in philosophy in his book American Temperance
Movements: Cycles of Reform:
Moral persuasion assumes a symmetrical relationship
between individuals of equal power and presumed
rationality. Its essence is the dialogue in which the
reformer appeals to the intellect and emotions of his/her
listener in an attempt to convince the person of the
rightness and goodness of the reformer's position. In
contrast, coercion requires an asymmetrical relationship
between individuals or groups of unequal power, involves
only the crudest form of communication, and considers
intellects and emotions peripheral to outcome. The
rightness and goodness of the reformer's position are not
at issue; the only question is whether the reformer can
mobilize enough force to compel acquiescence.
3 Ibid., 25-29.
4 Ibid., 24.
3
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The bustling industrial revolution and its accompanying boom in immigration led
to increased debate over the issue of temperance/prohibition. Alcohol was blamed for the
high levels of crime, poverty, and disease in the growing urban areas. The social activist
Frances Willard said in 1886 that "intemperance was the product of harsh working
conditions." He argued that the problems in the urban areas were the result of corporate
greed and social inequality. He maintained that prohibition was a red herring intended to
divert attention from society's true culprits. Willard supported this notion with the fact
that wealthy industrial families such as the Rockefellers and Carnegies strongly
supported the prohibition movement.5
It was also argued that the growing debate over prohibition at a time when Irish
and German immigration was high was a sign of an ethnic bias in public policy. It was
generally believed that beer and spirits had a predominant role in Irish and German
culture. Some argued that alcohol prohibition was a step taken to discourage further
immigration and a way to harass current residents. 6
Regardless of their motives, prohibitionists were able to generate a large enough
consensus to incorporate their policy as the 18th Amendment to the Constitution in 1919.
The Amendment was accompanied by the Volstead Act that included legislation
pertaining to the enforcement of the Amendment.7 These developments reflected the
movement's shift from persuading the populace to pressuring lawmakers. There had
been a silent majority against prohibition but as R.N. Holsaple wrote, "America is not a
5
Ibid., 82.
6 Ibid., 82-83.
7 Ibid., 96-97.
4
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democracy as long as we have representative government."8 The anti-prohibition
majority began to mobilize shortly after the passage of the 18th Amendment.
The anti-prohibitionists argued that prohibition was an assertion of too much
power on the part of government. Some religious leaders of the time argued that
prohibition "removed sin from the jurisdiction of the churches where it belongs."9 The
anti-prohibitionists also included a utilitarian analysis in their argument. They argued
against prohibition's "high cost of enforcement, increasing criminal activity, corruption
in government, and disrespect for the law as a result of widespread violations. "10 The
anti-prohibitionists also argued that prohibition did not achieve its ends of lowering
consumption. The per capita alcohol consumption in the country initially dropped from
1. 7 to 1.1 gallons but rose again once bootleggers became organized. It was also easy for
people to ferment their own grape juice or cider. 11
The growing controversy over prohibition prompted President Hoover to appoint
the Wickersham Commission to investigate the administration of criminal justice. The
commission found that alcohol consumption was actually up from pre-prohibition levels.
The commission also concluded that prohibition overburdened the criminal justice system
due to the enormous amounts of violators and led to widespread official corruption. The
government's experiment with prohibition appeared to be a horrible flop yet the
commission did not recommend its repeal. This case serves to illustrate the phenomena
8
Ibid., 124.
9
Edgar Kemler The Deflation of American Ideals,194. Cited in Norman H. Clark Deliver Us From Evil:
An Interpretation of American Prohibition (New York: Norton Inc, 1976) 211.
10
Blocker American Temperance, 120.
11
Ibid., 125.
5
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that government simply cannot admit when it is wrong. 12 The government maintained
that alcohol abuse would become an even greater problem if prohibition was repealed.
The anti-prohibitionists continued to lobby and build public support and in 1933
they finally achieved their goal of repealing the 18th Amendment with the passage of the
21st Amendment. The group Alcoholics Anonymous formed shortly after the repeal of
prohibition. M achieved success through speeches, secrecy, and mutual support. The
group used tactics that greatly resembled those of the temperance movement pioneers.
The fears of the government were not realized as there was actually a marked decline in
consumption following the repeal ofprohibition. 13
The start of the anti-drug movement corresponds with the latter part of the
campaign for prohibition. The use of opium and other drugs in Western civilization
began in the eighteenth century. The use of these substances was predominately for
medical purposes but there were recreational users as well. There were originally no
restrictions placed on the manufacture, sale, or possession of these substances. Opiates
were inexpensive and readily available. Narcotics were present in many popular products
of the time, including the drink Coca-Cola.
The legal prohibition of narcotics began in 1875 when California prohibited
opium-smoking dens, which were similar to the hash bars of modem Amsterdam. Opium
dens were a cultural phenomena tied to migrant Chinese workers. The federal
government prohibited the importation of opium by Chinese in 1887. The federal
government also passed legislation prohibiting only the smoking of opium, which was
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid., 132.
6
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common only among the Chinese. The fact that the laws seem to have been specifically
targeted at Chinese indicates a certain ethnocentric core for this policy campaign. 14
The anti-narcotics campaign was also fueled by advances in medical science
pertaining to their limited usefulness and potential for addiction. Many states began to
pass laws in the 1890s that required a physician's prescription for the purchase of pure
opiates. A federal law was passed in 1906 that required producers to disclose the narcotic
content of their products through honest labeling. This afforded people the opportunity to
avoid products that could potentially become addictive such as Coca-Cola. 15
The use of narcotics remained common in America during the early part of the
20th century but it was less salient than the use of alcohol. Prohibitionist organizations
such as the Anti-Saloon League adopted the anti-drug campaign as a test case for the
alcohol prohibition that was to follow. The lobbying of these organizations led to the
passage of the Harrison Drug Control Act of 1914. The passage of this bill provoked no
great emotional upheaval or structured opposition. It was so quietly ceremonial that it is
not even listed in the index of the New York Times. 16
The Harrison Act served to prohibit the use of opiates except for medicinal
purposes. The law abolished the legitimate trafficking of narcotics to recreational users
and made them dependent on physicians to support their habits. However, the Supreme
Court ruled in the early 1920s that prescribing opiates for addictions was not legitimate
medical practice. People who had long used opiates suddenly became criminals. 17
14
Clark Deliver Us, 220-221.
15
Ibid., 222.
16
Ibid.
17
Ibid., 223
7
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The scattered opposition to these legal measures argued that the laws were "a
strange triumph of pseudoscience, racism, and mild hysteria on the part of a few people
and of indifference on the part of most others."18 It was also argued that these measures
"lowered narcotics use into the underworld and forced formerly decent and responsible
citizens who had acquired an unfortunate habit to become aggressive and violent
criminals. " 1 9
The opposition to this legislation also argued that there were no negative
repercussions to casual opiate use. It was stated that "in contrast to the brawling,
foulmouthed lechery of common drunkenness, the passivity and euphoric introspection
which characterized opiate consciousness had not presented any obvious threat to the
individual, his family, or society." It was also argued that, "The person addicted to
opiates could fulfill his family responsibilities in good conscience and still in some comer
of the day find his quiet and private hour.',zo
The opposition to the early anti-narcotics campaign echoed the sentiments of the
great promoter of liberty Jolm Stuart Mill. Mill published the book On Liberty in 1859 in
which he wrote, "the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any
member of the civilized community against his will is to prevent harm to others. His own
good, either physical or moral, is not sufficient warrant.',21 The position of the narcotics
supporters seemed consistent with American ideals of liberty but they failed to gain
widespread support.
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid.
20
Ibid., 220.
21
John Stuart Mill On Liberty (London: Penguin Books, 1974) 68.
8
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The Harrison Drug Control Act of 1914 stood strong and was built upon during
the 20th century. Between 1914 and 1970 fifty-five federal laws and hundreds of state
laws were passed making the production, distribution, and possession of many drugs a
crime. There are also several examples from this period in which demagogic rhetoric
blamed society's ills on opium-smoking Chinese and cocaine-crazed Negroes. However,
it was the drug culture of the 1960s anti-war movement that ultimately accelerated the
rigorous prohibition of drugs. 22
The escalation of the drug war prompted President Nixon to appoint a committee
to evaluate its effectiveness. The committee reached conclusions similar to those of the
Wickersham Commission in the 1920s. The committee recommended the legalization of
some drugs such as marijauna in an effort to alleviate the problems associated with
prohibition. President Nixon refused to implement the committee's recommendation. 23
The sociologist Robert Martinson published an influential essay in 1974 entitled
"What Works? Questions and Answers About Prison Reform." In the essay Martinson
concluded that rehabilitation was an unachievable goal for many offenders. The essay
was presented at a time when there was great social anger at the spiraling crime rate. The
essay delivered by Martinson was used as justification in the passage of New York's
Rockefeller Drug Laws that same year. These laws were harsh measures that gave
lengthy mandatory sentences to those involved with illicit drugs. The laws were a major
shift in the balance of power as they essentially stripped the judiciary of its discretion in
sentencing. The Rockefeller Drug Laws were influential in much of the legislation across
22 Ira Glasser, "American Drug Laws: The New Jim Crow''. Speech delivered at the 1999 biennial
conference of the American Civil Liberties Unioo.
23 "America's War on Marijauna," PBS Frontline Aired February 2, 2000.
9
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the country. The fact that Martinson retracted his research and reversed his position in
1979 proved inconsequential. 24
Many of the draconian mandatory minimum sentencing laws only applied to
adults which led to the use of juveniles in trafficking drugs. It was more practical to have
children distribute drugs than to have the adult dealer risk a lengthy prison term if he/she
was caught. Several of these laws were later modified to include juveniles and their
parents.25
The implementation of mandatory minimum sentences on a broad scale failed to
reduce consumption so it was argued that these laws were not tough enough. Policy
makers thus sought to make them tougher. For example, Michigan passed a law creating
a mandatory life sentence without the possibility of parole for anyone who merely posses
over 600 grams of cocaine. The Supreme Court upheld this law in Harmelin v. Michigan
and ruled that such a law did not constitute cruel and unusual punishment even though
the only other crime punishable by that sentence is murder.26
There has also been a dramatic increase in federal, state, and local expenditure
on drug interdiction over the past twenty years. The federal expenditure on drug
enforcement has risen from 18 billion in 1997. Someone is
arrested for a drug violation every 20 seconds in America and a new jail or prison is
erected every week to house them. The prison population has risen from 450,000 to
2,000,000 over the past twenty years. The bulk of this increase is due to non-violent drug
offenses such as mere possession. 27
24 Ellis Cose, "The Prison Paradox," Newsweek November 13, 2000: 38-49.
25
Glasser, "American Drug Laws".
26 Ibid.
27 Ibid.
10
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The heightened anti-drug efforts of the past twenty years are due in large part to
the crack cocaine scare of the early 1980s. Crack cocaine poisoned many communities
and led to a nationwide hysteria. People feared that the drug was instantly addictive,
produced birth defects, and led to violence. The main fears about crack cocaine were
never realized because the drug appealed mainly to hard-core users. The number of
people using the drug actually began falling not long after surveys began counting yet the
crack hysteria left its mark on the American legal system nonetheless.
The crack hysteria led to the passage of the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 that
established harsh laws prohibiting crack cocaine. Lawyers and social activists have
argued that the law was racially biased. The Act established a mandatory sentence of ten
years in prison for a person possessing 400 grams of crack cocaine, while a person in
possession of powder cocaine would receive only one year in jail. It was generally
believed that inhalation of powder cocaine was the common method used by white
addicts while the smoking of crack cocaine was thought to be the primary mode of black
users. Later research would show that more whites used crack cocaine than blacks yet
the war on crack remained directed at the predominately black inner cities. The
enforcement of the Act led to a change in the make-up of American prisons. The
targeting of inner cities led to blacks being incarcerated at a much higher rate. 28
The inequities of the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 might be the result of
careless legislating more so than blatant racism. The Act was passed without a single
hearing at a time when politicians were attempting to one-up each other as crack seized
headlines just before the elections. The Act passed the House with only 16 dissenting
28 Timothy Egan, "Panic Over Crack Altered the U.S. Criminal Justice System," Worcester Telegram and
Gazette February 28, 1999: A2.
11
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votes, sailed through the Senate, and was signed by President Reagan before Election
Day. Eric Sterling, the lead attorney for the House Judicial Committee in the mid-1980s,
wrote much of the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 as well as other related legislation. He
has since argued that, ''there was a level of hysteria that led to a total breakdown of the
legislative process. "29
The policy initiatives that have come to be known as the War on Drugs have been
subject to increased scrutiny in recent years by an ever-growing body of civil
organizations and skeptical politicians. One such example is Governor Gary Johnson of
New Mexico. He argues that, "Our current policies on drugs are perhaps the biggest
problem this country has. "30 The governor believes that the United States is spending
billions on a policy that yields few if any positive results. Governor Johnson points out
that consumption remains high while record numbers of Americans sit in prisons. The
governor argues that legal drugs such as tobacco and alcohol cause more death and social
damage than illicit drugs such as marijauna. The governor belongs to a growing school
of activists known as harm-reduction advocates. These activists believe that drug use is
an inevitability that sh
Religion and Politics In America: Outlining the Church-State Debate
No full textThe intricacies of the church-state debate demand the careful analysis of several social, political, and religious components. Therefore, my thesis will be comprised of multiple parts, each addressing a separate aspect of religion's role in government and public policy. The main point of my thesis includes the analysis of the history of the church-state debate and how it relates to the modern perception of the church-state issue. Historical documents, such as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, communicate the intended relationship between church and state; these documents serve as sources for the historical ideology of the church-state relations. A brief biographical history of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison aid in understanding religion and politics during the Founding Period. Relevant Supreme Court rulings outline how the goals of the Constitution were later put into practice. The recognition of the Founders philosophies, applied to 20th century court cases, makes it easier to understand the components of modern court debates and personal attitudes. The court cases in this paper primarily focus on the issue of religion in the public schools.Religion and Politics In America: Outlining the Church-State
Debate
Kajsa Larson
Political Science Thesis
Christopher Gilbert
May 27, 2001
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents
Introduction ............................................................................................. 1
America: the Land and People .............................................................................. 2
A Breakaway From Established Religion .................................................................. 3
The Ideology Behind the Cause: Jefferson, Madison, and the Fight for Religious Liberty ......... 4
The Protection of a New Democracy ........................................................................ 7
The Fourteenth Amendment. ................................................................................ 9
Religion in the Schools and Appropriate Government Sponsorship. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Morality and Its Place in the Classroom .................................................................. 12
School Prayer: Another Case Study of Religion ......................................................... 13
The Bible and Morality: A Source for Political Debate ................................................. 18
The Reaction: Echoes from the 1960s ..................................................................... 20
Bending the Rules: Religious Groups and Public Opinion ............................................. 24
The Reality: A Public Overview ........................................................................... 26
Culture Wars: A Matter of Public Debate? ............................................................... 29
Cultural Divide and Political Elites: Issues of Establishment. ......................................... 31
Civil Society: How We Want to Organize Our Democracy ............................................ .34
Table 1. ........................................................................................................ 38
Bibliography .................................................................................................. 39
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futroduction
The intricacies of the church-state debate demand the careful analysis of several social,
political, and religious components. Therefore, my thesis will be comprised of multiple parts,
each addressing a separate aspect of religion's role in govermnent and public policy. The main
point of my thesis includes the analysis of the history of the church-state debate and how it relates
to the modern perception of the church-state issue. Historical documents, such as the Declaration
of fudependence and the Constitution, communicate the intended relationship between church and
state; these documents serve as sources for the historical ideology of the church-state relations. A
brief biographical history of Thomas Jefferson and James Madison aid in understanding religion
and politics during the Founding Period. Relevant Supreme Court rulings outline how the goals of
the Constitution were later put into practice. The recognition of the Founders philosophies,
applied to 20th century court cases, makes it easier to understand the components of modern court
debates and personal attitudes. The court cases in this paper primarily focus on the issue of
religion in the public schools.
Other questions addressed are: What is the public perception of the church-state issue?
What are the sides of the church-state debate? What interest groups and political elites are
involved in the dilemma? fu this section, several public surveys, conducted by researchers and
sociologists, assess public opinion and measure public reaction to the Supreme Court rulings. The
findings convey that the general public has diverse and sometimes tenuous opinions on churchstate
relations--both in ideology aud in practice.
The concluding section will attempt to measure the appropriate relationship between
religion and politics and why groups or political elites argue for a specific solution. Deeply
embedded in the church-state issue are the ideals of our democracy, the elements of our heritage,
and the method in which we construct our govermnent. To understand the appropriate degree of
church-state association, it is important to fully understand the intentions of the Founders, the
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controversy over the wording of the First Amendment, and how this relates to our modem
democracy.
America: the Land and People
The history of America began with the transplantation of a variety of well-defined
European cultures and Protestant religious traditions. As England extended her dominance, the
Church of England stood to the right side of the throne. From the time of English colonization,
religion in America became an integrated part of society, culture, and government. History would
show that this structure could not be sustained. America, her land and people, could not be
limited to religious constraints. The new nation would be a free and safe haven for all--free from
religious tyranny and persecution. This goal, however, was not achieved easily.
During the time of colonization, a vast number of people emigrated from the Christian
nations of Europe. With this sense of new opportunity they brought their Christian beliefs. Their
belief in the Creator served as a pillar of unity during the time of colonization and the early years
of our independent nation; first as a loyal symbol to the Church of England and later a figure of
our civil faith and ordained independence. In the eyes of the people, the symbol of God and the
aura of destiny deemed America a very special nation. Americans, as chosen and distinct people,
had an inspired purpose under God. God would reveal this purpose in His "good time" (Mead
1976, 80). In short, America's destiny was founded on a faith in God and a faith in the people to
carry out God's will (81).
Although the Christian symbolism of a Supreme Being was an important element in
creating unity among Americans, the ideology of this nation also emphasized the acceptance of
diversity and freedom. The image of the free and unique individual became a strong American
symbol. Preserved by the mark of diversity, each person had an equal chance to make his
impression and to pursue his dream. The New World was a chance for a new and equal beginning
for all. Each citizen shared in common this idea of a new beginning: "What they shared that
bound them together was not a past but the present and a future" (76). Appropriately, America is
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described as a land of immigrants--a melting pot of all cultures. Although the ties to Protestantism
were strongly visible, the ideals of freedom, individualism, and a sense of belonging also played a
role in creating the unity of the developing nation.
Many people came to the New World to escape religious persecution. fu America, it was
acceptable to openly practice these beliefs. Despite the cultural background or religious
convictions, each American had egalitarian rights; each person belonged. Religious pluralism was
at the heart of this matter. The freedom of religion was a part of the uniqueness of the individual,
and America was a unique nation--a nation that would embrace men and women of all
backgrounds and beliefs. This mindset was previously unknown in Europe. Nonetheless, the
American citizens with a diverse set of religious beliefs had to learn to live together on the same
soil. The circumstances created a new mentality of toleration. Toleration quickly became the
adopted approach in the American colonies, for it symbolized freedom and equality. The common
goal of freedom and toleration diverted citizens' focus away from their differences toward finding
a common bond. At the early stage of our nation's development, each citizen commouly held a
distinct sense of purpose and a strong faith in our country.
A Breakaway From Established Religion
The structure of the American colonies under British rule did not comply with the ideals of
democratic freedom and equality for all people, as stated clearly in the Declaration of
fudependence: ''The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries
and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these
States . . . A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit
to be the rule of a free people." The authors of the Declaration justified the claim to independence
by defending the natural rights to life liberty and the pursuit of happiness, for these rights were in
accordance to the laws of nature and of God. The preamble clearly states: "When in the course of
human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have
connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal
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station to which the law of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the
opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which compel them to
separation." It was the duty of the American people to ward off despotism in the name of the
Divine Providence. If the form of government became destructive, the people had to create a new
government that would recognize the rights of the citizens. With the guidance of the Founding
Fathers, the American people rebelled against England to achieve this goal. Thomas Jefferson
was at the forefront of this pursuit.
The Ideology Behind the Cause: Jefferson, Madison, and the Fight for Religious Liberty
Influenced by Enlightenment ideas, Jefferson believed that nature displayed certain logical
order. To the observer, this rational order of nature yielded sufficient proof that a supreme power
must keep the universe in its rightful course. God influenced nature; therefore, the laws of nature
were God's laws as well (Gaustad 37). Jefferson hinted that one must look at Nature when
configuring government because Nature serves as a role model (39). Man's ability to reason
guided him toward the will of God and the intended structure of Nature. The natural right to
liberty was based upon man's ability to reason. To violate liberty encroached upon the laws of
nature and God (Hutson 165). From these ideas, he formed the basis of the Declaration of
Independence. Jefferson's beliefs later impacted the role of religion in Virginia and ultimately
influenced the shaping of our Constitution's First Amendment.
The Declaration upheld liberty as an unalienable right of all humans. According to the
founders, liberty involved the human capacity for reflection and choice (166). Therefore,
religious pluralism was permanently established at the brink of our independence. In the
aftermath of the quest for independence, the bondages of state religion were permanently broken.
Freedom of religion became a matter for America's federal and state legislatures.
From the words of the Declaration of Independence, it was quite apparent that religious
persecution would no longer be tolerated; however, the independent states struggled to identify
the rightful placement of religion in politics. The question still remained: What role did the
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church have in state matters? On the eve of Independence Day, most of the colonies continued to
uphold an established state religion (Levy 1). Virginia, as a primary example, maintained its ties
with the Anglican establishment. Contentment with this compromise would not endure. As
radical political leaders stepped up to construct the layout of the new government, religion, as
seen in the history of Virginia law, would be a topic of federal and state controversy. Each state's
constitution, as influenced by the political leaders of the time, would determine the appropriate
placement of religion in government. In the state of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson continued to
make his mark on the deliverance of democracy and the preservation of religious pluralism by
insisting on the separation of church from state.
Thomas Jefferson dedicated much of his adult life and political career to the reform of
religion in America Locke's Letter Concerning Toleration helped him outline his future work in
Virginia. As summarized by Locke: "I esteem it above all things necessary, to distinguish exactly
the business of civil government from that of religion, and to settle the just bounds that lie
between the one and the other" (Gaustad 21). For Jefferson, politics was his duty; the religious
aspect of government was his calling.
In 1777, Jefferson drafted a Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom. This bill was later
recognized as Jefferson's first effort to disband an established religion in Virginia (51). Jefferson,
as an adamant supporter of liberty and the Revolutionary cause, believed that the war had been
for both civil and religious liberty. In his opinion, religious liberty could not be treated separately
from political liberty; religious choice, like civil rights, was a right that surpassed the power of all
government. Other political leaders of the time, in particular Patrick Henry, believed that the state
could allow religious freedom while also supporting an established Christian state religion (56).
The Virginia Assembly was clearly divided on the matter. With the help of James Madison,
however, the Assembly was swayed to accept a revised version of Jefferson's Bill for Religious
Freedom.
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Madison's defense of the disestablishment of a state religion came in the form of his
Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, published in 1785 (Padover 1953,
299). Like Jefferson, Madison spoke with an Enlightenment mentality. He argued: "Religion can
be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence. The right of every person to
exercise his or her conscience in this realm is in its nature an unalienable right" (Gaustad 59). For
Madison, a person could not surrender his right to religious choice to the government; religion,
like civil liberty, was an unalienable and designated right because the independent opinions and
internal thoughts of men are not dictated by the ideas of other men (Padover 1953, 301). Madison
expounded on this idea by arguing that Patrick Henry's bill violated the right to equality under
God by "subjecting some to peculiar burdens; so it violated the same principle, by granting to
others peculiar exemptions" (301). Madison concluded that a just government will be upheld by
granting every citizen the right to his religion because religion, as the conscience dictates, was an
equal right of all people (305).
fu his writings regarding religion in the state of Virginia, Jefferson reiterated that the quest
for political liberty coincided with a demand for religious liberty as well (Commager and Cantor,
124). With this opinion, Jefferson fought for absolute religious freedom-ultimately, a
divorcement of church and government. Drawing from the Declaration of fudependence,
Jefferson wrote in his Statute: "(Whereas) Almighty God hath created the mind free ... our civil
rights have no dependence on our religious opinions, any more than our opinions in physics or
geometry" (Commager and Cantor 125-126). Henry's proposal to put all Christian churches at
equal standing was not sufficient for Jefferson; he wanted equality for all religions and
nonbelievers.
Jefferson and Madison had almost identical convictions on the right to religious freedom, but
they had different theories on the characteristics of human nature and the appropriate
configuration of government (Padover 1953, 11). fu the configuration of our democracy,
Jefferson placed most trust in human dignity; Jefferson's ideal was centered on absolute freedom.
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Self-government was his goal, rooted in the goodness and decency of mankind (Padover 1967, 1).
Madison was not an optimist like Jefferson; his Calvinist convictions led him to believe that man
was both good and evil. Although he agreed that the people had the right, the power, and the
wisdom to rule themselves, Madison did not feel that society, as a whole, could be self-governing.
A structured government was needed for the protection of human diversity and
individualism. A government's focus should be on the preservation of the diverse interests of its
citizens. The government should support the interaction of its diverse groups, but must also
preserve a balance of these interests. As a compromise, Madison's focus was on creating a system
of checks and balances in government that would prevent the bad qualities of human nature from
encroaching upon the whole of society (Padover 1953, 11). As seen in England, established
churches that relied on state power created ignorance and corruption. The exercise of religion
should be separate so everyone could worship how he or she pleased. Many religions in the
United States prevented one from dominating others--essentially preventing tyranny (18).
According to Madison, government must have enough power to carry out its task of protecting
liberty and property but not enough power to be domineering over these rights (16). While
Jefferson desired to make the rights of the citizens safe and secure, Madison wanted to make the
central govemmentfunctional (Gaustad 2). As Jefferson's successor to establishing religious
liberty, Madison remembered these two goals while helping to draft the Constitution, Bill of
Rights, and the First Amendment to the Constitution.
The Protection of a New Democracy
The First Amendment states: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the
press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a
redress of grievances." In relation to America's religious pluralism, this statement served a dual
purpose. First, the federal government would not encroach upon the civil and religious liberties of
the people; and second, it reserved the power of each state to rule in its jurisdiction of civil and
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religious liberties (Hutson 79). In other words, the authors of the First Amendment emphasized
the separation between the federal and state governments in religious matters. During the
founding period, Jefferson coined this concept as a "wall of separation" between church and state.
States, not Congress, had the authority to determine their own church-state policies and religious
establishments. This metaphor would later become the issue of heated debate in the interpretation
of government's role in religion. Throughout history, the Supreme Court has accepted and
utilized Jefferson's description and his philosophies to justify its final rulings on church-state
matters.
As Jefferson reflected in his Second Inaugural Address: "In matters of religion, I have
considered that its free exercise is placed by the Constitution independent powers of the general
government. I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercise
suited to it; but have left them, as the Constitution found them, under the direction and discipline
of state or church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies . . . " (Padover 1967,
279). From this standpoint, Jefferson decidedly stated that the First Amendment was added to
prevent Congressional intervention in the religious realm. On matters of religious liberty, state
authority was favored over federal supremacy (Hutson 79). Neither the President nor Congress
could make laws regarding religion. This decision was the mortar in Jefferson's famous metaphor
of the Wall of Separation between Church and State. The federal government, on one side, was
separated from the church authorities and state government on the other (83). Although
Jefferson's Wall of Separation was never directly mentioned in the Constitution, it still serves as a
jurisdictional symbol of religious liberty in America.
Defenders of Jefferson's "wall of separation" metaphor believe that it is "a useful construct
for avoiding destructive sectarian conflict and governmental interference with religion and for
promoting the voluntary support of religion in an environment in which freedom of religion can
flourish" (Hutson 92); this opinion, however, is not shared by everyone. Others refute this
argument by claiming that Jefferson's wall imagery creates an undesirable barrier between two
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Third Parties in Minnesota have Made as Much of an Impact Politically as the Republicans and the Democrats
No full textMinnesota has a history of getting behind social movements. Many times these social uprisings lead to the creation of third parties in American politics. During the depression the Farmer-Labor movement eventually turned into a political party with a lot of influence in Minnesota. They were able to unseat the Republicans and pass numerous laws benefiting the people of Minnesota. Recently, Jesse Ventura won a shocking victory for the governorship of Minnesota. He is a member of the relatively new Minnesota Independence Party. He has already begun passing legislation to help Minnesotans the Republicans and DFL did not even think about. Subsequently, third parties in Minnesota have made as much of a lasting impact politically as the Republicans and the Democrats.Third Parties in Minnesota have
Made as Much of an Impact
Politically as the Republicans and
the Democrats
By
Charlie Agerter
Gustavus Adolphus College
Political Science Department
Senior Thesis
Chris Gilbert
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Table of Contents
Farmer Labor Party
1.) Birth of the Farmer-Labor Party in Minnesota ........................................ 2
2.) Farmer-Labor movement 1922-1930 ................................................... 7
3.) Floyd B. Olson ............................................................................. 12
4.) The Farmer-Labor Party after Olson .................................................... 13
Minnesota Independence Party
1.) Ventura's campaign in 1998 .............................................................. 21
2.) "The Big Plan" .............................................................................. 27
3.) Ventura's term .............................................................................. 29
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Agerter 1
Minnesota has a history of getting behind social movements. Many times these
social uprisings lead to the creation of third parties in American politics. During the
depression the Farmer-Labor movement eventually turned into a political party with a lot
of influence in Minnesota. They were able to unseat the Republicans and pass numerous
laws benefiting the people of Minnesota. Recently, Jesse Ventura won a shocking
victory for the governorship of Minnesota. He is a member of the relatively new
Minnesota Independence Party. He has already begun passing legislation to help
Minnesotans the Republicans and DFL did not even think about. Subsequently, third
parties in Minnesota have made as much of a lasting impact politically as the Republicans
and the Democrats.
The original thoughts ofFarmer-Laborism extend back to the late 19th century
with the Populist and Progressive movements. These ideas were strongly supported by
the Nonpartisan League (NPL). They received rapid support because of the continiuing
farm discontent. They felt that large milling firms and the midwestem grain-marketing
system were robbing them of fair prices (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.5). The
activists of this new political movement were non-violent but very radical. Their views
were extremely left of those who were loyal to the Democrats and the Republicans.
Representatives for the farmers of Minnesota felt that two courses of action could
dramatically improve the situation. First, they wanted to change the federal and state
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Agerter 2
regulation of railroad rate, warehouse storage charges, grain-trading practices, dockages,
weighing, and anything that left farmer at the sympathy of the railroad and grain "trusts"
(Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.5). The second proposal went around corporate and
commission middlemen in one of two ways: first, by socializing banks, millers, elevators,
insurance companies, terminal warehouses, railroads, or by creating the farmer-owned
marketing corporation, the farmers' cooperative (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.5).
Equity was also important to the farmers because it favored some public ownership. The
Farmer-Labor movement was extremely popular in North Dakota and soon moved to
Minnesota. Here they faced new challenges with the industrial and Republican Twin
Cities area. The Farmer-Labor movement teamed up with the NPL. To win elections the
two organizations had to compromise on policies, parties, and candidates (Minnesota
Farmer-Laborism pg.32). They ran candidates in 1918 and 1920 trying to attract voters
with their progressive alternatives to Republicans (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.32).
Neither group was interested in forming a political party; they just wanted to get their
candidates elected. In the 1918 election the NPL gained enough momentum to be noticed
by the Republicans (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg 43). Republican Governor
Burnquist was extremely unpopular and this worried the Republicans even more. In late
August of 1918 the NPL and the progressive Farmer-Labor movement made a loose
federation to become a political party to stop the re-election of Governor Burnquist
(Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.45).
Going into 1922 the Farmer-Labor party had their best chance to gain electoral
seats. There was a lot of postwar dysfunction in the agricultural business and the decline
of the Democratic Party helped their bid (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.65). During
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this period of time they received a lot of converts. They attracted many ex-socialist and
prohibitionists. More importantly their movement attracted a New York based group
named the Committee of 48. Some of their members included University of Minnesota
intellects. They came to the Farmer-Labor movement because of their Socialists ideals
without the Socialist name (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.66). The Farmer-Labor
members were tired of their Republican strategy and felt they needed to accept a third
party.
The Farmer-Labor members were not happy with the postwar economic reforms.
First, the Minnesota legislature passed the notorious Brooks-Coleman Act giving the
Railroad and Warehouse Commission the power to control street railway fares
(Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.68). Thus, making it more expensive for Farmer to ship
their wheat. Also, the legislature passed a law authorizing an iron ore tonnage tax
{Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.68). The Republican dominated legislature ranted about
how the farmer cooperatives would benefit from the new legislature. In fact the
Minnesota farmers grew even angrier. In the prewar market wheat rose to an all time
high of three dollars a bushel (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.68). The farmers were
still disgruntled because the price barely kept up with inflation. Yet, the prices dropped
even more in the postwar agricultural economy when European production rose to prewar
levels (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.68). It would take over a decade for the prices
to climb back up to three dollars a bushel again (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.68).
This hurt the Republican Party and allowed the Farmer-Labor movement to step in.
The 1922 election started off with an interesting proposal to the farmer. The
farmers and labors both meet in different building in Minneapolis for their conventions.
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The NPL decided to reluctantly join the Democratic Party because they had a common
ticket to oppose the widely unpopular Republican Party. This was an attempt of fusion
by the NPL. The new NPL leader Mahoney and the labor committee sent a strong
platform to the farmer telling them that there would be no fusion involved and described
the Democratic Party as being "dead" (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.69). The FarmerLabor
Party was attracting both the farmer and laborers. Eventually both sides decided to
officially merge as a political party. Not everything went this smoothly for the emerging
third party though. They had trouble finding candidates to run for office at times. For
example, Benjamin Drake declined to run for attorney general: he was replaced by a
former St. Paul legislator who surprised the ticket makers by with-drawing his name so
he could run as a Democrat: finally a third choice accepted the candidacy (Minnesota
Farmer-Laborism pg.70). The Republicans faced their toughest candidate yet in Henrik
Shipstead. He ran with a loose attachment to the Farmer-Labor Party. He began
promoting his widely popular "New Deal." He vowed to work with the "farm bloc, the
labor bloc, the small businessmen's bloc, and the soldier's bloc (Minnesota FarmerLaborism
pg.73)". He believed in fighting against the politicians that had been
supporting the harsh economic treatment that the owners of the corporations were
inflicting, since he felt all farmers and labors deserved the same treatment (Minnesota
Farmer-Laborism pg.73). The biggest problem for the Republicans is that he was not a
radical, avoided new social order and public ownership (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism
pg.73). Shipstead received the first of three major victories for the Farmer-Labor Party.
He won 45 percent of the vote and a United States Senate seat (Minnesota FarmerLaborism
pg.75). The other victories were for district seats. O.J. Kvale won in the
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seventh district and Knude Wefald in the ninth district (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism
pg.75). Even with these major victories the Republicans still dominated the Minnesota
legislature, although the Democrats were shifted to the third party. They polled only IO
percent throughout Minnesota (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.76). At the end of this
election Minnesota was left with three major parties.
A year later Republican Knute Olsen, the elect holding the other U.S. senate seat,
died. In July of 1923 Minnesota decide to hold a special session to see who would
succeed Olsen. After the primaries it was a rematch of the race for governor between
Farmer-Labor candidate Magnus Johnson and Republican governor J.A.O. Prues. The
year before Prues beat Johnson for the governorship by only 14,000 votes (Minnesota
Farmer-Laborism pg.75). In order to support for Johnson the state Farmer-Labor party
chairman made an important announcement at the Farmer-Labor Party national
convention. He declared the Minnesota Farmer-Labor organization as an independent,
nonaffiliated, nonclass party, which appealed to farmers, laborers, professionals, teachers,
and editors (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.78). Basically what he meant was this is a
progressive protest movement in the populist tradition (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism
pg.78). Some how this message got to the voters. The race was no contest and Magnus
Johnson, a dirt farmer, captured the other United States Senate seat. Then the FarmerLabor
party had both representatives in Congress.
With the success of the 1922 election the Farmer-Labor party hoped to swing
some of the legislation to the left. After making an evaluation of the Republican
performance the Farmer-Labor party members felt that the Republican administration
neglected the leftists on new issues. They blamed the Republicans for excessive
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governmental spending, an increasing state debt, tax favoritism, and reputed insolvency
in state government (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.8 1). In the spring the Farmer-Labor
movement took another hit, when the WPNPL (Working Parties NonPartisan League)
merge with the newly formed leftist NPL. Although the Federation brought farmers and
laborers together, the new organization was extremely left and radical. They wanted to
bring down Johnson, Shipstead, and the other candidates with loose ties to the FarmerLabor
movement. Newspapers picked up on this radical drift by the Farmer-Labor
movement and began giving it a bad name. Minnesota newspapers associated their
movement with socialism, communism, and believed the party was attempting to rid the
nation of capitalism. There were attempts by Shipstead and Johnson to convince the
public that the party could be trusted with public responsibility and their motives were
traditional progressive norms (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.86).
This severely hurt the Farmer-Labor movement going into the 1924 primary
election. The Communists dominated June 17, 1924 campaign. Nonetheless, Johnson
easily won the primary for United States Senate. Although the race for Farmer-Labor
elect for governor was a little more complicated. The favorite Charles Lindbergh
dropped out because of a brain tumor. A former Democrat and Hennepin county attorney
Floyd B. Olson won the nomination. He was favored by the left wing, Farmer-Labor
Federation, and he was the preferred candidate of laborers. Olson and Johnson were not
hurt by the leftist move of the Farmer-Labor Federation. Olson was a skilled campaigner
who abandoned the Federation platform of public ownership during his campaign.
Johnson was a skilled and well-respected politician. Despite their popularity they both
still lost largely because the Democratic candidates took votes away from them like a
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third party normally does. Losing these two seats meant the Republican gained back the
dominance of the Minnesota government. Therefore, they weakened farm protest
movement and keep the Minnesota government conservative. Although the FarmerLabor
candidates were still well supported since only one Republican received over 50
percent of the vote (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.91 ). Still the farmers of Minnesota
were devastated since an important referendum was not passed. The state-owned public
grain-terminal bill barely missed being passed (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.91). The
biggest mistake the Farmer-Labor leftists did was to forget that Minnesota voters are
normally conservative to moderate. They were obviously not going to support an
extremely left platform of ideas. This allowed the Democrats to return as a major factor,
since most of their candidates received around six percent of the vote (Minnesota FarmerLaborism
pg.92). The Farmer-Labor Party seemed to be weakened going into the next
election.
Floyd B. Olson was the man to lead the recovery of the Farmer-Labor Party. He
was not doing much politically until the summer of 1930 when he decided to be the
Farmer-Labor candidate for governor. He forced the leftists and the Farmer-Labor
conservatives to accept the campaign on his terms not theirs. Olson did not take a radical
approach to his campaign; he went with a moderate one. He used a "law and order"
campaign. Republicans and Democrats were comfortable with his platform to install
American Ideals (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.129-130). The import parts of his
platform was to support the Saint Lawerence Seaway, improved inland waterways, better
state administration of rural credits, adoption of a standardized state budget, improved
protection of investors by the state securities commission, support and encouragement of
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Agerter 8
small businesses and small banks, endorsement of the McNary-Haugen farm program,
tax reduction, pay-as-you-go tax withholding, uniform primary elections, legislative party
designation, repeal of the Brooks-Coleman Act, opposition to labor injunctions, and
opposition to railroad mergers (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg. 130). For lieutenant
governor he chose Land O'Lakes Cooperative Creamery vice-president Henry Arens.
Olson's moderate approached helped people forget about the extremely radical past of the
Farmer-Labor movement. This movement became more and more popular as the
depression grew worse and increased Olson's chances of winning. Not only were
farmers and laborers joining the movement but also everyone who was unemployed was
getting behind Olson's ideas. In the end Olson received 57 percent of the vote and the
governorship. His campaigning also helped Henry Arens win the lieutenant governorship
with 43 percent of the vote. Also the United State Senate was evenly divided now and
Shipstead represented the swing vote when party lines were held (Minnesota FarmerLaborism
pg.141 ).
During Olson's inaugural year in office the initial measures that he attacked first
were: a public works program, a unified conservation program, and strengthening the
"blue-sky" laws for regulation of securities (The Political Career of Floyd B. Olson
pg.67). He easily passed his public works project by increasing appropriations for the
construction and renovation of state institutions (The Political Career of Floyd B. Olson
pg.67). Next, Olson turned to conservation project. Despite opposition from the
Republicans he got the legislation that he wanted passed. It provided for a union of all
conservation activities under a five-man commission appointed by the governor. The
companion bill set aside twelve areas of state land for new state forests (The Political
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Career of Floyd B. Olson pg.67). At the end of the first session Olson vetoed three major
bills. The first one was obvious gerrymandering by the Republicans against big cities
and the Farmer-Labor Party. This bill made one district so large that it extended from a
Dakota border into downtown Minneapolis (The Political Career of Floyd B. Olson
pg. 70). The next bill he vetoed was to create a metropolitan sanitary district and instantly
construct a sewage disposal plant. This would be paid for in a 30-year period and cost
almost 4 million dollars. Olson got professional advice before he vetoed this bill. He
founded that waiting two years to pass this bill would not be hazardous to anyone's
health (The Political Career of Floyd B. Olson pg. 7 1 -73). He later stated, "The only
beneficiaries through this allocation of the cost on assessment basis rather than volume
basis are the private packing industries of South Saint Paul, which would save $1 30,750
per year through this plan, which of course is paid by the taxpayers (The Political Career
of Floyd B. Olson pg.73). Olson felt the legislature was favoring the private industries
over the common good of the people. The final time in the first session when Olson used
. his veto power was dealing with the increase of automotive use since World War I. The
railroad business was afraid of the competition of trucks with the increase of paved
highways being built. Railroads officials wanted truckers to charge the same rates as
they did. Also the railroad business wanted to be in charge of trucking for fear it would
put them out of business. They wanted the wages, hours, and working conditions of
truckers to be regulated (The Political Career of Floyd B. Olson pg.74-75). The railroad
business wanted to replace trucks with high-cost spurline trains (The Political Career of
Floyd B. Olson pg.75). This would make it even more expensive for farmers to ship their
goods if all transportation was in charge of the railroad industry. To put pressure on
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Agerter 10
Olson chief counsel of the Great Northern Railroad, Alex Janes sat down with him for
more than two hours. Olson ended up vetoing the bill because he felt it was "to force
common truck carriers out of business" (The Political Career of Floyd B. Olson pg.75).
The only bill Olson favored was a 15 million dollar Highway bond issue. The bonds
would produce state-financed jobs guaranteeing a minimum wage of 40 cents an hour, at
least 48 hours of work a week, and mandated overtime (The Political Career of Floyd B.
Olson pg.67-68).
Since the depression wore on the Farmer-Labor movement gained strength.
Olson won a second term in 1932 by securing almost 50 percent of the vote (Minnesota
Farmer-Laborism pg.171 ). The Farmer-Labor Party also picked up two additional state
offices, in attorney general Harry Peterson and railroad and warehouse commissioner
Knud Wefald. They also gained four more congressional seats giving them the majority
in the Minnesota delegation (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism pg.169). This term was
perhaps some of the best governing Minnesota has ever seen as Olson faced the
depression. One of the first issues he addressed was putting an end to all mortgage
foreclosures. He felt this was the right thing to do given the circumstances. One month
he showed his authority by basically forcing the legislature to pass the famous Minnesota
Mortgage Moratorium Bill. This bill gave landholders whose mortgage were passed due
up to two years, or until May 1, 1935, to meet the obligation (Minnesota FarmerLaborism
pg. 176). The law was even sustained by the Supreme Court in Blaisdell v.
Home Building and Loan Association. Next, he lower taxes with the homestead tax
reform and passed a state income tax. He also passed congressional reappointment so the
Republicans cannot dictate everything. After that he put a progressive tax on all chain
Gustavus Student Repository
Agerter 1 1
stores that was larger than any other state had enforced. He also passed a bank
reorganization law, land "retirement" to take it out of production, liquor dispensary
reform authorizing municipally owned retail stores, increased securities protection for
investors, ratification of the national child labor amendment, settlement of a strike by the
Austin packers, and creation of the state Planning Commission (Minnesota FarmerLaborism
pg. 176). Subsequently, he made a number of radical reforms in labor
relations. For example, limiting the number of hours worked by women, outlawing
yellow-dog contracts, and providing state old-age pensions (Minnesota Farmer-Laborism
pg.176). Outside the economic agenda he created a metropolitan sewage system and a
law was passed to conserve the wilderness in the state's boundary waters area (Minnesota
Farmer-Laborism pg.176). It was extremely radical at this time for a politician to be
economically minded. Also outside conservation, labor, and tax legislation Olson
strengthened security law and started old age pensions for the state (The Political Career
of Floyd B.
Immigrant Assimilation in the United States: Is the Federal Government Providing Adequate Services?
No full textU.S. immigration policy is a timeless issue that could be and will be debated for years. One of the main concerns of present U.S. immigration policy is to reunite immigrants with their family members. These new family members are then expected to learn English, assimilate into American culture, and then become productive self-sufficient citizens.
The issue that receives the most press and funding is the policy on illegal immigration. Legal immigration seems to have taken a back seat. Because U.S. immigration policy places priority on family reunification, creating efficient and successful assimilation programs are imperative. Taking care of the needs of refugees and immigrants involves a complex partnership between federal and state programs as well as non-governmental organizations (NGO's). The NGO's are also increasingly important in providing immigrants with the necessary services on a more local level. The primary focus of the government is to treat legal immigrants with the services that will allow them to become productive, self-sufficient and content U.S. citizens.
The problems of immigration go beyond the problem of illegal immigration. Illegal immigrants flood the borders of the U.S. daily, but cannot remain the only focus of our government. The focus must shift to the millions of dollars that are spent on legal immigrants in programs that are too homogeneous and do not encompass all of the services that immigrants need. The federal and state level governments' programs must be evaluated. Too much pressure is put on NGO's to pick up where the government is lacking. The federal government has created the quotas and it is imperative that it takes responsibility for the well being of its immigrants. It is our duty to continue transforming and forming programs to create a healthy transition for immigrants into U.S. society.Immigrant Assimilation
in the United States:
Is the Federal Government
Providing Adequate Services?
Elizabeth E. Kumagai
Political Science Thesis
May 17, 2002
Dr. Christopher Gilbert
Gustavus Student Repository
I. Immigrant Assimilation
"No nation in history had proved as successful as the United States in managing
ethnic diversity. No nation before had ever made diversity itself a source of
national identity and unity " (Schlesinger 27).1
U.S. immigration policy is a timeless issue that could be and will be debated for
years. One of the main concerns of present U.S. immigration policy is to reunite
immigrants with their family members. These new family members are then expected to
learn English, assimilate into American culture, and then become productive selfsufficient
citizens.
The issue that receives the most press and funding is the policy on illegal
immigration. Legal immigration seems to have taken a back seat. Because U.S.
immigration policy places priority on family reunification, creating efficient and
successful assimilation programs are imperative. Taking care of the needs of refugees
and immigrants involves a complex partnership between federal and state programs as
well as non-governmental organizations (NGO's). The NGO's are also increasingly
important in providing immigrants with the necessary services on a more local level. The
primary focus of the government is to treat legal immigrants with the services that will
allow them to become productive, self-sufficient and content U.S. citizens.
The problems of immigration go beyond the problem of illegal immigration.
Illegal immigrants flood the borders of the U.S. daily, but cannot remain the only focus of
our government. The focus must shift to the millions of dollars that are spent on legal
1 Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., "The Disuniting of America," Immigration: Debating the
Issues (New York: Promestheus Books, 1997), 27.
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immigrants in programs that are too homogeneous and do not encompass all of the
services that immigrants need. The federal and state level governments' programs must
be evaluated. Too much pressure is put on NGO's to pick up where the government is
lacking. The federal government has created the quotas and it is imperative that it takes
responsibility for the well being of its immigrants. It is our duty to continue
transforming and forming programs to create a healthy transition for immigrants into U.S.
society.
II. Federal Programs: What Is Provided?
The first step in understanding the assimilation of immigrants and refugees into
the United States is to understand the basic programs and assistance they receive from the
federal government. Once the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the Department
of State and the International Organization for Migration have determined that an
individual is eligible for refugee status,2 immigrants are ideally guided through the entire
process of assimilation.
The U.S. Department of State (DOS) website states that, "The U.S. Government
funds protection and life-sustaining relief for millions of refugees ... (The U.S.) Also
admits tens of thousands of refugees annually for permanent resettlement." The federal
government has several programs set in place to help these people resettle. Funds for the
benefits that immigrants receive are produced through a combination of public and
private funding. A majority of the public funding comes from the federal government.
The U.S. Department of State formed the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration
2 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2002. Online. Internet. 5 February
2002. Available: www.acf.dhhs.gov/programs/orr.
2
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(PRM) to exist as the head organization that creates the policies, programs and
establishes funding for immigrants and refugees. Its budget of 670 million not only
assists programs administered in the U.S. but also contributes to other international and
non-governmental organizations to help refugees in other nations.3 PRM works with
other agencies to offer the appropriate services to immigrants and refugees entering the
U.S. The DOS manages the Reception and Placement program (R&P). R&P provides
immigrants the essential services for their first 30 days in the country. The longer-term
assistance agencies include the Department of Justice, the Department of Health and
Human Services, and the U.S. Department of Education.
The Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) runs under the Department of
Justice as the sole agency to "administer(s) the nation's immigration laws"4• There are
two agencies within the INS: law enforcement and human services. The majority of the
INS' job is geared toward "control[ling] admission to the United States."5 In 2002, the
law enforcement department received 60% of the budget and the human services
department received a mere 26%.6 The human service agency is the branch that educates
immigrants about their benefits. It helps immigrants apply for citizenship, obtain a visa
or a work permit, and simplifies the complicated text of the Immigration and Nationality
Act. There are 33 district offices that immigrants can receive help from. Immigrants can
also access applications to all of the services provided by the INS over the internet. The
3 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2. 4 Immigration and Naturalization Service. 2002. Online. Internet. 1 February 2002.
Available: http://www.ins.usdoj.gov.
5 Jason Juffras, Impact of the Immigration Reform and control Act on the Immigration
and Naturalization Service (Maryland: University Press of America, 1991), 2.
6 Immigration and Naturalization Service.
3
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internet site provides helpful links to other government and non-governmental sites as
well.
The longer-term programs are administered through the Office of Refugee
Resettlement (ORR). ORR helps refugees in "obtaining economic and social selfsufficiency
in their new homes in the U.S."7 by referring them to programs in English
language training, job placement, cash assistance, medical assistance and cultural
assimilation.
The first priority of ORR grants is to make sure immigrants have on-going
assistance beyond what is offered by the R&P. The next priority is to give people the
education and skills they need to become self-sufficient. The ORR State Formula Social
Services Allocations provide funding for English language training. 8 English language
training is also offered to children in public schools through the Emergency Immigrant
Education Program (EIEP). The EIEP grant is funded by the federal government and
targets children between ages 3 and 21. It can be used for various kinds of support
ranging from parental outreach to the salaries of teacher aides, tutors, or purchasing
educational software.9 To be eligible for this grant, districts must have immigrant pupils
make up 3% of their total enrollment. California alone received over 20% of this grant
for the fiscal year 2001-2002.10 This is due to their extremely large population of
immigrants. There are also four other types of grants given under Title VII to assist
schools in implementing new programs or improve existing programs.
7 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
8 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services: Office of Refugee Resettlement.
9 California Department of Education 2002. Online. Internet. 10 March 2002.
Available: http:/ /goldminecde.ca.gov/eiep.
10 California Department of Education.
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The State Formula Social Services Allocations also provide job-training
programs. The object of these services is to allow immigrants to begin earning their own
wages as soon as possible after entry, and programs are only offered for up to a year. The
other programs offered through this grant help immigrants by referring them to healthrelated
services, outreach services, and citizenship and naturalization services.
Another grant that offers similar aid is the Targeted Assistance Formula Grant
Program. This program is different from the basic State Formula Grant because it is a
supplemental grant that is only offered to areas with high populations of refugees who
need instruction or services that differ from the basic services offered. It is targeted
towards those on cash assistance or high populations of unemployment among refugees. 11
The Refugee Cash Assistance is a program that offers childless couples support
for up to eight months with the expectation that they are also training for employment, if
not already employed. Families with children may apply to be a part of the welfare
program that will assist families for up to two years. Refugee Medical Assistance is also
available to childless couples for up to eight months, while families with children may
apply for Medicaid. 12
The fifth and final service offered through ORR grants are geared towards
community, family, and cultural orientation development. These social services include
direct services to victims of torture as well. There is a plethora of diverse programs that
are offered for these adjustments. Other programs exist through state governments and
NGO's.
1 1 Department of Health and Human Services: Office of Refugee Resettlement
12 Department of Health and Human Services: Office of Refugee Resettlement
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The programs set in place by the federal government were designated to fully
anticipate needs of immigrants. Problems arise when these programs cannot deliver the
necessary services effectively and cost-efficiently. The federal government is also
increasingly dependent on several non-governmental agencies to fill the service gaps. In
1986 the House Judiciary Committee described the INS as "undermanned, ill-equipped,
and generally overwhelmed."
13
During the 1970s and 1980s, the INS had several cases
of inaccurate record-keeping and huge backlogs in naturalization cases. Also reiterating
that sentiment is former INS Commissioner Doris Meissner in an interview with Foreign
Policy magazine: "The sheer volume of what takes place in the immigration field and for
agencies like the INS makes it very hard to deal with everybody as well as you would
like". 14
There are several issues that the INS has grappled with that have improved in the
past decade, but it has become nearly impossible to stay on track with the increased
number of immigrants arriving every year. The Department of Justice not only gives
priority to the FBI, but within the INS most of the budget remains for the law
enforcement department. The Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) was
instituted in 1986 to help address some of these problems by creating new policies and
improving the administered services. 15 It allocated almost 600 million towards the
reorganization of the INS, however, the money ended up lost in the bureaucracy.
Increased funds are only effective if they are coupled with expert administration that can
place the additional funding where it is absolutely necessary. The IRCA did succeed to
13 Juffras 5.
14 Doris Meissner, interview, Foreign Policy March/April 2002: 30.
15 Juffras 11.
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improve some aspects of the INS, however, adopting several new policies also did what it
was designed to alleviate: it caused the INS to become overburdened. Besides being
overburdened, the support for immigration services and enforcement is a touchy subject
for the public and Congress. The public often is in support of the principle of helping
refugees, but does not want to be taxed to fund these services. The federal courts
commonly rule against the INS cases, giving the agency less latitude to carry out its job.
Immigration trends in the U.S. are directly related to the policies that the federal
government has instated. Immigration was dominated by Europeans through 1965. In
1965 Congress passed the Immigration and Nationality Act, eliminating the national
origins quota system-which barred people from entering from any country besides
Germany, England and Ireland. As a result, a more diverse population began
immigrating into the U.S. after 1965. With the Immigration Reform and Control Act of
1986 many illegal immigrants were legalized, creating a huge surge in immigrant rates,
which later stabilized in the 1990's.
16
These trends help explain the developments of
immigration policy and programs within each individual state.
ID. State Level Immigrant Programs
"Different immigrant groups tend to have quite different experiences before,
during, and after arriving in the United States."17
The next step in understanding the immigrants' experience involves the programs
and funding offered at the state level. Every state has a distinctly different set of
16
Barbara Ronningen, "Immigrants in Minnesota: An increasingly diverse population,"
Minnesota State Demographic Center 2000. Online. Internet. 10 March 2002.
Available: www.mnplan.state.mn.us.
17 "Speaking for themselves," Wilder Research Center 2000. Online. Internet. 10 March
2002. Available: wilder.org/research/reports.hml. 13.
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immigrants and problems to work with, due to the different compositions of their
immigrant populations. To understand two entirely different programs, the spending and
programs in two states will be compared: Minnesota-a state that is becoming a popular
destination for immigrants, and California-a state that has historically effectively
managed unusually high rates of immigration. Although Minnesota is only ranked 16th
among states for its total level of immigration, the rate is rising due to Minnesota's strong
social services and economy. It is an interesting state to study because of its high level of
immigrants who come seeking asylum.18 It also has a unique group of immigrants that
inhabit it, causing many challenges for the government and NGO's that must provide for
the immigrants.
The Minnesota state government has no programs set in place to support
immigrants. It is, however, successful at leading new immigrant groups to NGO's that
help them participate fully in society. California on the other hand, is an extreme
example of a state that has many state-sponsored programs for immigrants concretely
implemented. These programs have made it possible for California to manage nearly half
of the country's Mexican immigrant population as well as nearly a third of the nation's
total immigrants. 19 California also has a high refugee population and accommodates
nearly half of the nation's illegal immigrants.2° Comparing the systems offered in
Minnesota and California can help find solutions to many problems. This comparison
18 "Pop Bites," Minnesota State Demographic Center vol. 96-9 1996. Online. Internet.
10 March 2002. Available: www.mnplan.state.mn.us.
19 Kevin F. McCarthy and Georges Vernez, Immigration in a Changing Economy
(California: RAND, 1997) 13.
20 McCarthy and Vernez 24.
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will prove the need for successful programs that allow immigrants to receive the tools
they need to survive and prosper.
A. Minnesota's Immigration and Solution
Minnesota's immigration trends have paralleled the U.S. trends with a majority of
immigrants arriving from Europe, until the 1965 legislation allowed for a more diverse
group. In 1900 Minnesota was 99.2% Caucasian.21 The immigrants that arrived before
the 1900's had considerable advantages over the immigrants that arrive presently. They
not only looked similar to the racial makeup of Minnesota, but they often immigrated into
communities where their native tongue w3:s still spoken.22 Much more diversity came
with the 1965 legislation. Minnesota has recently had a strong blend of refugees.
After 1965, nationality trends of Minnesota immigrants do not match national
trends. Exact trends of immigration to Minnesota are difficult to track down, because
immigrants are asked by the INS at ports of entry where they will reside but many do not
understand the question. There are conflicting statistics put out by the Minnesota
Department of Human Services (DRS) and Minnesota Planning State Demographic
Center. In 2000 the State Demographic Center reported a net in-migration from other
states and nations of 17,500 people (twice as large as other states).23 Minnesota DRS
21 Paul Magnuson, ed., "Serving Refugee Students," Minnesota Department of Children,
Families & Learning 2002. Online. Internet. 15 February 2002. Available:
http://cfl.state.rnn.us/lep. 6. 22 Magnuson 6. 23 "Minnesota's Strong Population Growth Continues into 2001," Minnesota Planning
State Demographic Center 2002. Online. Internet. 23 April 2002. Available:
www .mnplan.state.mn. us.
9
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reported only 13,300 in the past five years.24 The Minnesota DHS reports that Minnesota
has just over 2% of the total immigrants that have been admitted into the U.S.
The growth of Minnesota in ethnicity and diversity is indisputable. There is no
concrete statistic of how many immigrants reside in Minnesota, however, the Minnesota
DHS estimates at least 50,000. The past two decades have seen a high number of
immigrants from Southeast Asia. More recently, they have been arriving from nations in
political turmoil or war. These countries include the former Soviet republics, Somalia,
Ethiopia, Bosnia, Sudan, Iraq, Liberia, India, and China. The population of immigrants
from Mexico only grew in the past four years.25 This diverse assortment of immigrants
has caused a variety of issues that the state government has yet to address.
The Wilder Research Center composed a study that illustrated the differences in
cultures that lead to these problems. Immigrants come to Minnesota for a variety of
reasons. Anything from the social services offered, job availability, and family
connections can explain Minnesota's immigrant population. There were four large
groups that were sampled by the Wilder Research Center: Hmong, Somali, Russian, and
Hispanic or Latin adults. Many more immigrants were studied, however, the analysis
was only broken down for the four largest groups participating. Out of these four groups,
about three-fourths of them left their homeland due to intense fighting or danger.26
Uniting with family members and having more employment opportunities were the two
most popular reasons they traveled to Minnesota. The first group of refugees that arrive
from new countries can be explained by the strong groups that exist in Minnesota that
24 Minnesota Department of Human Services 2002. Online. Internet. 15 April 2002.
Available: www .dhs.state.mn.us/ecs/program/refugee
25 Ronningen 3.
26 Wilder Research Center 7.
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provide refugee sponsors. Each refugee must have a sponsor, whether an individual or a
group, upon entering the U.S.27
One of the primary mistakes that the country and states make is grouping refugees
and immigrants into one category, with homogeneous programs that do not address
specific issues. "While immigrants from the same country or region share many
characteristics and experiences, by no means are they homogenous groups."28 The
federal government does this through ORR grants that can be allocated to states for
specific reasons. States should not create standardized programs because they must deal
with more cultural-specific and educational assimilation issues than the federal
government. States have diverse cultural issues directly in their hands that must be dealt
with on a case-by-case basis. "The Hmong, Russian, Somali and Hispanic groups arrived
in Minnesota from very different places, with different education levels, religious beliefs,
family styles, and with different physical features and ways of dressing."29 This example
of the different needs is apparent in the findings of the study. One of the largest stresses
for the immigrants was breaking the language barrier. The level of confidence in English
skills varied immensely: 39% of Somali
The Impact of Religious Faith on the Political Aspirations of its Members: An Investigation of American Protestantism
No full textIn his autobiography Gandhi writes, "those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics do not know what religion means." This study is focused on a similar argument, but from a slightly different perspective: an individual who claims that politics has nothing to do with religion does not understand the nature of politics in the United States. Throughout its young history, religion and politics in America have confronted each other at numerous crossroads. From John Adams' mild establishment of religion to Eisenhower's first principle of Americanism, Jefferson's wall of separation to Madison's line, Kennedy's aversion to religious rhetoric to George W. Bush's embrace of it, the leaders of America have influenced and been influenced by the tension of religion and politics in the public sphere. At the base of this tension there exists a struggle between religion and politics, for both "are concerned with the pursuit of values - personal, social, or transcendent."2 This tension, however, has not been limited to the executive office. Instead, it has crept into numerous courtrooms, state legislatures, and dinner conversations. This investigation into the relationship between religion and politics examines only a minute part of the whole. The question it wrestles with is the impact particular Protestant denominations have upon the desire of the individual believer to seek congressional office. Why is it that some Protestant denominations have such a disproportionately high representation in Congress and other Protestant denominations do not? What is it about a specific Protestant denomination's history, theology, and ecclesiology that either enhances or inhibits the desire of its members to seek congressional office? Through an analysis of four major Protestant denominations in the United States, this study seeks to illuminate the connection between a denomination's representation in Congress and its unique religious elements.The Impact of a Religious Faith on
the Political Aspirations of its
Members: An Investigation of
American Protestantism
Daniel Pioske
Political Science Thesis
Prof. Chris Gilbert
Spring 2003
Gustavus Student Repository
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Chapter 2: The Southern Baptist Convention 10
Chapter 3: The Assemblies of God 29
Chapter 4: The United Methodist Church 51
Chapter 5: The Evangelical Lutheran Church
in America 71
Chapter 6: Five Factors of a Religious Faith
That Affect the Political Aspirations of its
Members 94
Gustavus Student Repository
Chapter 1
Introduction
In his autobiography Gandhi writes, "those who say that religion has nothing to
1
do with politics do not know what religion means."1 This study is focused on a similar
argument, but from a slightly different perspective: an individual who claims that politics
has nothing to do with religion does not understand the nature of politics in the United
States. Throughout its young history, religion and politics in America have confronted
each other at numerous crossroads. From John Adams' mild establishment of religion to
Eisenhower's first principle of Americanism, Jefferson's wall of separation to Madison's
line, Kennedy's aversion to religious rhetoric to George W. Bush's embrace of it, the
leaders of America have influenced and been influenced by the tension of religion and
politics in the public sphere. At the base of this tension there exists a struggle between
religion and politics, for both "are concerned with the pursuit of values - personal, social,
or transcendent."2 This tension, however, has not been limited to the executive office.
Instead it has crept into numerous courtrooms, state legislatures, and dinner
conversations. This investigation into the relationship between religion and politics
examines only a minute part of the whole. The question it wrestles with is the impact
particular Protestant denominations have upon the desire of the individual believer to
seek congressional office. Why is it that some Protestant denominations have such a
disproportionately high representation in Congress and other Protestant denominations do
not? What is it about a specific Protestant denomination's history, theology, and
1 Mohandas K. Gandhi, An Autobiography (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 370.
2 A. James Reichley, Religion in American Public Life (Washington D.C.: The Brookings Institute, 1985),
9.
Gustavus Student Repository
2
ecclesiology that either enhances or inhibits the desire of its members to seek
congressional office? Through an analysis of four major Protestant denominations in the
United States, this study seeks to illuminate the connection between a denomination's
representation in Congress and its unique religious elements.
The religious beliefs of an individual constitute only one of many factors that go
into seeking political office. Other motivations such as the desire to serve, power, fame,
etc., are all critical aspects of the personality that affect one's political aspirations.
Depending on the individual, religion can have a low or high degree of influence upon
the decision to enter politics. Yet one cannot simply dismiss the power religion exerts
over an individual who does claim a religious background when analyzing political
motivations. According to a 1981 study conducted by Benson and Williams, almost
every member of Congress affirmed a belief in God and over 80% cited that religion had
at least a moderate influence on their voting. 3 Although such numbers are surely inflated
due to cultural bias, the study does illustrate that members of Congress bring to
Washington religious convictions that mold and shape their politics. In the 108th
Congress, almost every member claims a religious affiliation. This is significant due to
the findings of Kenneth Wald, Dennis Owen, and Samuel Hill, in which a congregation's
theological perspective moves its members into similar religious opinions and a
congregation's political viewpoint moves its members into a similar political ideology.4
Also to be noted is Sidney Verba's assertion that individuals are more inclined to enter
3
Peter L. Benson and Dorothy L. Williams, Religion on Capitol Hill: Myths and Realities (San Francisco:
Harper & Row, 1982), 143.
4 Kenneth D. Wald, Dennis E. Owen, and Samuel S. Hill, Jr., "Churches as Political Cormnunities," in
American Political Science Review, Vol. 82 No. 2, June 1998, 545.
Gustavus Student Repository
into politics when they have partaken in church setting activities.5 One can conclude,
therefore, that religion does matter for those who profess a religious affiliation, both in
one's effort to run for Congressional office and in the decisions one makes while in
office.
3
If religious belief does play a factor in forming individual political opinions, is
there a connection between the teachings of a denomination and the likelihood its
members will run for congressional office? This study affirms, in the case of American
Protestantism, that such a nexus exists. In this investigation, four denominations
representing a wide spectrum of Protestant religious thought will be analyzed: the
Southern Baptist Convention, the Assemblies of God, the United Methodist Church, and
the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. Their representation in Congress is as
follows:
Table 1.1: Denominational Membership and Presence in Congress6
#Who % of 1081
"
Proportion of Claim Congress Total %of U.S. Denomination
Adherents Population Affiliation Who in 108
th
in 108th Claim
ConITTess Affiliation Congress
Southern
Baptist 19,881,467 7.10 45 8.41 1/441810
Convention
Assemblies 2,561,998 .91 of God 4 .75 1/640500
United 10,350,629 3.68 Methodist 6 1 1 1.40 1/169682
ELCA 5, 1 13,418 1.81 20 3.73 1/255671
5 Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in
American Politics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
6 Figures for denominational adherents are provided by Dale E. Jones, et al. Religious Congregations &
Membership in the United States 2000 (Nashville: Glenmarry Research Center, 2002).
Gustavus Student Repository
Table 1.1 provides a number of interesting observations that are relevant to this study.
First, mainline denominations, although decreasing in membership totals throughout the
past decade, continue to have a greater proportion of their members in Congress than
non-mainline Protestant bodies. While mainline Protestantism has been more active in
American politics in the 20th century, within mainline Protestantism itself there exists a
wide discrepancy in Congressional participation. Between the two mainline bodies in
4
this study, an adherent of United Methodism is 66% more likely to gain a Congressional
seat than is an adherent of the ELCA. Secondly, Evangelical Protestantism, which
throughout the first two-thirds of the 20th century remained generally detached from the
political sphere, is now experiencing a large increase in its members seeking
Congressional office. Yet there also remains an inconsistency between evangelical
denominations and their members entering into politics. In this inquiry, one who is
affiliated with the SBC is 69% more likely to be a member of Congress than one who is a
component of the Assemblies of God. Why such disparities? This question is the heart
of the investigation into American Protestantism and its affect on the desire to seek
Congressional office.
This study is limited to the investigation of Protestant denominations in the
United States for several reasons. First, members of Protestant denominations have had a
long and successful history of involvement in American politics. Almost all of the
United States' founding fathers descended from Protestant heritage, and all but one
United States president has claimed a Protestant affiliation. Protestantism in
contemporary America is still grossly overrepresented in the United States government.
When observing the 108th Congress, well over half claim a Protestant denomination as
Gustavus Student Repository
their religious affiliation - although Protestants make up only about 1/3 of the total
United States population. Much of this success has to do with the fact that a majority of
Protestant denominations are made up of white, well established, and culturally accepted
individuals. Yet the success of Protestant denominations versus Catholics, Muslims, or
self-identified atheists in Congress does not account for the great discrepancies within
Protestant denominations themselves. Thus Protestantism, because of its success in
politics, is an ideal model for understanding the affect a denomination's teachings has
upon its believers.
One may argue, however, that the ability of Protestants to win congressional
5
office can be attributed to other considerations besides religion, such as wealth,
geography, and education. There is, no doubt, a great deal of truth to this approach.
Within Protestantism itself, however, these determinants fall short of providing a
complete answer to the discrepancy in representation. If wealth were the defining
characteristic, Lutherans would have a greater proportion of their members in Congress
than the other three denominations in this study, but this is clearly not the case.7
Geography is also an important element in understanding the representation of
denominations in Congress, yet the United Methodists do not hold a true majority in any
extended region in America, and thus this determinant also fails to account for the large
disparities of representation in Table 1.1. Lastly, the average level of education for a
denomination, of which the SBC trails the other three denominations in this study, is also
unsuccessful in rationalizing a denomination's presence in Congress. The explanation for
7 Lutherans had an average median household income of 25,000 for United
Methodists; 23,000 for White Baptists. These figures are taken from
Barry A. Kosmin and Seymour P. Lachman, One Nation Under God: Religion in Contemporary America
(New York: Harmony Books, 1993), 260-265.
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the phenomenon of one Protestant denomination having a greater proportion of its
members in Congress than another, therefore, necessitates a deeper investigation into the
denomination itself.
6
The decision to use the four denominations in this study was based upon a number
of criteria. At the foundation of each decision was the objective to cover, as much as
possible, the broad spectrum of Protestantism in the United States. In order to do so,
various aspects of Protestantism (fundamentalism, conservatism, evangelicalism,
pentecostalism, liberalism, etc.) needed to appear in this discussion. The Southern
Baptist Convention, along with being the largest Protestant body in the United States,
also exhibits fundamentalist, evangelical, and conservative characteristics. The
Assemblies of God, the most prominent pentecostal denomination in America, also is
primarily fundamentalist and evangelical, yet its representation level in Congress is
inconsistent with that of the SBC. Moving down the spectrum, the United Methodists are
the largest mainline denomination in the United States, and can also be classified as a
more liberal ecclesiastic corpus. Also a mainline denomination and liberal in its
theology, Lutheranism nonetheless has never filled the seats of the Capitol to the same
degree as the Methodists. Thus, not only do these four denominations provide a thorough
cross sample of Protestant thought in the United States, but these denominations can also
be compared and contrasted with each other in order to gain a better understanding of the
affect different denominations have upon their adherents' aspiration to attain
congressional office.
This study will attempt to discern the attitude of each denomination toward
politics and the influence this renders upon its members through a careful inquiry into
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7
both the denomination's composition and an additional evaluation of one member of
Congress who claims the particular religious affiliation. Each denominational analysis
will be broken into five sections: the history of the denomination in the United States, the
theology of the denomination, its ecclesiology, its political engagement, and lastly a case
study of a specific member of Congress. Each of these aspects functions as a mechanism
to penetrate the surface of a denomination and unearth its political, or anti-political,
characteristics. The history of a denomination in the United States is important, for the
present condition of a denomination is essentially its transition out of the past and into the
future. 8 A historical analysis produces an appreciation not only of how the denomination
developed its temperament toward politics, but also where the congregation may proceed
in the future. Thus, when delving into the origins of each denomination in America, a
more visible connection between it and its attitude toward politics becomes apparent.
This is especially true when looking at a denomination's history of political engagement.
The theology and ecclesiology of a denomination are also critical components of this
study, although they are not overtly political. Yet within the theological tenets of a
denomination and in its ecclesiastical mission and structure lay the foundation upon
which political opinions and behavior are based. The theological and ecclesiological
aspects of each denomination are also essential because it is in these features that a
denomination disentangles itself from the others, emphasizing different aspects of the
Christian faith that contribute to an individual's desire to seek Congressional office. The
final section of each denominational analysis, a case study, brings what is largely an
investigation of the denomination as a whole back into a focus upon the individual.
8 Paul Tillich, The Religious Situation, trans. H. Richard Niebuhr (New York: Meridian Books, 1956), 33.
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Throughout this study, therefore, these five aspects illuminate a denomination's attitude
toward that which is political.
Thus far in this section a number of assertions have been made. First, religion
does influence a member of Congress who claims a religious affiliation, and its impact
cannot be neglected. Secondly, due to the influence religious beliefs exert on the
individual, this study postulates that a denomination's distinctive attributes either
enhance or decrease the desire to seek congressional office. The way in which this
relationship will be analyzed is through an investigation into four Protestant
denominations. Protestantism in the United States, due to its prominent place in
American politics and the plurality of its religious traditions, provides the most
compelling evidence of the influence a denomination has upon the political motivations
of its members. Lastly, these four denominations were selected based upon the diversity
of their theological views and attitude toward politics. Although each denomination has
much in common with the others, it is the idiosyncrasies of each that this investigation
will probe.
8
A more thorough (and time consuming) investigation of the impact a religious
faith tradition has upon the political motivations of its members would be the most ideal
technique of analyzing the relationship in question. The vast multitude of faith traditions
in the United States yield a great range of theological perspectives that, when placed
alongside the frequency with which their members seek Congressional office, would
further distill the conclusions this study has reached. The conclusions of this
investigation, however, may be applied to more than just Protestant bodies. The aspects
of a denomination that either promote or inhibit its members desire to seek congressional
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office can be applied to a wide range of faith traditions. The reason for choosing
Protestantism, as stated before, is the discernable variety of each denomination's
approach to politics and the ease by which one could extricate how these differences
affected its presence in Congress. As this study enters in medias res, the inferences it
produces should not be placed solely within the bounds of Protestantism alone.
9
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Chapter 2
The Southern Baptist Convention
"Just as I am, with-out one plea, But that Thy blood was shed for me, And that Thou
bidd'st me come to Thee, 0 Lamb of God, I come! I come!"9
1 0
The saga of the Southern Baptist Convention in the twentieth century is filled
with intrigue and subtle complexities. The Southern Baptists theological foundation was
put in place by men who sought a nation absent of church-state relationships and
hierarchic institutions that intervened and disrupted the task of converting the world to
Christ. This separatist mentality crossed the Atlantic with the first members of the
Baptist faith who stepped on American soil, as these men and women sensed hope in a
nation that defended religious freedom in such a way that their religious desires could be
made manifest. A substratum of Calvinistic belief was evident in the founders of the
Baptist church in America, as they and their Puritan cousins emphasized the need for
heartfelt religion coupled with outward behavior that had the power to transform
society.10
Although a small minority during the 17th and 18th centuries in the British
Colonies, the proselytizing and missionary aims of the Baptists would prove conducive to
the atmosphere of the new American country in the century that followed. The
tumultuous era that divided the young nation would also divide the Baptists along strict
ideological boundaries (a division in which the Southern Baptist Convention was
chartered by pro-slavery members in the South in 1845). Yet even in the midst of turmoil
the missionary work of the newly formed Southern Baptists continued, driven by the
9 Elliot and Bradbury, "Just as I am," in M. Jean Heriot, Blessed Assurance : Beliefs, Actions, and the
Experience of Salvation in a Carolina Baptist Church (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1994),
14.
10 E. Glenn Hinson, The Baptist Experience in the United States, pg. 219.
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11
American Baptist Home Mission Society that was organized in 1832.11 So successful
was the message and the medium in which it was spread that the Southern Baptist
Convention doubled in the fifteen years following its inception in 1845; and then doubled
again by 1880 - even during and succeeding the Civil War. By the end of the 19th
century the Southern Baptist Convention had garnered over a million and a half
members. 12
Upon this foundation the thriving SBC entered into the twentieth century. The
Southern Baptistchurches, autonomous and often rural based, were perfectly suited for
the strong cultural sentiments that were present in the Deep South. From the tum of the
century to the beginning of World War I, the Southern Baptist Convention added another
million people. Few areas could circumvent the influence cast by Baptist adherents, yet
within the harmonious domain of the Southern United States a new issue confronted the
faithful, in which modernism challenged the beliefs of the faithful for the first time. In
1923 a new controversy was burning through the heart of American theology, as the
theory of evolution began to be taught in the public school system. The secular version
of the origin of humanity sparked a scurry of activity among the leaders of the
Convention to combat their evolutionist rivals, with the end result being a new
Confession of faith revised for the first time since 1833.13 In the Confession of 1925 the
Bible was defended as the sole source of authority in a Christian'
Catalan History, Politics, and Self-Determination
No full textWhat and where is Catalonia? For purposes of clarity, when I refer to Catalonia, I am referring to the present day Catalonia, the autonomous nation within the Spanish state, and her current borders. I make this initial distinction because one could also include the Paisos Catalans (Catalan Lands) in a description of Catalonia. These Paisos Catalans will be described in greater detail below.
Catalonia (Catalunya in the Catalan Language) is situated in the northeast corner of Spain. It shares its northern border with France, its western border with the province of Aragon, and its southern border with the province of Valencia; on the east it has the Mediterranean. The capital of Catalonia is Barcelona, where the autonomous government conducts its affairs and the affairs of the Catalan people.
Why should Catalonia be considered as an entity separate from Spain? Recent histories would have us believe that Spain is a homogenous nation, and few people outside of Spain are aware of the fact that within the Spanish state there exist several nationalities. The present Spanish state is for all practical purposes dominated by the Castellanos, the Castilian people. It is their language that the world knows as Spanish. Spain is home also to the Galician people, the Basque people, and the Catalan people. These are all separate nationalities that live within the borders of the Spanish state.! :
Senior Thesis:
Catalan History, Politics,
and Self-Determination
By Xavier Torres
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Chapter 1: Introduction and Thesis statement.
What and where is Catalonia? For purposes of clarity, when I refer to Catalonia,
I am referring to the present day Catalonia, the autonomous nation within the
Spanish state, and her current borders. I make this initial distinction because
one could also include the Paisos Catalans (Catalan Lands) in a description of
Catalonia. These Paisos Catalans will be described in greater detail below.
Catalonia (Catalunya in the Catalan Language) is situated in the northeast
corner of Spain. It shares its northern border with France, its western border with
the province of Aragon, and its southern border with the province of Valencia; on
the east it has the Mediterranean. The capital of Catalonia is Barcelona, where
the autonomous government conducts its affairs and the affairs of the Catalan
people.
Why should Catalonia be considered as an entity separate from Spain?
Recent histories would have us believe that Spain is a homogenous nation, and
few people outside of Spain are aware of the fact that within the Spanish state
there exist several nationalities. The present Spanish state is for all practical
purposes dominated by the Castellanos, the Castilian people. It is their language
that the world knows as Spanish. Spain is home also to the Galician people, the
Basque people, and the Catalan people. These are all separate nationalities that
live within the borders of the Spanish state.
The Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the Catalan Statute of 1979 support
this claim. In Section two of the preliminary title, the Spanish Constitution states
"The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the
2
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common and indivisible fatherland of all Spaniards; it recognizes and guarantees
the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and
the solidarity among them."1 This sentence is a very important part of the
constitution because while it takes away the right for the autonomous regions to
secede, it does recognize the existence of separate nationalities within the
Spanish state!
The Catalan Statute of Autonomy, which I will discuss in greater detail
below, was made law by the King of Spain (Juan Carlos I) and the president of
the Spanish government (Adolfo Suarez Gonzalez).2 The Statute makes
reference to the existence of a Catalan nationality in the preamble,3 and the first
article of the Statute:
Catalonia, as a nationality, and to attain self-government,
constitutes itself as an Autonomous Community in accordance with
the Constitution and with the present Statute, which is her basic
institutional norm.4
These two documents provide a legal basis under Spanish and Catalan
law for the claim that Catalonia is a nation within the Spanish state. Catalonia is
a nation in and of itself, meeting nearly all the requirements of nationhood, and
while total independence may not be the most ideal, practical, or legal solution in
the current climate of European integration, autonomy is an adequate middle
1 Translated from Spanish Constitution: Constitucion Espanola de 1978, Dec. 28, 1978,
http://www.igsap.map.es/doc/cia/dispo/constitu.htm.
2Catalan Statute of Autonomy (Estatut d'Autonomia de Catalunya), Dec. 31, 1979.
http://www.gencat.es/estatul/.
3 Catalan Statute of Autonomy (Estatut d'Autonomia de Catalunya), Dec. 31, 1979.
http://www.gencat.es/estatul/cestprea. htm.
"Translated from Catalan: Catalan Statute of Autonomy (Estatut d'Autonomia de Catalunya), Dec.
31, 1979. http://www.gencat.es/estatul/cesttitp.htm
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ground. Independence should not be completely ruled out as an option since the
Spanish central government on more than one occasion has chosen to opt
against fair and balanced policies, and sometimes even chosen to "milk" the
Catalan nation at its own convenience.
In the second chapter of this paper, I intend first to present historical proof
of the existence of Catalonia as an independent entity, with its own cultural
heritage expressed in language, literature and early governmental institutions.
will explain how Catalonia came to become part of Spain (a relatively recent
event). I will also examine the mercantile history of Catalonia. Also worth a great
deal of attention is the contemporary industrial history of Catalonia, especially the
bourgeois and labor classes, and their role in contemporary Catalan political
history.
In the third chapter, I will examine with greater depth the parts of the
Spanish Constitution that are relevant to the examination of Catalan autonomy,
and the Statute of Catalan Autonomy. I will give a brief description of the
branches of the Catalan government and their roles within the framework of the
Spanish state. I will also examine the very controversial language laws that
came into effect in the late 1990's.
Chapter four will briefly cover anti-Catalanism in Spanish society past and
present, since it is precisely this anti-Catalanism that has been responsible for
most of the oppression experienced by the Catalan people. Also I will discuss
unfair and biased tax burdens placed upon the Catalan people.
4
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In my conclusion I will briefly look at the current role of the Catalan
government in the European Union. What is the role of the Catalan government,
and of other small nationalities for that matter, in the framework of the EU? I
think that autonomous regions like Catalonia can play a great role in the new
Europe, and at the same time the new Europe gives nations within states such
as Catalonia greater protection from oppression, and even possibly the chance
for greater self-determination. Catalonia's role in Europe both politically and
economically has truly great potential and deserves attention.
"i
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Chapter 2: Catalan Independence, and Governmental
Institutions from a historical and cultural standpoint.
The two regions that constituted the kingdom of Aragon (Catalonia and
Aragon) have dynastic histories that trace back to the time when Castile was still
occupied by Moors. The first independent Count of Barcelona, Count Guifre I el
Pelos (Wilfred the Hairy), ruled the County of Barcelona and Urgell from 870 to
897 A.D.5 In 894 Guifre inherited the County of Girona, and in 895 he also
inherited the County of Cerdanya and Rosello, thus consolidating his dominion of
the Catalan territories.6 He is credited in myth with the independence of
Catalonia,7 although history would grant that honor to another count that I shall
reveal shortly. The first King of Aragon was Ramiro I, who ruled between 1035
and 1064.8 These two Crowns were united in 1162 when Alfonso II was crowned
King of Aragon and Count of Barcelona.9 The Chronicle of San Juan de la Pena,
written around 1370, offers a complete history of the Crown of Aragon, starting
with the Goth origins of the Iberian people, and then gives a complete historical
Genealogy of the Goth kings, the Navarrese and Aragonese kings, the Counts of
Barcelona, and finally the Kings of the Crown of Aragon.10 This book is one of
5 Nelson, Lynn H. (Translator and editor); The chronicle of San Juan de La Pena; 1991,
University of Pennsylvania Press. P. 41.
6 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Volum Ill; 1924. Ediciones Patria. Barcelona.
P. 197.
7 Hughes. Robert. Barcelona; 1992. Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 77.
8 Nelson. Lynn H. (Translator and editor); The chronicle of San Juan de La Pena; 1991.
University of Pennsylvania Press. P. 16.
9 Nelson. Lynn H. (Translator and editor); The chronicle of San Juan de La Pena; 1991.
University of Pennsylvania Press. P. 53.
10 While the book gives a brief history of the reign of each king or count. the Genealogies are
available in the appendix of the book (pp.105-6)
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the earliest works on the political history of the Aragonese Crown and the
Catalan State.
Rovira i Virgili argues that Catalonia gained its true independence under
Count Borrell II (947-992), citing the fact that after a Moorish invasion of
Catalonia in which even Barcelona was sacked, he reconquered Catalonia
without any aid from the king of France, proving that he was not a vassal of the
French king as some of his predecessors were. 11 Two things that stood out in
medieval Catalonia were the considerable presence of a sizable Burgher class
which enjoyed some of the privileges of the nobility; and a large Jewish
population (actually Jews were found in considerable numbers throughout
Carolingian lands).12 The10th century was an important time for the formation of
a Catalan nation, since Catalonia did not yet exist as the state it would later
become, but instead was divided into eight counties. 13 Medieval Catalonia and
the counties it was comprised of functioned under a feudal system.
By the 11th century, the counts of Barcelona were, for all practical purposes, the
sovereign rulers of all the Catalan counties. 14 Between 1058 and 1076 the
Usatges de Barcelona, a compilation of established feudal customs, turned these
customs into law. These were the first Catalan civil laws (and one of the earliest
in Europe).15 The Usatges (Established by Ramon Berenguer I) were to become
the first bill of rights in all of Europe, preceding the English Magna Carta by
11 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Velum Ill; 1924, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, pp. 259-60
12 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya. Velum Ill; 1924, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, p. 321
13 Barcelona. Empuries-Rossello, Girona, Besalu, Ausona, Cerdanya, Urgell, Pallars-Ribagorc;:a. 14 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Velum IV; 1926, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, p. 182.
15 Ferret, Antoni, Compendi D'Historia De Catalunya: 1976, Editorial Claret, p. 27.
7
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almost a century!16 The laws laid out in the Usatges were historically important
because they recognized the legal rights of the burghers as being equal to those
of the nobility; and when a legal dispute arose between members of the two
classes, matters were settled before a judge, or adjudicator.17 While this did not
amount to universal suffrage, it did recognize a certain level of democratic
principle within the feudal system. To this day, Catalan society prides itself on its
system of laws and its democratic traditions, expanding her territories as well,
using this system of legal agreements and marriages rather than the sword.18
Another example of the democratic nature of Catalan society was the oath of
allegiance to the Catalan/Aragonese monarchs in the 14th and 15t h centuries:
We who are as good as you, swear to you,
who are no better than us, to accept you as
our king and sovereign lord, provided you
observe all our liberties and laws-but if not,
not.19
This is an excellent example of Catalonia's system of governance, rule by
contract rather than the sword!
By the beginning of the 12th century, the names Cathalonia and Cata/anus
began to appear in manuscripts of that time in Italy, and later in the century
throughout the rest of Europe.20By the reign of Ramon Berenguer IV (1131-
1162), the Catalan Principality "became a state, in the modern sense of the
16 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 96
17 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 97
18
Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 103 19
Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 119
2° Ferret, Antoni, Compendi D'Historia De Catalunya: 1976, Editorial Claret, p. 27.
8
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word."
21
Under the reign of the same Count, the Catalan crown and the
Aragonese Crown were united politically in 1137, by the marriage of Ramon
Berenguer IV of Barcelona and Petronella of Aragon.
22
The same sovereign held
both crowns, but both kingdoms remained autonomous from each other,
retaining their own laws and customs. By 1162, under Alfonso I, both crowns
were joined into the kingdom of Aragon and Catalunya.23
At the end of the 1 ih century and the beginning of the 13th
century, Pere II
(Peter II) consolidated Catalo-Aragonese hegemony over the Gallic territories of
Provence, Toulouse, and Perpignan.
24
Over the next two centuries, beginning with Jaume I, el Conqueridor
(James I, the Conqueror), the Kings of Catalonia and Aragon based themselves
in Barcelona, and embarked on a mission of conquest that would create an
empire and make Catalonia a major maritime power in the Mediterranean,
eventually conquering Sicily, Sardinia, Naples, and Athens.25
The Catalan conquest, starting with those of Jaume I, began in 1229, with
a fleet of a little less than 500 ships. The Catalan king set out to conquer the
island of Mallorca from the Moors, an important island needed to secure the
Mediterranean trade routes.26
In the middle of the six-year quest to subdue and dominate Mallorca,
Jaume I set about the business of conquering Valencia (south of Catalonia, on
21 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Volum IV; 1926, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, p. 382
22 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 103
23Ferret, Antoni, Compendi D'Historia De Catalunya: 1976, Editorial Claret, p. 28.
24 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Volum IV; 1926, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, pp. 446-450.
25 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 104.
26 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 107
9
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the coast), which took sixteen years.27 By 1235 Jaume I had conquered
Menorca and Ibiza as well.28
Jaume I was also credited with establishing two important democratic (in
the medieval sense of the word) institutions. The first was the Goris Catalans, or
Catalan Court. Established in 1283, the Goris represented the nobility, clergy,
and the merchant class. The Goris had the right to make and pass laws,
although the Count-King had the right to veto the passing of these laws. The
periodicity of the Goris meetings ranged between one and three years. While the
Goris was not in session, a committee of twelve men (three from each class, plus
three auditors) known as the Generalitat represented the Goris and its will.29
The other institution established by Jaume I was the Conse/1 de Cent, or
the Council of a Hundred, established in 1274 to run the city of Barcelona.30 The
Council was chosen by a committee of five counselors, the mayor, and the
verger (chief magistrate). The Council of a Hundred would then choose a new
committee of five. The Council of a Hundred (which was not always exactly a
hundred men) was more egalitarian than the Goris. While the wealthiest and
more powerful classes enjoyed greater representation, the artisan and laborer
classes enjoyed a certain level of representation, and even held one or two of the
27 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 108
28
Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Velum IV; 1926, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, pp. 556-557.
29
Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 120.
30
Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Velum V; 1928, Ediciones Patria, Barcelona,
pp. 26-9.
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places on the committee of five counselors.31 This system of governance lasted
until after the war of Spanish Succession, when the Bourbon kings abolished it.32
The descendants of Jaume I, who himself was a descendent of Guifre I el
Pelos (the Hairy), would rule Catalonia and her empire until the 15th century, over
five hundred years, ending with the death of Marti I in 1410. After the death of
the heirless king, the Catalan parliament (Corts) ruled Catalonia for two years
while various pretenders vied for the crown.33 Eventually Ferdinand I (a
Castilian) would be chosen and crowned king in 1412.34 Catalonia would never
again have a Catalan king. Also notable was the fact that Ferdinand I began to
bring in Castilian bureaucrats and functionaries, as well as soldiers to advise
him.35 During the 15th century, Catalonia lost over half of its population to the
Plague by 1497. The Catalan empire was no more, beaten by the merchants of
Genoa. 36
Ferdinand I ruled for four years and died. His successors were generally
unimportant monarchs for the purposes of my study. The next important King of
Aragon to have a significant role in the fate of Catalonia would be Ferdinand II
the Catholic, who became Count-King of Catalonia and Aragon in 1479. From
then on, Catalonia, by way of Ferdinand's marriage to Isabel of Castile, would be
slowly absorbed into Spain. Now while this union did result in the consolidation
of the Catalan, Aragonese, and Castilian crowns, Catalonia did keep its Corts
31 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; pp. 120-21. 32 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 121 33 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Volum V; 1928, Ediciones Patria, Barcelona,
r 455.
Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 169.
35 Rovira i Virgili, A., Historia Nacional de Catalunya, Volum VI; 1931, Ediciones Patria,
Barcelona, p. 200.
36 Hughes, Robert, Barcelona; 1992, Alfred A. Knopf, New York; p. 169.
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and Generalitat, as well as the Council of a Hundred, but as years and monarchs
passed, these institutions were called upon less and less by the royal court which
had its base in Toledo and Madrid.37
In the 1 th century the Catalan peasantry and lesser rural nobility staged
two major uprisings that were largely reactions to policies of the Crown to
centralize control of its holdings. The first uprising in 1 640 was a reaction to the
policies of King Felipe IV's advisor, the Count-Duke of Olivares. In 1 624 Olivares
initiated a project called the Union de Armas (Union of Arms) in which all the
kingdoms of Spain would contribute to a reserve army (20,000 infantrymen and
4000 cavalrymen) to be used for the defense of the Spanish kingdoms.38 In 1 639
he invoked the Union de Armas to draft Catalan men into the army to invade
France through Catalonia, angering the local population. After a victorious battle,
in 1 640 Olivares used the troops he had in Catalonia to pressure the Catalan
Corts to contribute funds to the Crown. The Catalan populace assassinated the
Crown's Viceroy, and initiated a revolt that it would lose after 1 2 years of war
(thanks to an out-break of plague).39 I t is also fair to note that France played a
considerable part in instigating this revolt.40 Ironically, it was thanks to this
Catalan revolt that Portugal was able to gain independence from Spain. After the
Treaty of the Pyrenees (which came after the treaty of Westphalia) Spain gave
37Ferret, Antoni, Compendi D'Historia De Catalunya; 1 976, Editorial Claret, pp. 98-103.
38 Diez Medrano, Juan, Divided Nations, Class. Politics. and Nationalism in the Basque Country
and Catalonia;1995, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, p.30. 39 Diez Medrano, Juan, Divided Nations, Class, Politics, and Nationalism in the Basque Country
and Catalonia;1995, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, p.31 . 40 Diez Medrano, Juan, Divided Nations, Class. Politics. and Nationalism in the Basque Country
and Catalonia;1 995, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, p.31.
1 2
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Rouseillon and French Cerdagne to France, and Catalonia was allowed to keep
its Constitution.41
During the war of Spanish Succession, Catalonia sided with the Hapsburg
pretender. When the war ended, and the Bourbon pretender was crowned Felipe
V of Spain, Catalonia was effectively erased form the map. In the Decreto de
Nueva Planta (1714), Catalonia's laws, institutions, and language were all
replaced with Castilian ones. The Catalan Corts, the Generalitat, the Consell de
Cent, and other councils were abolished by royal decree.42
Catalonia has a rich linguistic history. Contrary to the popular belief,
Catalan is not a dialect of Castilian (Spanish). Rather it is a language that has
more in common with Italian or French. Castilian is derived from the older high
Latin,43 and bears a profound mark of Moorish influence; Catalan is derived from
the later more common Latin of the Lower Classes (as are French and lta
Voting Technology: What Type of Voting Equipment Creates the Most Successful Elections?
No full textThe events of the presidential election that occurred in Florida in the year 2000 highlighted the major problems with some current voting technologies. Before the 2000 election, spoiled ballots and machine malfunctions were not considered to be terrible because the races were never close enough for a few mistakes to matter. The 2000 election, though, was decided by a mere 537 votes. It was at this point that American society began to understand just how important voting equipment is. There are currently five different kinds of voting equipment in use: punch cards, lever machines, paper ballots, optical scan, and electronic. All five different types of equipment have qualities that make them better or worse than the others. The most important factors for voting equipment are reliability, facility, and cost. There is no perfect voting technology that exists today. There are trade-offs with every type of equipment. This paper analyzes each type of equipment and determines which system will create the most successful elections.Washington Semester Program
American University
Research Project
Voting Technology: What Type of Voting Equipment Creates the
Most Successful Elections?
Submitted by
Brian Beckmann
(Gustavus Adolphus College)
In Fulfillment of the Requirements for
Course Number GOVT-412-002T: Washington Semester Research Project
Spring 2003
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2
Precis
The events of the presidential election that occurred in Florida in the year 2000
highlighted the major problems with some current voting technologies. Before the 2000
election, spoiled ballots and machine malfunctions were not considered to be terrible
because the races were never close enough for a few mistakes to matter. The 2000
election, though, was decided by a mere 537 votes. It was at this point that American
society began to understand just how important voting equipment is. There are currently
five different kinds of voting equipment in use: punch cards, lever machines, paper
ballots, optical scan, and electronic. All five different types of equipment have qualities
that make them better or worse than the others. The most important factors for voting
equipment are reliability, facility, and cost. There is no perfect voting technology that
exists today. There are trade-offs with every type of equipment. This paper analyzes each
type of equipment and determines which system will create the most successful elections.
Gustavus Student Repository
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4
Chapter One:
Brief Overview and Introduction
The 2000 Presidential election was decided by 537 votes1
, the margin in which
Governor George W. Bush defeated Vice-President Al Gore by to win Florida's 25
electoral votes and the election. The 2000 presidential election can be viewed at the
perfect example of how elections are conducted is important. Although the election could
have been won by either candidate without winning Florida, each candidate saw that
winning Florida was their most promising chance at success.
2 These strategies turned out
to be troublesome because within the state of Florida there were numerous problems with
the ballots, the way in which they were counted, and finally the way in which the election
was carried out.
The ballots of the 2000 election in Florida were difficult to use. Many times
ballots were thrown out due to mistakes made. In fact, in the 2000 election about 174,000
ballots or approximately 3% were tossed out statewide mostly because they were part of a
punch-card system. 3 The throwing out of so many ballots proves to be troublesome when
the number of votes that decide the entire election is . 09% showing how important the
ballot that is being used can change the outcome of the election. If those counties in
Florida that used a faulty punch-card system had used a different and more modem
system, the election might have yielded a different outcome.
Three major problems arose in the counting of the ballots in Florida that caused
error in 2000. The first was caused by the optical scan systems. Although the actual
1
Washington Post, Deadlock, xiv
2 Merzer, 19
3 Merzer, 5-6
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5
machinery probably was not the source of votes being discarded, the location that the
votes were counted was. Counties that scanned the ballots, tallying the votes, on premises
right away could note any error on the ballot and allow the voter to either fix their ballot
or fill out another. Counties that sent their ballots to a central location to be counted were
not able to double check for errors, and thus ballots that had unconnected arrows or
partially filled circles would be discarded and the votes would not count.4 The second
source of error came in the manual recounts. Hundreds of ballots that were discarded had
similar marks to ballots that were tallied, which was most likely due to human error or
tampering.
5 The discarded votes could very well have been included in the election, and
by having them be discarded they were causing error to the electorate. The final source of
error in counting the ballots came from the machines that were used. Florida used older
equipment because the funds were not available to modernize the system in 1996.6 The
old machinery would overlook votes and could miscount different ballots depending on
how the cards had been punched. A miscount or error of this size is not acceptable,
especially when an election is decided by as few votes as Florida 2000.
The final problem from the Florida election in 2000 came from the oversight of
the election. In 2000, thousands of illegal voters were allowed to vote.7 Many of these
voters were those that had not registered or were felons that had lost their right to vote.
This shows problems in the administering of the ballot. Concerns of racism in Florida
raced around the state after the deadlock. Precincts with high percentages of African
4 Merzer, 6
5 Merzer, 10-11
6 Merzer, 68-69
7 Merzer, 8
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'. )
Americans were among the most troubled with voting mistakes and lost registrations. 8
Although this claim does not outright prove anything, signs of incompetence and
unfairness in the electoral process are consequently shown.
6
The goals of running a successful election depend first on the reliability of the
results reported by voting machines. Second of all, the equipment must be easy to use and
understand. Finally, the administration of the election must be affordable. This paper will
examine these three factors for the different voting technologies and conclude which
systems yield the most successful elections and what factors are needed for this success.
•Reliability
Reliability is the accuracy of election results and a lack of mistakes caused by
voting equipment. Florida illustrated that many mistakes can be caused by the method of
voting being used. The punch-card system was very problematic because it produced so
many over and under votes, thus it could have possibly altered the election results. There
are many other types of voting equipment besides the punch-card system such as lever
machines, optical-scan systems, and touch-screen computers. Problems with election
results can also be caused by these types of equipment. That is why it is important to find
a technology that improves reliability and in turn strengthens the electorate by making
sure that every vote cast counts.
•Facility
Facility is how easy or hard a certain type of voting equipment is to use. Voting
equipment that is difficult to use or understand does not result in a successfully run
election because it generally leads to spoiled ballots from confused voters. It is essential
that a voter is able to comprehend how a ballot is to work and to make sure that they are
8 Washington Post, Deadlock, 76
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7
voting for the correct candidate. The Butterfly ballot that was used in Palm Beach,
Florida in 2000 was designed so badly that, according to a report by The Miami Herald, a
voter in Palm Beach was 100 times more likely to vote for both Al Gore and Pat
Buchanan, without realizing it, than elsewhere in South Florida. 9 Another factor that
makes facility important is its affect on the voter. A voter that leaves a polling place
frustrated or confused is less likely to vote in the next election. Many Jews in Palm Beach
County realized that they may have possibly accidentally voted for Buchanan, a known
anti-Semite, because they had punched the hole next to Buchanan's name thinking that
they were casting a vote for Gore. If the ballot had been more simply designed, these
people most likely would not have voted for the wrong candidate, in this case Buchanan.
A healthy electoral system depends on a large turnout of eligible citizens. Thus, it is
important to see the effects of the types of voting used on voter turnout to see
technologies effect on the electorate.
•Cost
The cost of voting equipment effects counties as they decide which equipment to
purchase and whether or not to upgrade their current systems. The Palm Beach
Democratic County Commission that oversees the elections turned down a proposal to
update voting technology for the 2000 election because they did not view new voting
equipment as a wise investment. In 1996 a proposal for 117,757 of that to update the punch-card software
and computers. 10 The effect of this decision is easily seen through the many problems
that have been associated with the punch-card systems, and now, of course, the
9 Merzer, 7
10 Merzer, 68
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commission will not be able to turn down a proposal that will upgrade the ballot casting
and counting system. The Democratic County Commission probably turned down the
initial proposal because of its high dollar amount. If a proposal for better technology that
cost less was put before them such as the optical scan system, adoption of a new system
might have been made much easier.
Plan of the Paper
8
In the following chapters, this paper will analyze the different aspects of voting
technology and their direct effect on the electorate. Chapter two will review the evolution
of voting technology from party ballots to the new computer run voting machines.
Chapter three will be an in-depth look at Florida, the many problems it has had with
elections, and the causes of those problems. Chapter three will also look at the changes
made by congress and individual states to correct the problems with voting technology as
a result of Florida's troubles. Chapter four will look at the various aspects of voting
equipment and then analyze proper criteria in system selection. Chapter five will
conclude the paper.
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Chapter Two:
The History of Election Reform
Introduction
Over 100 million Americans went to the polls on Election Day 2000 however; as
many as 4 to 6 million votes may not have been counted. Faulty and outdated voting
technology contributed greatly to this problem. 11 After the 2000 elections the need for
voting technology reform became apparent given the difficulties from the closely
contested Florida presidential contest. Although Florida reflected the need for major
reform, this issue has been present throughout the nation's history. 12
This Chapter will
review voting reform starting with the voting methods used in the colonies through the
Florida elections in 2000 to show that reform of voting methods is not a new issue.
The Origins of Electoral Reform
9
"As the American Colonists were familiar with the use of the ballot in local and
company elections in England, they were ready to adopt it in their new country." 13 The
colonists' knowledge allowed for the beginning of electoral reform. In 1647, a new
election law required writing the name of the person on a piece of paper and submitting it
either open or folded in half. 14 This law was one of the first to replace oral voting and the
casting of com, beans, or marbles and was also one of the first appearances of a ballot.
11 http:/ /www.vote.caltech.edu/Media/200 l -Jul-16 .html 12 Kleppner, 2/18/03
13 Fredman, 20
14 Fredman, 20
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The modern electoral system truly began in the 1820's when the courts approved
the use of printed ballots. 15 This was a major change in the electorate system because
before most of the ballots that were used were all different and most were hand written.
In fact, in New York and New Jersey, voters could deposit any slip of paper as long as it
met certain guidelines. 16 Most voters preferred, though, to use the "slips" that were
printed by the parties themselves called "party slips" or "unofficial" ballots. 17 The names
of the major party candidates were printed on the ballot. A voter could simply pick up his
ballot outside of the polling place, walk in, and cast this "slip" as his vote.
The "party slip" option allowed for a large amount of fraud and corruption. Ballot
stuffing, the art of either hiding ballots and having a corrupted poll worker place them in
the ballot box or placing more than one ballot in the box, had become one of the finer arts
of corruption. This method of concealing papers allowed extra votes in favor of one
candidate to be cast. New boxes were then designed with glass sides, a bell, and a
counting dial to prevent ballot stuffing. 18 Another form of corruption that came from the
use of "party slips" was the peddling of ballots. Party members would stand outside the
polling place and peddle their ballots influencing voters like auctioneers. 19 Another
method of the parties, which continued well into the twentieth century, was to buy rounds
of drinks for entire saloons on Election Day. 20 This indirect form of bribery would
influence voters to base their votes on who bought them a drink. A final form of
corruption came from parties paying official election employees to submit "joker" ballots
15 Fredman, 21 16 Reynolds, McCormick, 844 17 Rusk, 1221
18 Fredman 22 19 Rusk, 1221 20 Fredman, 22
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11
that were stamped elsewhere and surpassed the stamping mechanisms in the ballot
boxes.21 Just as the system reacted to ballot stuffing by changing the ballot box, the
system needed some sort of change to react to all of the corruption that was taking place.
Introduction of the Australian Ballot
All of the corruption and cheating that was surrounding elections brought to the
attention of the state governments that some sort ofreform was absolutely necessary. The
1888 presidential election raised the issue because when the race got close, peddlers
began to "trade" part of their tickets which was eventually linked to bribery. 22 The
attention from the 1888 election gave a surging push for a movement to reform. There
were three things that reformed ballots needed to allow for a fair election; ballots needed
to be secret, identical, and official. 23 First of all, ballots needed to be secret to enhance the
legitimacy of election results. The ballots also needed to be identical, and printed by the
state. By having the state print the ballots, all ballots would be identical removing the
possibility of casting fake ballots. Finally the ballots needed to be official meaning they
were distributed by election officers at the polling place. 24 This would be just another
measure to avoid the use of fake ballots.
The criteria of secret, identical, and official ballots were fulfilled by the
Australian ballot. The ballot was first used in the southern Australian colonies sometime
in the early to mid-1800's.25 The Australian ballot, as it was originally conceived, was a
secret ballot.26 The Australian ballot known today was considered a consolidated or
21 Fredman, 24 22 Fredman, 29 23 Reynolds, McCormick, 850 24 Fredman, 46 25 Ibid 26 Fredman, 4
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12
"blanket" ballot.27 A consolidated ballot is one in which the candidates of all parties were
listed as opposed to only those of one party. The voter then chose which candidate he
wanted for each office and was no longer forced to vote for one party only. The
Australian ballot allowed the voter to make his decision in the privacy of a voting booth
instead of on the way into the polling place. 28 With the addition of the Australian ballot
being printed by the state it fit all three of the criteria needed to establish credible
elections.
In 1888 Massachusetts was the first to adopt the Australian ballot statewide. 29
Massachusetts had continuously been a victim to bad conditions on election day, and yet
they could not seem to pass a reform act due to party politics.3° Finally with the guidance
of Richard Henry Dana III, an arch-mugwump, the state legislation was able to agree
upon instituting the law that required use of the Australian ballot. 31 The law and ballot
passed were often seen as the model for reform. 32 After the first Australian ballot law had
been passed, its influence spread quickly. In less than eight years more then 90 percent of
the states had established similar laws. 33 The success of the Australian ballot against
tainted elections had been seen.
The Massachusetts model was used by most states to develop their own version of
the Australian ballot. The ballot itself evolved over the years that it spread throughout the
nation as states tried to better the ballot. For example, Indiana produced a new
arrangement of candidates on their ballot. The candidates were grouped in parallel
27 Rusk, 1221
28 Rusk, 1221
29 Rusk, 1220
3° Fredman, 37,38 31 Fredman, 38,39
32 Fredman 4 7
33 Rusk, 1221
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13
columns so that a voter could either vote straight ticket, or choose the candidates
independently.
34
Variations of this change spread throughout the states along with the
reform. Even with the creation of many of these new ballot laws there was still some
intimidation created by the parties. The new standard for effective Australian ballot laws
added checks into the law in order to lower the susceptibility of voters being bought. 35
With the widespread use and improvement of the Australian ballot system the United
States had completed its first major stage of election technology reform.
The Lever Machine to Optical Scan
The success of the Australian ballot can be seen by how quickly it spread across
the nation. At the same time as the Australian ballot's popularity spread a company called
Automated Voting Machines produced the first lever machine in 1894.36
The need for a
voting machine was driven by the mechanical revolution that was going on at that time.
The popularity of the lever machine spread quickly. By 19 11 twenty-one states had
passed laws permitting the use of voting machines. 37 Voting machines were becoming
much more popular, but lever machines were very expensive and so most counties could
only afford one or two.38
Extended use of the lever machine continued on through the 1900's along with
continued use of the Australian ballot. In 1964 the punch card system was first introduced
in Fullton County, Georgia. 39 IBM introduced the punch card system as an option that
would make election administration easier and faster.40 IBM found punch card systems
34 Fredman 48
35 Fredman' 85 36 Brace, 3h6/03 37 Fredman, 126 38 Brace, 3/26/03 39 Ibid 40 Merzer, 54
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14
easy to sell because at that point in time counties were short on poll workers due to
women entering the work force.41 The punch card system offered election administration
through the use of a minimal amount of people.
The punch card system quickly spread, but a major problem emerged. Many
smaller areas could not afford punch card systems and so they continued to use older
methods. 42 Then, in the 1980' s, as computer technology was advancing, the optical scan
system was introduced. 43 The optical scan system offered a cheaper alternative to smaller
areas by allowing them to only purchase one counter. With the introduction of the optical
scan system a major mix of voting equipment was being used in the US. Most pieces of
equipment were seen as reliable and until the Florida election in 2000 there was never a
need to compare systems. 44
Florida 2000: Election Reform Enters the Mainstream
In the 1900's problems with voting technology were apparent in the system but
there was not much demand for change because the errors were not considered to be
significant. Most changes were made due to new technology being considered superior as
opposed to being made because of the need for change. 45 Caleb Kleppner of the Center
for Voting and Democracy blamed the structure of the voting equipment industry for the
slow down. He said that there are very few players in the industry, so there is very little
competition. Also, since there have been relatively few problems with the voting
41 Brace, 3/26/03
,2 Ibid
43 Ibid
44 Ibid
45 Bird, 4/10/03
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equipment there is really no need to invest any money into new equipment which slows
• • 46 mnovat10n.
The events of November, 2000 spurred an increase in academic interest for
election reform. Before 2000 there was very little interest in the study of election
administration. In fact, when many so called "experts" on election equipment were
interviewed about Florida, most of them "barely knew what they were talking about".47
There were very few people studying voting equipment before 2000.
15
Florida's 2000 elections showed the US that its voting equipment was not fully
reliable. It showed that minor mistakes by voters and technology could alter the results of
the election. The specifics of these human and machine errors will be discussed in the
next chapter.
Following the Florida election major changes were made to reform elections. A
great increase in the amount of money was appropriated to buy new voting equipme
The Atlantic Divide: The Diplomatic Conflict Between the US and the EU
No full textIn the months after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States the goodwill between the United States and the European Union has evaporated as the European vision of the United States as a rogue bully has become more and more dominant. The United States is pursuing a model that is based on a Jacksonian vision of foreign affairs while the European Union attempts to radically alter the concept of the nation-state itself. These divergent paths are leading to increased conflict between the two powers.THE ATLANTIC DIVIDE
The Diplomatic Conflict Between the US and the EU
Jay Reding
Gustavus Adolphus College
2002
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ABSTRACT
THE ATLANTIC DMDE
by Jay Reding
In the months after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States
the goodwill between the United States and the European Union has evaporated
as the European vision of the United States as a rogue bully has become more
and more dominant. The United States is pursuing a model that is based on a
Jacksonian vision of foreign affairs while the European Union attempts to
radically alter the concept of the nation-state itself. These divergent paths are
leading to increased conflict between the two powers.
Gustavus Student Repository
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction - The Growing Transatlantic Rift ........................................................... 1
Chapter One
"Snakes in Ireland" - Understanding US Foreign Policy ....................................... ..4
American Foreign Policy Traditions ...................................................................... 4
The Jacksonian Tradition ......................................................................................... 9
The Genesis ofJacksonianism ........................................................................... 10
The Jacksonian Code of Honor ........................................................................ 11
Jacksonian Foreign Policy ................................................................................. 12
J acksonians at War .............................................................................................. 16
Jacksonianism Today .......................................................................................... 19
Chapter Two
The Transcendence Of Power- Europe's Postmodern Foreign Policy ........... 21
The Origins of Postmodern Europe ...................................................................... 22
Transnational Progressivism .................................................................................... 27
Power Politics and the Postmodern State ............................................................. 30
The Road to Integration: Europe in the 21" Century .......................................... 33
Chapter Three
The Great Divide ............................................................................................................ 36
The Values Gap .......................................................................................................... 36
The Strategic Divide .................................................................................................. 40
A Difference of Opinion or a Divorce oflnterests? ........................................... 43
Appendix A- US Foreign Policy Traditions .............................................................. 47
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Introduction
THE GROWING TRANSATLANTIC RIFT
On September 20, 2001, a scant few days after the worst terrorist attack in
history, President George W. Bush of the United States of America addressed the
US Congress. With his address came an ultimatum to the rest of the world: either
you stand with the United States or you stand with the forces of terrorism. The
response to President Bush's new doctrine from across the Atlantic was swift and
severe. The French Foreign Minister at the time, Hubert Vedrine called the Bush
Doctrine and American foreign policy "simplistic.'" This "Bush Doctrine" sent
shockwaves throughout the halls of power in Europe, and would soon spark
more and more diplomatic conflict between the United States and the states of
the European Union.
Nor was this conflict born after September 11. Already the foreign policy
establishment of Europe had been steadily criticizing the foreign policies of the
Bush Administration in regards to issues such as the Kyoto Accords on global
warming, the US' opposition to the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the
decision of the Bush Administration to leave the 1972 A n ti -Ballistic Missile
Treaty. The aftermath of September 11 and the subsequent United States military
action against Afghanistan only gave the European critics of American policy a
unified point of attack. This trend has now followed through as the United States
and Europe stand at odds over issues relating to military action against the regime
of Saddam Hussein in Iraq.
The United States is attempting to act as an irresistible force to Europe's
immovable object, a situation that is simply not tenable over the long term. It is
1 David Ignatius, ''The trans-Atlantic rift is getting serious," The International Herald Tribune, February 16, 2002.
2
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increasingly clear that American interventionism abroad is creating a kind of
transatlantic security dilemma in which American action is inciting European
response in order to protect the interest of the EU against an increasingly active
United States. This situation is simply against the interests of both superpowers.
The Europeans do not have the ability to effectively project military power even
when it concerns security problems in their own backyard such as the conflicts
over Kosovo in the Balkans. On the other side of the equation, the United States
simply cannot act as an insular actor in its war on terror. Fighting such a conflict
requires the resources, intelligence, and backing of many governments, and the
United States can ill afford not to maintain European support.
At the same time, neither side seems willing to work with each other towards a
resolution of the situation. The United States continues to flex its military and
diplomatic muscles across the globe while essentially snubbing Europe, which
acts to further feed European sentiments of impotence and anti-Americanism.
Intellectuals across both sides of the Atlantic argue about how much better they
would be if the other dropped into the sea. Meanwhile, issues of cooperative
security across the world from avoiding nuclear conflict between India and
Pakistan, nuclear weapons in North Korea, and the conflict between Russian and
Chechnya all suffer due to the increasingly factitious nature of US/EU relations.
This conflict stems from a fundamental discontinuity between the worldviews
of the United States and Europe on the fundamental issues of foreign policy. The
United States is following a Jacksonian model of foreign policy that is deeply
suspicious of international actors and favors the use of decisively military power
in conflict resolution while Europe attempts to forge a new transnational future
in which individual states work harmoniously on common problems within a
framework of international bodies. Unfortunately, these goals are to a large extent
mutually exclusive. In order to more fully understand this conflict, it is important
3
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to examine the worldviews of both the United States and the European Union by
first examining Jacksonian democracy as it has manifested itself in the policies of
the United States, and then seeing how the ideas of transnational progressivism
have begun to take hold in the foreign policy establishments of Europe. Finally,
some conclusions can be made about the future direction as well as the
resolutions to this diplomatic conflict between the United States and the
European Union.
The roots of this conflict run deep, and it would take years of research and
volumes of writing to completely describe all the sources of this fundamental
discontinuity. Nor can it be accurately said that the foreign policies of two large
superpowers are always unitary. Certainly there are many differing opinions,
worldviews, and ideals that come together to create the foreign policies of both
the United States and Europe. However, there are large movements that can be
studied and do help to parsimoniously explain why these two superpowers are
behaving the way in which they do. These traditions, while not concrete
ideologies or cohesive strategies in and of themselves, do have a great degree of
bearing on the creation of foreign policy, and understanding them can certainly
lead to a greater understanding of the nature of the conflict between the Old
World and the New.
4
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Chapter One
SNAKES IN IRELAND: UNDERSTANDING US FOREIGN POLICY
AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TRADITIONS
Understanding the foreign policy of the United States is often an arduous task.
British politician and statesman Lord Bryce once remarked that describing
American foreign policy was like describing the snakes of Ireland. "There are no
snakes in Ireland," he dryly noted2
. Yet it is clear that America has a far more
coherent foreign policy than some would believe. Especially in the postSeptember
11 world, foreign policy has become an increasingly important part of
the American public conscious, and with the war on terror unfolding, many
Americans have been engaged in a crash course in international politics. Even
President Bush, who was unable to identify the President of Pakistan during the
2000 election campaign now finds himself managing strategic relations with an
entire host of Central Asian nations. To answer Henry Kissinger's question
"Does America need a foreign policy?" it is clear that it does.
Not only does America have a long tradition in terms of foreign policy, it has
several strands of policy thinking that have enjoyed periods of supremacy in US
affairs throughout the history of the nation. Scholars such as Hans J. Morgenthau
and Walter Russell Mead have identified four main traditions in US foreign
policy, each of which is named after its creator and chief sponsor. The
Jeffersonian, Hamiltonian, Wilsonian, and Jacksonian traditions have all
influenced the course of American foreign policy and to varying degrees shaped
the way in which the United States has carried out its relations with the world.
Each tradition carries with it its own unique worldview on issues such as the use
of military force, the role of international institutions, and America's role in world
5
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affairs. In order to fully understand the way in which American foreign policy
works, it is necessary to delve into the fundamental character of each of these
traditions. (For a chart of the basic characteristic of each tradition see Appendix
A.)
The first tradition in American foreign policy is the Hamiltonian tradition,
named after the founding Secretary of the Treasury and the most influential
advisor to the first American President George Washington. The Hamiltonian
conception of American foreign policy is essentially mercantilist in nature,
founded upon an essential belief in trade and international commerce.
Hamiltonian foreign policy is also conservative inasmuch as it believes that the
United States should act upon its national interest whenever possible, even above
considerations of international treaty. The Hamiltonian doctrine was the first
major doctrine applied to American foreign policy. In 1793, Hamilton argued that
despite the affinity between France and the fledgling United States, the national
interest of the United States was best served by remaining neutral in that conflict.
Writing under the pseudonyms "Pacificus" and "Americanus", Hamilton
vigorously argued against the United States taking sides in the conflict on the
basis of the predominant national interests of the United States - mainly the
crucial links of trade with Britain3. Arguing under what would later be called a
realist conception of international relations, Hamilton argued that the United
States would be better served through neutrality than entering into a long and
bloody conflict between France and the rest of Europe. This conception was
further cemented by the sentiments of George Washington's Farewell Address in
which he warned the United States of entering into any "entangling alliances"
which would only serve to tie down the interests of the United States.
2 James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, (New York: Macmillan Company, 1927), vol. 2, p. 565.
3 Hans J. Morgenthau, ''The Mainsprings of American Foreign Policy: The National Interest vs. Moral
Abstractions." The Ament:an Political Science Review, Vol. 44, No. 4. (Dec., 1950), pg. 841-844.
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The second tradition is based upon the ideas of President Thomas Jefferson,
whose concepts of foreign policy were crafted in opposition of the Hamiltonian
concepts that had shaped the early years of US foreign policy. Jefferson was
much more concerned with moral principle than were Hamilton and Washington,
although such principles were not necessarily divorced from the national interest.
As Hans J. Morgenthau put it in "The Mainsprings of American Foreign Policy:"
What was said of Gladstone could also have been said of
Jefferson, John Quincy Adams, Theodore Roosevelt, the war
policies of Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt: what the moral law
demanded was by a felicitous coincidence always identical with
what the national interest seemed to require. Political thought and
political action moved on different planes, which, however, were
so inclined as to merge in the end4
•
Jeffersonian foreign policy is based upon the keystone of a kind of individualist
brand of democracy which eschews the influence of commercial organizations in
favor of grass-roots democracy through the careful and deliberate creation of civil
society. To the Jeffersonian worldview, any large institution be it commercial or
governmental has the potential to erode and corrupt individual virtue. One of the
enduring traits of American foreign policy has its roots in the Jeffersonian
tradition. The Jeffersonians tended to be isolationists, preferring domestic
tranquility to engaging in the fractitious politics of Europe. The roots of the
Monroe Doctrine can be found in the Jeffersonian tradition which emphasized
the moral right of the United States to cordon off the Western Hemisphere from
European influence while the United States' "manifest destiny" allowed the
nation to spread from the Atlantic to the Pacific in the course of only a few
decades5
•
4 Ibid, 844.
5 Ibid, 846.
Gustavus Student Repository
Of all the traditions of American foreign policy, the Wilsonian is not only the
most recent, but the most divergent from its predecessors. The Wilsonian
conception of foreign affairs not only does not concern itself with the concept of
the national interest, it outright rejects it. Wilsonian foreign policy is based
entirely on moral concerns above all other concerns, which may explain why with
the exception of the Wilson administration it has very rarely been the driving
force of United State's foreign policy. As Wilson put it:
It is a very perilous thing to determine the foreign policy of a
nation in the terms of material interest. It is not only unfair to
those with whom you are dealing, but it is degrading as regards
your own actions. . . We dare not tum from the principle that
morality and not expediency is the thing that must guide us, and
that we will never condone iniquity because it is most convenient
to do so6•
The Wilsonian conception of American foreign policy is essentially utopian in
character. While the Wilsonians would generally agree with the Jeffersonians that
democracy is the highest goal of the political development process, the Wilsonian
tradition is far more interventionist in nature. When Wilson talked about making
the world "safe for democracy" the way in which he believed the United States
must achieve that goal is through interaction with the rest of the world. Wilson's
support for the League of Nations was based upon this idealistic worldview, as he
believed that a truly benevolent organization could be created that would forever
prevent conflict between nations. However, this dream quickly perished as the
League of Nations dissolved, and the world once again found itself on the brink
of worldwide conflict. Since then, there have been no real Wilsonians elected to
public office, and Wilsonianism remains on the periphery of American foreign
policy.
6 Presidential Address in Mobile, AL. October 28, 1913.
Gustavus Student Repository
These three traditions do endure in American foreign policy to this day, yet
none of them seem to accurately describe the current state of American foreign
policy in the post-September 11 age. The Hamiltonian model may bear some
superficial resemblance to the current course of US foreign policy, but the core
values of our current actions and those of Hamiltonianism appear to conflict. The
Hamiltonian doctrine taught that the United States should only act out of a
narrow view of its own self interest which helps explain why Hamilton argued we
should stay out of the French Revolution despite our longstanding ties to that
nation. Current US foreign policy is putting the nation closer and closer to a war
with Iraq, despite the fact that it would potentially endanger our ties with nations
ranging from Middle Eastern states such as Saudi Arabia, to our already strained
ties with Europe. While both the Hamiltonian model and the policies of the Bush
administration display similar lack of regard for international treaties, they share
few other commonalities.
Certainly Wilsonianism is a foreign policy tradition that is on the outside of the
current US foreign policy establishment. Wilsonians would most certainly be
outraged about the state of current US foreign policy. From our pulling out of the
1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty to our threats of unilateral action in Iraq, it is
clear that the Wilsonian model is far removed from the current operative thinking
in US foreign policy.
Nor does Jeffersonianism adequately describe the direction of US foreign policy
in the post-September 11 world, despite the fact that J effersonianism is quite
possibly the source of much of the foreign policy decisions of the United States 7.
J effersonianism does have the same natural skepticism about the world stage, the
same idea of the defense of liberty, and the same realist undertones that are some
of the hallmarks of current US foreign policy. Yet the Jeffersonian tradition
9
Gustavus Student Repository
would warn us about creating an new American "hegemon" and would advise
against acting in a way that could be considered "imperial." The Jeffersonian
model is clearly not the driving force behind American foreign policy as the Bush
administration enters into "entangling alliances" with every state from Pakistan to
Russia as patt of the war on terrorism. It appears that a new model must be
found that more accurately describes the present course of US foreign policy.
THE JACKSONIAN TRADITION
There is a fourth tradition in American foreign policy that is less well-studied,
but has been a crucial element in American foreign policy for nearly two hundred
years. The Jacksonian tradition closely matches the current policy directions of
the United States. Walter Russell Mead, a senior fellow for US foreign policy at
the Council for Foreign Relations describes the reasons why J acksonianism seems
to be a less frequently explored avenue of US foreign policy:
So influential is Jacksonian opinion in the formation of American
foreign policy that anyone lacking a feel for it will find much of
American foreign policy baffling and opaque. Foreigners in
patticulat have alternately overestimated and underestimated
American determination because they failed to grasp the structure
of Jacksonian opinion and influence. Yet Jacksonian views on
foreign affairs ate relatively straightforward, and once they are
understood, American foreign policy becomes much less
• 8 mystenous .
7 Walter Russell Mead, Spedal Providence: American Foreign Poliq and How it Changed the Work; (New York:
Random House, 2001), p. 216.
8 Walter Russell Mead, ''The Jacksonian Tradition." The National!nterest, (Fall/W1r1ter 2001.) p. 14.
10
Gustavus Student Repository
A principal explanation of why Jacksonian politics are so poorly
understood is that Jacksonianism is less an intellectual or political
movement than an expression of the social, cultural and religious
values of a large portion of the American public. And it is doubly
obscure because it happens to be rooted in one of the portions of
the public least represented in the media and the professoriat.
Jacksonian America is a folk community with a strong sense of
common values and common destiny; though periodically led by
intellectually brilliant men-like Andrew Jackson himself-it is
neither an ideology nor a self-conscious movement with a clear
historical direction or political table of organization. Nevertheless,
Jacksonian America has produced-and looks set to continue to
produce---0ne political leader and movement after another, and it
is likely to continue to enjoy major influence over both foreign
and domestic policy in the United States for the foreseeable
future9
.
It is this tradition that most strongly influences the policies of the Bush
Administration and shapes the way in which America deals with the world at
large. It is a tradition steeped in the very essence of American culture - a tradition
born on the frontier, influenced by the harsh realities of a frontier culture, and
based on the principles of American populism. Jacksonian culture m