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Micron and nano iron particles: experimental investigation of size dependent combustion in ethanol slurries and bimetallic thermite
No full textThe combustion dynamics and characteristics of dense iron–ethanol slurry droplets containing 30 wt% Fe (in both micron- and nano-sized forms) and Fe-doped Al/Fe2O3 thermites containing 5 wt% Fe (in both micron- and nano-sized forms) are investigated as a function of iron particle size. Single droplet experiments with high-speed imaging and in-situ thermocouple measurements are combined with TGA–DSC and SEM/EDS to link burning behavior to aggregate morphology. In ethanol, micron Fe (10 µm) settles toward the droplet periphery (terminal velocity ∼0.06 mm/s), forming a porous shell that improves O₂ access, raises the peak internal temperature to ∼326°C, and increases the d²-law burning rate to 0.76 mm² s⁻¹ (+10%) while shortening the total burn time. Nano Fe (40 nm) remains more uniformly dispersed (terminal velocity ∼0.04 mm/s) and forms smoother, less-porous aggregates; despite a higher peak temperature (∼266.5°C) and frequent small disruptive events, the burning rate decreases to 0.63 mm² s⁻¹ (–9%) and the total burn time contracts through secondary atomization. These outcomes show that aggregate architecture and settling, not surface area alone, govern heat/mass transfer and apparent burning rate in highly loaded metal fuel droplets. Translating these insights to thermites, adding 5 wt% nano-Fe triggers earlier ignition and rapid energy release, whereas 5 wt% micron-Fe yields more completely reduced, Fe-rich, semi-spherical residues, indicating locally more complete conversion. The work establishes a transport-to-morphology-to-combustion framework for designing metalized fuels and tailoring ignition and energy release in aluminothermic composites
Coupling X-ray absorption spectroscopy and chemical extractions to investigate phosphorus phase partitioning in Ningxiang iron deposits
No full textPhosphorus (P) is the ultimate limiting nutrient for primary productivity on geological timescales, but reconstructing ancient seawater phosphate concentrations in iron-rich sediments is complicated by post-depositional transformations that may obscure primary P signatures. Here, we investigate phosphorus phase partitioning in Late Devonian Ningxiang oolitic ironstones from South China, using a combined approach integrating sequential chemical extractions, solid-state 31P nuclear magnetic resonance (SSNMR), and P K-edge X-ray absorption near-edge structure (XANES) spectroscopy. The ironstones, composed mainly of hematite, exhibit systematically higher P contents than their siliciclastic host rocks. Our results reveal pronounced stratigraphic variability in P phases: Al/Fe-bound P dominates in the Huangjiadeng Formation, whereas authigenic Ca-phosphates (apatite and carbonate-fluorapatite) prevail in the overlying Xiejingsi Formation. This transition reflects diagenetic transformation of primary Fe-P phases under progressively reducing pore-water conditions, followed by re-precipitation as stable Ca-phosphate minerals. Spectroscopic analyses reveal that Al-bearing minerals constitute a significant, yet previously underappreciated, sink for phosphorus. This redistribution of P among Fe-, Al- and Ca-bound phases challenges the conventional use of bulk P/Fe ratios in Phanerozoic ironstones as direct proxies for paleo-seawater phosphate concentrations. Our study demonstrates that coupling XAFS and NMR spectroscopy with sequential extractions provides a powerful approach to resolve phosphorus phase partitioning and cycling in ancient marine settings
Auditory-conceptual associations in Peter and the Wolf and Carnival of the Animals:Evidence from 6- to 9-year-old children
No full textThis study investigated auditory-conceptual associations in children using complex audiovisual stimuli, namely musical excerpts from the Western classical repertoire and drawings. In Experiment 1, we examined whether 6- to 9-year old children were able to consistently match musical excerpts from Prokofiev's Peter and the Wolf with corresponding black-and-white images of the characters. The results confirmed robust associations, particularly for the bird, wolf and duck, while other pairings were more variable. In Experiment 2, we extended this approach by using the musical suite Saint Saëns's Carnival of the Animals, testing whether timbre influences children's audiovisual associations. Children were presented with colour images of animals alongside orchestral or piano versions of the musical excerpts that the composer associated with the animal. The results revealed that, in line with a similar study conducted recently in adults (Di Stefano et al., 2025), participants made significantly above-chance associations for the characters of the lion and the swan. However, unlike in adults, timbre had no significant effect on children's audiovisual pairings. These findings highlight the robustness of auditory-semantic associations presented through audiovisual stimuli in childhood, supporting the idea that certain audiovisual correspondences are developmentally stable, while showing that subtle nuances (i.e., differences in timbre) might emerge later on during development
Anxiolytic medication use in low‐ middle‐ and high‐income countries: a world mental health surveys report
No full text© 2025 The Author(s). Human Psychopharmacology: Clinical and Experimental published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made
Mapping low-intensity selective logging across the Peruvian Amazon
No full textSelective logging is a major driver of tropical forest degradation and is estimated to span over 400 million hectares of tropical forest. Despite widely available forest monitoring tools that effectively map deforestation, accurate and scalable remote sensing methods to detect selective logging are less advanced. Previous efforts are largely unable to reliably detect the low-intensity selective logging (< 10 m3ha-1) that dominates across much of the Amazon rainforest, the world’s largest remaining stock of tropical timber. Utilising a unique training dataset of high-resolution uninhabited aerial vehicle (UAV) imagery from logged forests across the Peruvian Amazon, we build random forest models trained to detect selective logging using freely available optical satellite images from Sentinel-2 and Landsat. We find the Sentinel-2 model to be highly accurate (F1 score: 0.88, kappa: 0.85, false detection rate: 6.3%), outperforming the Landsat model (F1 score: 0.77, kappa: 0.74, false detection rate: 21.7%). Both models accurately detected 3- to 20-fold more selective logging activity in our validation data than widely available forest monitoring tools (TMF, GLAD-S2 Alerts, RADD Alerts). We demonstrate novel uses for these logging-detection models in the monitoring of legal timber harvesting inside forest concessions and illegal harvesting of wood inside Protected Areas. These results have the potential to transform our understanding of low-intensity, logging-induced forest degradation at broad scales, demonstrating the clear potential of remote sensing methods to effectively monitor both legal and illegal selective logging in tropical forests
The Ineffectiveness of International Organizations In the Nonproliferation and Counterproliferation of Nuclear Weapons
No full textThe end of the Cold War has brought upon a significant change to the international security system. The nuclear stalemate that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union has been replaced by an age of nuclear uncertainty. Even though the United States was constantly at risk of Soviet attack during the Cold War, the risk factor seems to be even higher in the current system, in which nuclear weapons are in the hands of irrational leaders and unstable governments. By looking at several conditions that can be directly linked to the end of the communist regime in the Soviet Union, as well as several that are found to be independent of this event, it is possible to understand why the proliferation of nuclear weapons continues. Whether or not this proliferation should be considered a threat to international security is an issue that is debated by many scholars of international relations.Andrew Thul
Senior Thesis:Walbek
May 16, 2001
The Ineffectiveness of International Organizations
In the Nonproliferation and Counterproliferation of Nuclear Weapons
Gustavus Student Repository
Section 1: Introduction
The end of the Cold War has brought upon a significant change to the
international security system. The nuclear stalemate that existed between the United
States and the Soviet Union has been replaced by an age of nuclear uncertainty. Even
though the United States was constantly at risk of Soviet attack during the Cold War,
the risk factor seems to be even higher in the current system, in which nuclear weapons
are in the hands of irrational leaders and unstable governments. By looking at several
conditions that can be directly linked to the end of the communist regime in the Soviet
Union, as well as several that are found to be independent of this event, it is possible to
understand why the proliferation of nuclear weapons continues. Whether or not this
proliferation should be considered a threat to international security is an issue that is
debated by many scholars of international relations. One thing has resulted from this
proliferation: international organizations, and independent nations such as the United
States and international agencies such as the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA), have made nonproliferation and counterproliferation a priority. While not
everyone agrees that nonproliferation is the type of policy that is needed when dealing
with nuclear arms, few can debate whether the governments of the Western powers
feel that it is. For this reason, it becomes important to analyze the efforts made by
those involved with implementing this policy. By looking at some of the attempts at
nonproliferation and counterproliferation, it becomes evident that international
organizations need to be more effective in combating the proliferation of nuclear
weapons.
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Section two addresses the main differences that exist as explanations for
proliferation within the current system as opposed to the Cold War era. It is important
to realize that in this era, with the adoption of chemical and biological weapons, the
focus should be placed upon nuclear weapons as a category of Weapons of Mass
Destruction (WMD) and not as a single entity threat. Outside of this change, the main
factor that describes the change directly focused upon nuclear weapons is the
proliferation to an increased number of states of concern. Although the growth of.
nuclear weapon carrying states has not reached the levels that president John F.
··"ennectvi:rredicte1i--itwoald;·•fifte ·ento-twenty·by·1·9T5-; ·the-eight-existing,n1:1elear-states-;· ·
along with several "high-risk" states, should be enough to warrant concern for all·
nations.
., :· · Section three focuses upon the degree to which the international community
should be concerned about the proliferation of WMD. By presenting the arguments:
made by nuclear optimists, represented by Kenneth Waltz, along with those made by
nuclear pessimists, represented by Scott Sagan, it becomes possible to judge the
threat. The debate becomes important once you begin asking the question of how
effective are International Organizations at combating proliferation? In order to judge
the effectiveness of I0s, you first need to decide if they are necessary. The answer to
this debate can be deciphered more clearly after looking into two recent case studies of
nuclear proliferation that have threatened international security.
Sections four and five focus upon both the threat caused by proliferation, and
also, the way in which IOs worked at combating proliferation o n two cases that have
been well documented recently. By looking at the efforts of these organizations in
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North Korea, and Iraq, it is possible to address the extent to which the international
community should be concerned about proliferation, as well as how IOs have worked to
alleviate this threat.
Section #2: Proliferation of WMD in the Post-Cold War System
Most political scientists would agree that the world of international relations has
changed a great deal since the end of the Cold War. This opinion clearly encompasses
the issue of proliferation. Without the protection of the Soviet Union over Eastern
states, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) has become an
increased risk to the order of peace throughout the world. Security scholars present
several explanations that provide evidence for an increase in proliferation that coincides
with this risk. Of these explanations, I will discuss four that are discussed by Brian
Bates and Chris McHorney in their book entitled, Developing A Theoretical Model of
Counterproliferation for the 21st Century. These explanations will provide a basic
illustration of the argument for this increase. These four include: specific aspects of the
end of the Cold War, the development of a global economy, the emergence of chemical
and biological weapons, and the rise of rogue states, or "states of concern." By looking
at these four explanations, it is possible to judge whether or not these explanations are
truly relevant to proliferation.
The end of the Cold War brought a number of factors into the international
system that have raised the risk of the proliferation of WMD. The first of these factors
is that the deterioration of the "nuclear umbrella," the idea that the states under
protection of the United States and the Soviet Union were safe from nuclear threat, has
reduced the stability of the system (Bates 6). Since the client states and allies of the
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United States and the Soviet Union no longer depend upon the former super powers for
protection against nuclear attack, some of these states feel it necessary to develop
WMD. Recent international activities provide examples of the choices that these
countries now face without the "umbrella" in place. On one hand, countries that were
formerly under the watch of the Soviet Union have almost completely separated
themselves from this once great state, as is exemplified by Hungary, Poland and the
Czech Republic joining NATO (Bates 6). By doing this, they have in effect, aligned
themselves with their former enemies. On the other hand countries, such as Iraq, have
• o(WillcnoosetolaRe·tne oppositeactioffbyiurtheringiheir developing->f WM0,
The second factor from the end of the Cold War that indicates proliferation of
WMD is the political and economic decline of the Soviet Union. Poorly paid Russian
military officers and scientists may sell information and/or material from the Russian
program in order to supplement the minuscule salary they currently receive. While
Russian researchers were only being paid $2,000 annually as of 1998, it wouldn't come
as a surprise if some were "willing to sell enriched uranium and plutonium on the black
market to the highest bidder" (7). Although it is somewhat easier to keep track of
material such as plutonium, it is almost impossible to keep tabs on the scientists that
have the intimate knowledge for which a "state of concern" would pay dearly in order to
develop a WMD program.
The rest of the explanations classify as independent of the Cold War. The first
of these suggests that the development of a global economy makes it easier for "states
of concern" and terrorist groups to gain the technology necessary for a program of
WMD (8). For example, during the time period of the recent Olympics, it was reported
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that the CIA had seized a super computer that held a handbook of Osama bin Laden's
terrorist organization. Although it was not stated specifically, it looked as if it was the
type of computer that is necessary for a nuclear program. The market economies of
the world allow for this type of technology to flow throughout the world fairly unnoticed
due to its dual-purpose nature. This makes it easier to develop a fairly covert WMD
program. This issue becomes even more apparent after reading into the specifics of
the Iraqi nuclear program (Section 5).
A second explanation that is independent of the Cold War is the development of
chemical and biological weapons. For several reasons, it appears that these types of
weapons will become the WMD of choice for "states of concern." One reason for this is
that it centers on the difficulty in detecting the existence of such a program in a rogue
state since they are often hidden due to their dual-purpose nature (Bates 8). For
example, a biological program could be passed off as a pharmaceutical company.
Another reason for the advancement in stature of these weapons is that they are easier
and cheaper to produce than nuclear weapons, based upon their lower level and dualpurpose
technology. An example of such lower level status is seen in the fertilizerbased
explosives used by Timothy McVeigh to completely devastate the Federal
Building in Oklahoma City, along with the lives of all those involved. The remaining
reasons for the growing "popularity" of these weapons include the difficulty of detecting
them during testing and the vulnerability of a target nation to an attack without defense
(10).
The expansion of biological and chemical weapons plays a very important role in
the way in which the world thinks about nuclear proliferation. With the increase in the
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utilization of these weapons more attention needs to be paid to trying to either 1) be
prepared for the occasion in which they are used, or 2} trying to provide intelligence
information that will work at preventing their use. Either way, these weapons will draw
attention away from nuclear weapons. Apparently, the United States has begun to
respond to the growing abundance of these weapons by addressing the first of these
issues. Earlier this month, President Bush created a branch within the Federal
Emergency Management Agency "to coordinate a 'harmonious and comprehensive'
response to terrorist attacks" (Startribune). The administration has clearly chosen a
plan·ot"prep-are-dn-e·ss"iorsuch-attacks;as opposed-to-preventionc-'l'hisbecomes·a--··
problem once you consider that the security system already places a higher value on
offensive deterrence over other forms of defense against the nuclear threat.
The final argument that illustrates the risk of proliferation in the twenty-first
century deals with the increasing number of rogue states, or "states of concern."
Because these states do not interact on a normal, frequent basis with the rest of the
international system, they have an advantage in developing covert WMD programs
(Bates 10). By putting sanctions upon these states, the United States and its allies are
allowing the rogue states to isolate themselves. This allows the rogue countries to build
up a nuclear, chemical and/or biological program by using materials that they claim are
essential to daily life. Without the ability to enter the state and inspect, it is difficult to
detect such programs with surveillance. This is precisely the problem that the United
States and its allies found in Iraq following the Persian Gulf War and in North Korea
since the 1970's.
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Of these four explanations, the most compelling seems to be the increase in the
amount of rogue states based upon a position as a United States citizen. As the United
States tries to reinforce its status as the one true superpower in the world, more and
more states will resent this country. As the number of these states increase, it will be
harder to keep tabs on all of them. In addition, it will be more and more difficult to keep
up with the terrorist organizations that stem from such rogue states. Also, it seems as if
the global economy and the advancement of biological and chemical weapons only
amplifies the threat of the increase in the number of these states. Both explanations
would be mute points if there weren't states that intended to develop the covert
programs that these actions harbor. Unclaimed and untraceable terrorist attacks by
these types of states seem to be the greatest type of threat to the security of the United
States. The combination of all of these explanations makes it fairly clear that there is
an increase in nuclear activity since the end of the Cold War. This poses the question
of whether or not this increased activity should be perceived as a threat.
Section Three: Nuclear Optimism vs. Nuclear Pessimism
By reading the thoughts of Kenneth Waltz and Scott Sagan, it is obvious that
there are two very different views about the proliferation of WMD, particularly nuclear
weapons. While Waltz, the nuclear optimist, believes that the spread of nuclear
weapons will reduce the frequency of war, Sagan, the nuclear pessimist, believes that
the spread of nuclear weapons will increase the frequency of war. Waltz feels that
states attempting to develop nuclear weapons are justified in doing so by their desire to
provide security for themselves. With providing security for themselves as the main
goal, he believes that new nuclear states would be no more likely to use WMD than
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existing states. While Sagan does not directly attack Waltz's idea involving the selfhelp
state, he does not believe that Waltz is seeing the big picture. He believes that
Waltz fails to take into account the idea that people, governments, and militaries do not
always act in a rational manner. Because of this, he feels that proliferation would result
in more instances of irrational behavior. By looking at both of these arguments, it
becomes possible to judge the threat that is posed by the proliferation of nuclear
weapons.
The basis for Waltz's argument is the logic of a self-help system. By this he is
-referring10-acountry's-desire-toproteet-itself-He-believes-that-"the-m0st-imp0rta1"1t- way ..
in which states must help themselves is by providing for their own security" (Sagan 3).
This allows him to justify a country's desire to acquire nuclear weapons as a means to
sufficiently defend itself. A developing state truly gains independence once it is able to
dissuade another country from interfering with its governance by attacking. In a
situation of common war, the kind that has taken place throughout history (with the
exception being the United States using the atomic bomb in Japan), a state uses the
notion of dissuasion by defense (Sagan 3). They build up a fortification that is so large
and strong that an opposing state will not take the risk of an attack. In most cases, this
is not a large enough dissuasion because almost every defense has a loophole. For
this reason Waltz believes that dissuasion by deterrence is necessary (4). This idea
applies directly to nuclear relations. Instead of building an almighty arsenal, the state in
question develops a hidden second- strike nuclear force that makes any potential
attacking state too afraid of punishment from an attack. This is the type of dissuasion
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that Waltz seems to favor, as relations between nuclear weapons states will become
more cautious.
In order for Waltz's argument to take affect, he stresses the importance of
building a credible deterrent force. The first step towards gaining such a force is being
able to survive the developing stage in order to claim a mature nuclear program. It is
widely believed that existing nuclear states, such as the United States, would not allow
this to occur. Waltz argues against this type of involvement by existing states for two
reasons. In the case of a preventative strike, it would be difficult, if not impossible to
knock out everything (Sagan 18). Even if you get all of the technology, most likely there
would still be scientists with knowledge of the program. In the case of a preemptive
strike, once a country has developed nuclear weapons, he argues that a strike would
only reinforce the need for WMD in the minds of the developing states.
Once a state has gotten past the developing stage, Waltz suggests two
requirements of a strong deterrent force. The first requirement is survivability of the
weapons. If your state is attacked by nuclear force, you need the ability to launch a
second-strike (Sagan 20). This is why the United States developed the "triad" defense
system. In case of attack, the United States has three legs of nuclear capabilities
(ballistic missiles, submarines, and bombers). During the Cold War, it was believed that
a Soviet strike could take out one, maybe two, of the legs, but it was impossible to take
out all three. This way, both the Soviet Union and the United States always feared the
repercussions of an attack. Waltz argues that second-strike capability is necessary due
to the idea that a launch on warning system is not desirable because of the ease in
which a mistake can be made. The second requirement for a strong deterrent force is
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clear-cut command and control of the weapons (20). This way an adversary knows
who has control, presumably a president or prime minister in addition to the operator,
and can judge how they might act. Once these requirements are met, it is crucial that a
nuclear weapon state has the credibility that they will use their weapons (22). All that a
state needs to do is make their adversaries believe that there is a chance that it might
retaliate.
Sagan does not attack Waltz's entire argument. The biggest problem that he
sees in it is that Waltz seems to base his argument on the premise that individuals act
ationally-and-follow-a-proeess-thatallows-themt0-eome -t0-a- ratim1al-decisi0n.-Sa9anon
the other hand, believes that there are two main obstacles to rational behavior.
Even with the best interests at heart, the organization of a program and/or the
governmental politics of the state running the program lead to irrational actions (Sagan
48). By taking a look at three of Waltz's requirements for a stable nuclear force, Sagan
- points out where irrational behavior would affect Waltz' argument.
The first requirement that Sagan addresses is the idea that existing states would
not use preventative strikes against developing nations. Conversely, he believes that
the military has a mind set that favors preventative war (56). The military does not look
at the big picture of diplomatic factors, but only focuses on the narrow-minded approach
of winning while trying to prevent the most possible casualties among fellow soldiers.
Since they believe that war will happen eventually anyway, they take the initiative
towards ending nuclear programs in their fledgling stages.
The second requirement that Sagan addresses is the idea that countries must
maintain a survivable second-strike capability. He does not address the idea of such a
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force but more the practicality of a developing state being able to attain one. Even the
United States went through some times at the beginning of their program that caused
them to lose their ability to provide funds for a sufficient force until civilian corporations
stepped in to help (69). In fact, almost all of the present "triad" has been affected by
civilian efforts. Sagan believes that developing states will not have the luxury of
creating such a second-strike capability with existing nuclear states watching over them
(Sagan 71). Also, he believes that these countries do not have the civilian resources
that the United States had during the beginning stages of its program. An example of
the difficulty of developing states being able to build a sufficient force took place in
North Korea. Since the United States recognized the markings from the equipment
attained from the Soviet Union, they could attempt to combat the program before it
really got started.
The final requirement that Sagan finds fault in is the idea.that there is no more
likelihood of accidental or unauthorized launches . . Waltz suggests that command and
control will be an achievable goal for developing nuclear nations. Sagan believes that
there are too many obstacles in the way of these states having a strong command and
control over the safety of these weapons. Some of these obstacles include the lack of
financial resources and organization, the unstable civil-military relation, and domestic
instability (80). Overall, he believes that the command and control will never be as
strong as it was in both the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
If I had to choose between Waltz's and Sagan's arguments, I would have to
agree with Sagan. The whole notion of rational people sometimes acting irrationally
makes sense. Sometimes things happen for which a person second-guesses himself/
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herself. This idea applies to people in position of authority. When you throw in the fact
that less than rational men lead some of these developing nations, Iraq fo
The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge Debate: What Will the Country Value
No full textThe Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) lies in the northeastern portion of Alaska. The refuge is similar in size to the state of South Carolina and represents one of the most raw and pristine lands in the United States. The beauty of ANWR has earned it the name the "Alaskan Serengeti". Significant oil reserves have been determined to exist under a large portion of the reserve along the northern coast, named the 1002 area of ANWR. The United States finds itself in an internal struggle. Should drilling be allowed in an area that has been deemed a national treasure? Environmentalists and others argue that the refuge should be left alone to exist in peace and splendor. Others dispute that oil excavation would help alleviate the U.S.'s dependence upon foreign oil and add other economic benefits. The battle over ANWR comes down to protection versus production. Many pros and cons arise over whether oil should be recovered in ANWR. Recently, the House of Representatives passed an energy bill that included a provision to allow for limited drilling in ANWR. The Senate now faces the issue of whether it should allow for drilling in ANWR. The United States has had a long history of innovation and economic improvement while allowing for national treasures to peacefully co-exist. In the ANWR debate, economic issues clash head on with environmental issues. The United States Congress will need to decide whether or not it will implement conservation or protection, and how the ANWR decision will affect the health and future of the United States.The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge Debate
What Will the Country Value?
David Shepley
December 18, 2001
Political Science Thesis
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0
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Figure l. Map of northern Alaska and nearby parts of Canada showing locations of the Arctic National Wildiife Refuge
(ANWR), the 1002 area, and the National Petroleum ReserveAlaska (NPRA). Locations of known petroleum
accumulations and the Trans-Alaska_Pipeline System (TAPS) are shown, as well as summaries of known petroleum:
vol-umes in northern Alaska and the Mackenzie ·RiVer delta of Canada .. BBO, billion barrels of oil (includes cumufativeproduction
plus recoverable resources); TCFG, trillion cubic feet of gas recoverable resources.
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Introduction
The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) lies in the northeastern portion of
Alaska. The refuge is similar in size to the state of South Carolina and represents one of
the most raw and pristine lands in the United States. The beauty of ANWR has earned it
the name the "Alaskan Serengeti". Significant oil reserves have been determined to exist
under a large portion of the reserve along the northern coast, named the 1002 area of
ANWR. The United States finds itself in an internal struggle. Should drilling be allowed
in an area that has been deemed a national treasure? Environmentalists and others argue
that the refuge should be left alone to exist in peace and splendor. Others dispute that oil
excavation would help alleviate the U.S.'s dependence upon foreign oil and add other
economic benefits. The battle over ANWR comes down to protection versus production.
Many pros and cons arise over whether oil should be recovered in ANWR. Recently, the
House of Representatives passed an energy bill that included a provision to allow for
limited drilling in ANWR. The Senate now faces the issue of whether it should allow for
drilling in ANWR. The United States has had a long history of innovation and economic
improvement while allowing for national treasures to peacefully co-exist. In the ANWR
debate, economic issues clash head on with environmental issues. The United States
Congress will need to decide whether or not it will implement conservation or protection,
and how the ANWR decision will affect the health and future of the United States.
Past Energy Policy
The United States government must acknowledge the mission of the U.S.
Department of Energy as it decides whether to drill in the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge. There are certain goals and requirements that the U.S. Department of Energy
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strives for in its projects. Since the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge proposal involves
issues of the environment, national security, and economic stability, it must abide by the
rules and regulations set forth by the Department of Energy. The current mission of the
U.S. Department of Energy is:
To foster a secure and reliable energy system that is environmentally and
economically sustainable, to be a responsible steward of the Nation's nuclear
weapons, to clean up our own facilities and to support continued United States
leadership in science and technology (www.energy.gov, 1).
Will drilling in ANWR help the United States foster a reliable energy system that is
environmentally and economically friendly?
The Energy Department seeks to strengthen the competitive economy, protect the
environment, and keep the nation secure. Drilling in ANWR should make the nation
more secure since it would help alleviate the United States dependence on foreign oil.
However, if ANWR does help reduce oil imports, will there be enough oil to significantly
reduce oil imports? Drilling in the "Alaskan "Serengeti" should help reduce the United
States' reliance on foreign oil, but by how much will be discussed in detail later on.
ANWR is a difficult topic for both the Department of Energy and Congress because it
may help advance the U.S.' competitive economy and security, but it may compromise
the Alaskan environment.
Another facet of the Department of Energy's focus is on sustaining its energy
policy. The concept of sustainable development is to meet the needs of today without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs. A sustainable energy
policy should maximize energy productivity, prevent pollution, and keep America secure
by reducing its vulnerability to global energy market shocks (DOE, 3). It is difficult to
attain sustainable development since the government's policy must pursue all three
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initiatives without hindering one. Impeding one of the sustainable development goals
could damage future generations' energy needs.
The U.S. Department of Energy attempts to focus on energy issues all of the time
not just in times of energy crisis (DOE, 1). The issue of drilling in the Arctic National
Wildlife Refuge has been around since 1973, but recently it has become increasingly
important. The events of September 11, 2001 have raised again the issue of America's
dependence on foreign oil and its vulnerability to other nations. Although the Energy
Department tries to focus on energy issues, ANWR has undertaken a more important and
visible role since the terrorist attacks. Current legislation is presently passing through the
Senate. A bill to allow a small amount of drilling in the 1002 area of ANWR has already
passed the House of Representatives.
Does ANWR compromise certain missions of the Department of Energy? This is
a very debatable topic because it touches on so many important areas of the country's
energy plans. Drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge may increase national
security, but it may also adversely affect or pollute areas of what has been called the
"Alaskan Serengeti." The government of the United States needs to weigh the
repercussions of drilling in ANWR and decide whether or not the positives outweigh the
negatives. In addition, the government must consider the risk to future generations.
After September 11 '\ the ANWR debate has leapt to the forefront of United States public
policy.
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge History
ANWR was created in 1960 during the Eisenhower administration. Enough
people believed that Alaska should be kept a national wilderness. The importance of a
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symbolic landscape started to be understood at the federal level. Susan McGrath
describes the creation of ANWR:
In 1960 that work culminated in President Eisenhower's protecting 8.9 million
acres of the Brooks Range as the Arctic National Wildlife Range. Twenty years
later the state, the federal government, and native Alaskans negotiated a giant land
shuffle to clarify ownership and to set aside protected lands. The result was the
Alaska National Inters Lands Conservation Act, or ANlLCA, under which the
area was renamed the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR) and expanded to
19.5 million acres - bigger than South Carolina (56).
The original purpose for ANWR was to set aside an area of beautiful land that could be
preserved as a national treasure. But, in 1968 oil was discovered along Alaska's northern
coastline, just west of ANWR in Prudhoe Bay. More than 13 billion barrels of oil, the
largest pool of oil ever found in North America, was located along the coast (Wilkinson,
56). Thus, people began to ponder and question whether the coastline along the northern
portion of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge had oil too. The controversy started in
1968. Since ANWR was established as protected, the land could not be touched.
However, America was and still is dependent on oil imports. Should the government drill
for oil in an area that is intended to be off limits? The debate has raged for over 30 years
and still there has been no government approval of drilling in the ANWR.
The heart of the ANWR debate hinges on whether oil can be extracted to
minimize the United States' dependency on oil imports while not damaging the
environment. The Department of Energy states that its policies should increase national
security and maximize energy productivity, but not cause adverse environmental impacts.
Can the economic positives of ANWR outweigh the environmental negatives? This is
the core question that the ANWR argument hinges upon. There are many issues involved
in the ANWR controversy, but the basis of the argument places the beauty of the Alaskan
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wilderness against the possible oil reserves that could help improve the nation's energy
productivity.
Current Legislation
Since 1980, many bills have been introduced on development and protection of
the coastal plain (1002) area of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. In 1995, Congress
passed legislation to open ANWR for development, but Bill Clinton vetoed the bill
(Congressional Digest, 173). For several reasons, the ANWR debate has never been as
hot as it is right now. "In a speech on April 30, [2001] Vice President Dick Cheney
offered a preview of the Administration's energy policy, indicating that it would tilt
heavily toward production over conservation" (Congressional Digest, 173). As the
United States continues to use and demand more oil, ANWR has become a more
important policy issue.
Secondly, the United States House of Representatives has passed an energy bill
that allows for drilling in a portion of ANWR. The bill was passed by a margin of 240-
189, with 16 Republicans voting against the legislation and 36 Democrats voting in favor
of the energy bill (Mining Journal, 91 ). The ANWR portion of the bill would limit
drilling to 2,000 acres of the 1.5 million-acre coastal stretch of the 1002 area (Kish, 51).
Some analysts were surprised at how easily the bill passed and that many Democrats
voted in support of an energy bill that contained ANWR drilling approval. The limited
2,000 acres of drilling is misleading. Douglas Waller explains:
To win moderates in their party, Republicans added an amendment limiting
drilling to just 2,000 acres of the park's 1.5 million acres. But it turns out those
2,000 acres don't have to be contiguous, and only the area of the equipment
touching the ground is counted. Since each drilling platform takes up as little as
10 acres, the limit would allow oil companies to spread out over practically the
entire park (10).
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As can be the case with many political bills, the fine print of the House's energy bill can
be quite deceiving in its attempt to limit the amount of drilling in ANWR. The media
hype that has accompanied the House approval for ANWR drilling will, in all likelihood,
intensify in the Senate (Dinesh, 1).
The United States Senate is still deliberating over its current energy bill. The
events of September 11th and the ensuing war have delayed the Senate's proceedings.
The war on terrorism has magnified the ANWR issue as it involves U.S. national
security. Will the Senate pass an energy bill that incorporates ANWR drilling?
Manimoli Dinesh comments, "But key Democrats have threatened to filibuster and
Republican effort to attach to this legislation the House approved energy bill, R.R. 4,
which would allow oil and gas drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge" (51).
Drilling in ANWR will be even more difficult to pass in the Senate as the Democrats
regained the majority this summer. When Senator Jeffords dropped his Republican Party
stance and became an Independent, he tilted the majority to the Democratic Party.
Senator Frank Murkowski (R-AK) is the top Republican in the Senate Energy
Committee. He has been making statements on the Senate floor regarding ANWR on an
almost daily basis. Murkowski has become a champion of an energy bill that would
permit drilling in ANWR. Recently, Murkowski reminded members that 30 years ago
the chamber narrowly approved opening up Prudhoe Bay for drilling. He also mentioned
that oil could begin flowing 18 months from opening ANWR (Dinesh, 52). He told
members that ANWR could be the greatest single stimulus that we can identify (Dinesh,
52). Although Murkowski makes many valid points, the fate of the energy bill lies in
partisan hands and whether or not Republicans can convince Democrats to include
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ANWR in the energy bill. The Senate majority leader Tom Daschle has shown no
urgency towards passing a current energy bill. The prospects do not look favorable for an
energy bill that would allow for drilling in the ANWR to pass the Senate.
Economics
There is no question that there are oil reserves clustered throughout the 1002 area
of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Some may argue from a strict economic sense
that the U.S. should drill and increase its oil production. Questions of how much oil is
actually in the reserve, when will the oil be accessible, how much would the oil reserves
reduce the United States' import dependency, and would the new oil supply influence gas
prices, must be addressed. These questions need to be analyzed to determine whether it
would be economically wise for the United States to drill in the ANWR.
Estimating the amount of oil underground is a science. Geologists use
sophisticated seismic data to calculate how much oil could be underground in a specified
area. The United States Geologic Survey (USGS) is commonly asked to provide the
federal government with timely scientific information in support of decisions regarding
land management, environmental quality, and economic and strategic policy. The USGS
conducted a survey in 1998 to reexamine the coastal plain (1002 area) of the ANWR.
The USGS states:
Congress deferred a decision regarding future management of the 1.5-million-acre
coastal plain (" 1002 area") in recognition of the area's potentially enormous oil
and gas resources and its importance as wildlife habitat. A report on the resources
of the 1002 area was submitted in 1987 to Congress by the DOI. Since the
completion of that report, numerous wells have been drilled and oil fields
discovered near ANWR, new geologic and geophysical data have become
available, seismic processing and interpretation capabilities have improved, and
the economics of North Slope oil development have changed significantly (1).
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The report released in 1998 took three years and involved 40 USGS scientists. Most
importantly the geologists reinterpreted and reprocessed the seismic data that had been
collected in 1984 (USGS, 3). The in-depth study by the USGS provides the government
and Americans with a best estimate for recoverable oil in the Arctic National Wildlife
Refuge.
Changes in methodology produced new results for the 1998 ANWR study. The
USGS came to the conclusion that there is more oil in 1002 area than originally thought.
The USGS sums up its findings on technically and economically recoverable oil with
this:
Using a methodology similar to that used in previous USGS assessments in the
ANWR and National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, this study estimates that the total
quantity of technically recoverable oil in the 1002 area is 7 .7 BBQ (billion barrels
of oil - mean value), which is distributed among 10 plays. Most of the oil is
estimated to occur in the western, undeformed part of the ANWR 1002 area,
which is closest to existing infrastructure. Furthermore, the oil is expected to
occur in a number of accumulations rather than a single large accumulation.
Estimates of economically recoverable oil, expressed by probability curves, show
increasing amounts of oil with increasing price. At prices less than 30 per barrel, between 3 and
10.4 billion barrels are estimated. Economic analysis includes the costs of
finding, developing, producing, and transporting oil to market based on a 12
percent after-tax-return on investment, all calculated in constant 1996 dollars (10).
The USGS points out the difference between technically recoverable oil and
economically recoverable oil. Technically recoverable petroleum contains an appropriate
recovery factor, while economically recoverable oil includes costs connected with
discovering and recovering petroleum resources, including the costs of constructing
pipelines to transport the petroleum. Also, it shows the importance of the market price of
oil. Oil traded at 18.08 a barrel, which is near its 12-month low (Wall Street Journal,
8
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Cl). Much of the ANWR debate hinges on the market price of oil, which can only be
predicted.
Critics on both sides of the ANWR issue must realize that the amount of oil
underneath the Alaskan federal grounds and especially the 1002 area does not determine
how much oil would be extracted. The United States would love to become less
dependent on oil imports and oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge could ease this
problem. But, the sheer amount of oil underground does not transfer into recoverable oil.
Economic and recovery factors would only allow a certain percentage of the petroleum to
be recovered. Even at 28 a barrel to its current $18 price (Wall Street Journal, Cl)?
Economic conditions play a huge role in determining how much oil would be profitable.
How dependent is the United States on oil imports?
The United States imports a large percentage of its oil. At present, 56 percent of
all oil consumed in the United States is imported, and that number has been on an upward
trend (McGrath, 56). Americans fear importing oil because of the increase in costs and
possible political instability due to reliance on other countries for a necessary commodity.
The history of America's oil imports has fluctuated over time. From 1976 to 1984, the
United States decreased its dependence on foreign oil. The main reason for this
improvement was an increase in fuel efficiency. Substitution, which means displacing oil
with more efficient use of oil or alternative energy sources, can reduce a country's need
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to import and also maximize innovation and competition. After 1984, the United States
abandoned its fuel efficiency policy, thus causing oil imports to rise again.
Spurred by low prices, abundant supplies, corporate inattention, and policy
neglect U.S. oil imports crept back up in the late 1980's (Lovins, 77). Policy in the
1980's discouraged energy efficiency. The energy policy coupled with the Persian Gulf
War led to a rise in oil imports. If the Bush administration had required in 1991 that the
average car get 32 mpg, that measure alone would have displaced all Persian Gulf oil
imports to the United States (Lovins, 77). Also during the Persian Gulf War, the United
States deployed tanks and aircraft carriers that chewed up oil due to their low efficiency
standards. This effort cost the United States more than it would have cost to save
(through investing in efficiency technology) all the oil it imported from the Gulf (Lovins,
77-78). Once again, oil imports rebounded past their 1977 record peak in 2000 (Lovins,
78). The United States has seen its oil imports rise, then fall, and then rise again to new
record levels at the turn of the century.
Many believe that the United State
The Bush Administration Profits from the Oppression of Afghani Women
No full textIn this paper I will show the way in which the Bush administration is using the oppression of women in Afghanistan in justifying their war with Afghanistan. I will also show why the Bush administration has decided to pursue this line of justification. My intent is not to downplay the oppression of Muslim women, but rather to show the fact that the Bush administration uses the fact that Afghani women live in fear of being caught with a book- showing that she seeks education - for the White House's own purpose for becoming a wartime president and therefore a successful, two-term president.
Following this section it will be important to analyze the image the United States has of Afghani, Muslim and Islamic women. This section relates to my research question because the Bush administration time and time again uses the image the U.S. has of Muslim women to build upon their self-serving agenda of a war with Afghanistan leading to a re-election victory in 2004. Therefore, I will open the bulk of this paper by looking to the patriarchal interpretations of religion of Islam and its bible - the Quran - to shed light on the facts and misconceptions the Western world has of the religion. In understanding these Western misconceptions, one continuously comes across the veiling of Muslim women as the reason the Islamic religion is oppressive. In fact, scholars reveal that the veil is a pre-Islamic phenomenon in that its origins were nowhere found within the Islamic religion. Thus, my second section will be devoted to understanding where influences to veil or not veil come from and why women choose or do not choose to veil. It is important to my thesis because U.S. public opinion holds that Muslim women are oppressed because of the veil. This then ties into the Bush administration's playing on the U.S. opinion that Muslim women are oppressed to advance the White House agenda. Third, I will dedicate a section to a general understanding of Western interpretation of how women play into Islamic culture. I will do this because this section will get at the heart of what Western interpretation of women and the Islamic culture is and why it is this way. Fourth, I will analyze Afghanistan before and after the Taliban and also show how the Taliban oppressed women. Lastly, I will seek to examine the Bush administration and the previous administration -the Clinton administration (somewhat in hopes of) answering my question of how the United States government utilizes the oppression of women as justification for a war with Afghanistan.The Bush Administration Profits from the
Oppression of Afghani Women
Semonti Mustaphi
January 30, 2003
I
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Women should not step outside their residences. If they do, they should not wear fashionable
clothes and cosmetics. They should not attract unnecessary attention to themselves. If women go
outside with fashionable, ornamental, tight, and charming cloths,' they should never expect to go
to heaven.
[Selected Taliban Decree, Harriet Logan]
Because of our recent military gains in much of Afghanistan, women are no longer imprisoned in
their homes . . . The fight against terrorism is also a fight for the rights and dignity of women.
[Radio Address by Laura Bush to the Nation, November 17, 2001]
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1
Introduction:
The treatment of Afghani women under the Taliban was one of extreme
oppression and violence. But never before has this oppression been used so readily as
justification for war as it has recently by the Bush Administration. Afghani women have
lost their freedom to hold jobs, be educated, step outside their homes or even show
happiness as they were able prior to the Taliban intrusion of Afghanistan in 1996. During
this time, Afghani women were ordered by the Taliban to give up their prestigious highranking
roles in their government. The Taliban stated that women should not have a
powerful role in society. Still, this was not enough for the Taliban, they went even further
to shut down schools for women and young girls and enforced that women receive no
education by punishing women for possessing books. As if these examples of oppression
did not contribute to the depressed state many women endured, Afghani women were
often beaten for smiling and showing any form of happiness.
It is necessary then to pursue the question: How does the United States
government use the oppression of women in the Taliban as justifying its war against
Afghanistan. Answering this question is important because analyzing one's government
is seen as a benefit to a democratic government, but also because the United States
uncharacteristically seems to be pushing for women's rights in an unprecedented manner.
Before answering the question of 'how' the U.S. currently does this, it is important to
state 'why'. The Bush administration uses the oppression of women in the Taliban for
two reasons: for justifying its war against Afghanistan by eliciting patriotism in
Americans for supporting the war effort and in tum by gaining female approval for the
President. The Bush campaign is interested in the latter so it can secure more female
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2
votes and therefore a clear victory over any Democrat in the 2004 Presidential election.
The Bush administration took to utilizing the oppression of women in the Taliban to
achieve their goals of achieving public support for its war against Afghanistan and in turn
gaining women's support, specifically, for President Bush's 2004 re-election campaign.
The manner in which the administration is using the oppression of women in the Taliban
to justify their war against Afghanistan is by making First Lady Laura Bush the White
House's spokeswomen on the matter as well as scheduling photo opportunities of
Afghani women and key White House officials. These efforts are all in hopes for
showing the American public that the Bush administration cares for Afghani women. The
Bush administration has given Laura Bush her pet project for this presidential term: to
convey through speeches at key public appearances that the White House, and moreover,
her husband, the President, cares about oppressed women under Taliban rule. The series
of photo opportunities conducted by the White House with Afghani women is a tactic
used to show the American public through pictures in newspapers and magazines that the
U.S. cares for the plight of these women. These photo opportunities show unveiled
women interacting with White House female officials, thus showing they have overcome
their struggles and are now free. What the Bush administration does not realize is that a
woman's choice to veil is a choice full of complexity. The Bush administration, in
pursuing their agenda, chooses to elide this complexity. This question of the Bush
administration using the oppression of women for their own benefits poses an interesting
question because the United States is contributing to the false assumption that women's
rights is a Western plot through the administration's superficial claim that they care about
women in Afghanistan. It is interesting because the Bush administration's final goal in
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pushing for the rights of Afghani women seems to be more about winning the 2004
presidential election than for helping these women.
In this paper I will show the way in which the Bush administration is using the
oppression of women in Afghanistan in justifying their war with Afghanistan. I will also
show why the Bush administration has decided to pursue this line of justification. My
intent is not to downplay the oppression of Muslim women, but rather to show the fact
that the Bush administration uses the fact that Afghani women live in fear of being
3
caught with a book- showing that she seeks education - for the White House's own
purpose for becoming a wartime president and therefore a successful, two-term president.
Following this section it will be important to analyze the image the United States
has of Afghani, Muslim and Islamic women. This section relates to my research question
because the Bush administration time and time again uses the image the U.S. has of
Muslim women to build upon their self-serving agenda of a war with Afghanistan leading
to a re-election victory in 2004. Therefore, I will open the bulk of this paper by looking to
the patriarchal interpretations of religion of Islam and its bible - the Quran - to shed light
on the facts and misconceptions the Western world has of the religion. In understanding
these Western misconceptions, one continuously comes across the veiling of Muslim
women as the reason the Islamic religion is oppressive. In fact, scholars reveal that the
veil is a pre-Islamic phenomenon in that its origins were nowhere found within the
Islamic religion. Thus, my second section will be devoted to understanding where
influences to veil or not veil come from and why women choose or do not choose to veil.
It is important to my thesis because U.S. public opinion holds that Muslim women are
oppressed because of the veil. This then ties into the Bush administration's playing on the
Gustavus Student Repository
4
U.S. opinion that Muslim women are oppressed to advance the White House agenda.
Third, I will dedicate a section to a general understanding of Western interpretation of
how women play into Islamic culture. I will do this because this section will get at the
heart of what Western interpretation of women and the Islamic culture is and why it is
this way. Fourth, I will analyze Afghanistan before and after the Taliban and also show
how the Taliban oppressed women. Lastly, I will seek to examine the Bush
administration and the previous administration -the Clinton administration (somewhat in
hopes of) answering my question of how the United States government utilizes the
oppression of women as justification for a war with Afghanistan.
Literature Review:
Many authors, Islamic or otherwise, choose to write about the Western
misconceptions about and ignorance towards the Islamic religion specifically in regards
to the apparent 'oppression' of women within the religion's belief structure. In other
words, there is a large amount of literature dedicated to the West's misconception that
women are oppressed because of the religion oflslam. Two main subject areas arise out
of this analysis: The Quran and gender and the misconceptions of the religion due to
cultural and patriarchal interpretation. In effort to clarify the latter subject area: Many
believe Islam is oppressive towards women. It is not the literal text of the Quran that
proves this notion true; it is the extreme sexist cultural and patriarchal interpretations of
the Quran that provide basis for the generalization that Islam is oppressive towards
women. These patriarchal interpretations are the driving force of the oppressions against
women and the idea of patriarchy is what connect all of these authors together.
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5
The analysis of the Quran and gender as well as the analysis of the
misconceptions oflslam tie into my thesis because the Bush administration relies on U.S.
citizens' misconceptions of the role of women as oppressed in Islamic societies to further
their wartime agenda. One of the most representative symbols of the Islamic religion is
the Quran in which many Islamic followers believe that the word of God is as written
verbatim in the book. Susan Darraj, an English professor and freelance writer, explains
that the Quran acts as a social balancing force enabling women to have the right to
property and be educated. 1 The Quran has the power to balance the social structure of its
members, but this does not necessarily mean it will treat men and women exactly equal
since women biologically have the advantage of giving birth. Herbert Bodman, an
academic oflslamic History, and Nayereh Tohidi, a professor of women's studies, reveal
that in the Quran men and women are allowed to practice their faith equally, except for
the practical exceptions of when Islamic fasting would endanger pregnancy .2
The other explanation against the Quran's apparent image as oppressing women
comes about when analyzing the interpretation factor in reading any religious text. Jane
Bayes, a professor of political science, and Nayerah Tohidi indicate the reasoning
Muslim feminists use to explain the Quran's apparent harshness towards women. The
authors indicate that the application of the Quran comes about from male interpretation of
the text. Therefore the oppression of women in the Quran is not a direct outgrowth of the
text; rather it is the interpretation of a male dominated society that seeks to oppress
1 Susan Muaddi Darraj, "Understanding the Other Sister: The Case of Arab Feminism," Monthly Review
53 (2002).
2 Herbert L. Bodman and Nayereh Tohidi ed., Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity Within Unity
(Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc, 1998) 5.
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women. 3 The oppression of women interpreted in the Quran is due to cultural and
patriarchal interpretation rather than factual demands of the religious text. The idea of
patriarchy not only infiltrates the analysis of Islam as oppressive to women, patriarchy
also permeates into analysis of the Quran as being oppressive toward women.
6
It is important to analyze the Quran because it is the sole, unaltered document
representing Islam. It is also important to analyze the Western and Eastern interpretations
of the Quran to show Western misconception of the Islamic document to show that the
Quran, in itself as well as Islam, is not oppressive towards women.
The other symbol most widely associated with the Islamic religion and Muslim
culture is the veil. Leila Ahmed, a professor of Near Eastern studies as well as Women's
studies in Religion, reveals did not begin as a command of the Islamic faith.4
Numerous authors have explained why Muslim women wear the veil. While
Debra Reece, a faculty member at the University of Kentucky's Communications
Department, indicates the protective quality of the veil from male advances5
, Azza
Karam, a prominent Feminist writer, indicates that the veil works to create a socially
acceptable way in which women can pursue a public life. 6 In analyzing the reasons
behind women's choosing to veil themselves, one comes across the analysis of why
certain cultures encourage or discourage veiling. While Darraj reveals the first public unveiling
7, Reece reveals countries in which veiling is a symbol of those opposed to
3 Bodman and Tohidi 49.
4 Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam (New Haven: Yale University Publications, 1992). 5.
5 Debra Reece, "Covering and Communication: They Symbolism of Dress among Muslim Women," The
Howard Journal of Communications 7 (1996) 41.
6 Azza M. Karam, Women, Islamists and the State: Contemporary Feminisms in Egypt (New York: St.
Martin's Press, 1998). 12.
7 Darraj.
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7
change. 8 Both authors describe women scolded for their choice to veil or un-veil. While
Darraj reveals the first woman choosing to publicly un-veil - and therefore choosing to
suffer the consequences of going against society - Reece reveals societies in which those
women who do choose to veil are the brave ones, scolded as being opposed to change.
Lastly, many writers have taken it upon themselves to analyze why Western
countries oppose the Muslim culture and Islamic faith. Karam reveals that even NATO
believed that 'Islamic fundamentalists' - more accurately, Islamic extremists looking to
violence as a means to their goals ofislamic supremacy - were a threat to the Western
world, almost as harmful as communism.9 Darraj indicates that the Western world is
turned off by Islam. The media has done this by hand-picking oppressive images of
Muslim women in male dominated countries to turn the Western world away from
recognizing the Islamic faith as a valid religion. 10
Oppressed Muslim Women:
Before beginning the analysis of the United States government's wrongful use of
the oppression of women in posing war with Afghanistan, it is important to acknowledge
those oppressed Muslim women. I would like to extend the oppression of Muslim women
beyond Afghanistan because it is not a problem with any specific country. Also, just
because the Bush administration has decided to use the oppression of women in
Afghanistan for its foreign policy goals this year does not mean the administration will
cease from using other oppressive regimes' control over women to justify a war with that
country in subsequent years.
8 Reece 49.
9 Karam 17.
10 Darraj.
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8
The oppression of women is a serious and complicated matter. It can be divided
into two sub-categories: loss of personal freedom and violence, whereby the former leads
to the latter. Jan Goodwin indicates the lack of freedom Muslim women encounter today:
Dichotomously, as we near the twenty-first century, the majority of Muslim
women still find their lives controlled by their closest male relative. They are the
daughters whose future marriage partners continue to be determined by their
fathers. They are the brides who must be virgins on their wedding nights in a
culture where if they are not, honor killings are common and often carried out by
the girl's own brothers. 11
The women Goodwin describes do not have rights over their personal freedom. Instead of
understanding the advantages of having personal rights, they are taught the consequences
of rebelling against cultural norms. In Morocco, the Mudawwanna, or the personal status
code, states that women cannot create their own marriage contracts. The code
"establishes male authority over female family members, requiring women to obey their
husbands in all matters, and sharply limit women's -though not men's - access to
divorce. 12 The patriarchal code and other such cultural norms reinforce the supreme
authority of Muslim men over Muslim women.
Violence against Muslim women is the result of this male authority - in enforcing
their patriarchal code as well as their patriarchal interpretations of the Quran - over
women. In Pakistan, a woman is not able to bring to justice the man who was sexually
violent towards her because she needs four Muslim men to testify on her behalf. Jefferson
states, "If she cannot prove the rape allegation, she runs a very high risk of being charged
with fornication or adultery, the criminal penalty for which is either a long prison
11
Jan Goodwin, Price of Honor: Muslim Women Lift the Veil of Silence on the Islamic World (Boston:
Little Brown and Company, 1994). 32. 12
LaShawn R. Jefferson, "The War on Women," Wall Street Journal, 22 August 2002.
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sentence, including public whipping, or, though rarely, death by stoning."13 Violence
against women also extends to cultural dress. In Saudi Arabia, if women are not seen
wearing the abaya, or full black robe and headscarf correctly, "they are subject to abuse
by the country's religious police."14 The Muttawa- or religious police - in Saudi Arabia
are not only in the business of ensuring that Muslim women are covered properly, they
are also the country's most extreme oppressors. In July, fifteen Muslim girls died in a
terrible fire at a girl's school in Saudi Arabia. When firefighters and ambulances arrived
at the scene, they were stopped by the leader of the Muttawa, who stated that the fleeing
girls had left their head scarves behind in their classrooms and that it would create an
unacceptable situation for the firefighters - who were men - to encounter these naked
women. In the end, the regular police were able to subdue the Muttawa leader and hold
him in custody, but by then the fifteen girls had died and more than forty were injured. 15
This is yet another example of the extreme violence many Muslim women experience
under their oppressive regimes.
9
The violence against women living in Muslim countries is explained through the
fact that men control every aspect of these women's lives. Finally, an example from
Afghanistan, "In Afghanistan currently, control of women is a symbol of the power of
men, and of their honor. Women are the one part of the society that can be controlled, so
the Islamists manipulate them as symbols. Women have become the pawns of men in this
Islamization process.' 16 Goodwin indicates the basic reasoning behind the oppression of
women in these Muslim countries - that women are seen as an element to be controlled
13 Jefferson.
14 Mary Beth Warner, "Beyond the Burgas," National Journal. 34 (2002): 468.
15 Christopher Dickey and Rod Nordeland, "The Fire That Won't Die," Newsweek 22 July 2002. 16 Goodwin 79.
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by men. This idea will be pursued in the following section to better understand the
Quran' s role in the relationship between Islam and women. This is important because it
proves once again that patriarchal interpretations ofislam is what gives the religion a bad
name. By analyzing the words of the Quran, one is able to fully realize the extent to
which patriarchal interpretations of the text provide the West with misconceptions about
the religion. Also, the reality of the oppression of Muslim women is important in
understanding the depth of the Bush administration's wrongdoing by understanding the
horrible oppressions and violence posed against women in these countries.
Islam:
It is easy blame the oppression of Muslim women on Islam because the cultural
and patriarchal interpretations of the Quran persuade followers to coerce women. It is
these interpretations that shape the U. S. 's view that the Islamic religion oppresses
Muslim women. This view is what the Bush administration banks on in creating
patriotism for a war with Afghanistan. In reality, the Quran is not a text concerned with
the oppr
Immorality in America: Digital Music and Copyright Infringement
No full textIn 1999, the recording industry enjoyed a 12.6 billion. Current data shows that this detrimental trend is not slowing: as of August 3, 2003, CD sales were 9.4 percent lower than during the same period of2002. Since 1999, shipments of recorded music to retailers have dropped by 26 percent, prompting the industry to raise prices-which has only somewhat softened the blow.5 Contributory factors, like the economic recession following September 11, 2001 and other negative business trends cannot account for the massive and sustained damages alone. The primacy of unauthorized online sharing to this situation must be seriously considered.Immorality in America: Digital Music and Copyright Infringement
Nathaniel R. Orpen
Thesis
Dr. Chris Gilbert
December 18, 2003
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Introduction
I. Digital Formats
Table of Contents
II. Online Sources for Digital Music
Direct Download Sites and Search Engines
Peer-to-Peer Networks
Pay-Sites
III. Lawsuits Against Individual File Sharers
RIAA Anti-Piracy Unit
IV. Backlash
V. Industry Sales Enticements and New CD Technology
VI. Napster
VII. Artists, the Industry, and File Sharers
VIII. Have Lawsuits Helped?
IX. Congressional Legislation
H.R. 2517: the Piracy Deterrence and Education Act of 2003
S. 1932: Artists' Rights and Theft Prevention Act of 2003
X. Institutions of Higher Learning: A Model Solution
Conclusion
Works Cited
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Introduction
In 1999, the recording industry enjoyed a 12.6 billion.3 Current data shows that this detrimental trend is not slowing: as of August 3,
2003, CD sales were 9.4 percent lower than during the same period of2002.4 Since 1999,
shipments of recorded music to retailers have dropped by 26 percent, prompting the industry
to raise prices-which has only somewhat softened the blow.5 Contributory factors, like the
economic recession following September 11, 2001 and other negative business trends cannot
account for the massive and sustained damages alone. The primacy of unauthorized online
sharing to this situation must be seriously considered.
It is estimated that over 60 million Americans illegally share music files on the
Internet today. 6 Although teenagers represent a significant share of this figure, they are not
solely to blame; figures indicate that more than 26 million adults also pirate music from
online sources. Countless suiveys and inteiviews continue to suggest that many file-sharers
are unacceptably naive. An intimate understanding of copyright laws is not necessary to
surmise the immorality of downloading for free something that costs money in a store. Yet,
1 Gundersen, Edna. Downloading squeezes the art out of the album: A growing single-song culture is wiping out
the multiple-track format. USA Today. December 5, 2003. 2A. 2 Kopytoff, Verne. File sharers no changing their tune; RIAA court tactic has limited success. The San
Francisco Chronicle. September 10, 2003. Bl.
3 Gundersen, 2A. 4 According to the Yankee Group. [Veiga, Alex. Music Download Suits Could Raise Backlash. Associated
Press Online. September 10, 2003. Lexis-Nexis Quick News Search for title. November 12, 2003.
http://weblexis-nexis.com/universeifomJacademic/index.html.] 5 Not-so.Jolly Rogers: The music industry. The Economist Newspaper. September 10, 2003. Lexis-Nexis Quick
News Searchfor title. November 12, 2003. h!tp:i/web.lexis-nexis.corrJuniverse/form/academic/indexhtml. 6 Kopytoff, BI.
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many file sharers remain oblivious to the real effects of pirating. This is evidenced in a slew
of arguments for the free dissemination of music. One such argument equates the download
of a song from the Internet to the act of recording it from the radio. 7
Much of the controversy surrounding online music has focused on the immorality of
file-sharers and their resultant damage to the industry. One may ask: how can a few simple
downloads harm an already rich recording artist? A book by Moses Avalon entitled,
Confessions of a Record Producer, answers this very question. Of the average 16.17 paid the retailer (29.4%), record label (28.8%), distributor (14.1 %),
giveaways (10.6%), duplication/recording costs (5.8%), songwriter license (3.5%), producer
royalty (1.6%), and the Musicians union (0.4%).9 With such a small percentage of the profit
returning to artists, a recent trend among artists has been the creation of their own record
labels. This "solution," of course, requires a substantial initial investment, and can easily
overburden a young artist's finances.
According to the above figures, a Gold Record in 1998 would have yielded 103,750 ( or 5 solution." The King Hall Advocate. University of
California-Davis School of Law. October 17, 2003. Column. Lexis-Nexis Quick News Search for title.
November 12, 2003. http://web.lexis-nexis.com/universe/fonrJucademiciindex.h1rnl. 9 It is also relevaot to note that an average CD costs between six aod fifty cents to produce-mostly reliant upon
the quality of liner materials. [Ibid.] 10 A record must sell 500,000 copies to be certified by the RlAA as being a "Gold Record." Similarly, a
Platinum Record requires 1,000,000 copies sold.
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best selling album of their careers.
11
While these are no paltry sums, consider the costs of
living while composing and recording, the necessary instruments and equipment, and years of
rehearsals in a garage or basement that led to this brief financial success.
12
With regard to the aforementioned sales figures: most record labels rely on Nielsen
SoundScan to track the sales figures of their albums. Nielsen SoundScan receives sales data
from almost 18,000 music-selling retailers, and can confidently report 90 percent of the music
sales in America.
13 Recently, music has been offered in less traditional stores-such as
Hallmark, Starbucks, Walt Disney theme park stores, Burlington Coat Factories, and PBS
stations.
14
Sales from these vendors can be quite significant; Bertelsmann AG's BMG
division reports that it sells several million albums through avenues not tracked by Nielsen
SoundScan.
15
While Nielsen SoundScan is much more accurate than the census agencies
tracking most other industries, it must be noted that its figures exclude many
sales-especially those from smaller record labels, budget discs, and various ethnic and other
compilations.
16
• Many analysts and consumers have blamed record labels for their own demise. This
argument holds that the immense popularity of online music piracy is due to inflated CD
prices. Proponents of this "scrooge-theory" advocate a 23,240,000 in royalties. [Gold & Platinum. RIAA Official Website. December 18, 2003.
http://wwv.·.riaa.com/gp/databaseisearch results.asp.]
12 Admittedly, this kind of success would likely produce a profitable tour-an avenue for earning much more
sizable sums. 13 Nelson, Chris. Counting CD Sales Isn't an Exact Science. The New York Times. November 24, 2003. CS.
14 Ibid. 15 Ibid. 16 Ibid.
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1990s, have also largely abandoned the single format.17 As a trend, record labels have
produced fewer and fewer singles-once, a very popular format-in order to drive album
sales. However, this phase-out has only harmed sales of the more expensively priced albums.
Interestingly, a consequence of online sharing has been that the demand for singles in the
form ofMP3s. During the week of November 23-30, 2003, a mere 186,000 singles were sold
in stores while listeners bought 1.3 million downloads on the Internet from pay-sites.18 These
figures indicate that many listeners are serious about digital music as a primary format.
I. Digital Formats
Music is stored on compact discs in the form of WAY files. In this format, each
minute of a recording is approximately IO megabytes in size, making an average song much
too large to conveniently store, and quite cumbersome to duplicate. The inconvenience of
WAY files facilitated the advent of the motion picture experts group-I, audio layer-3 ( or
MP3) technology.19 An MP3 is able to reduce the size of each file by a factor of 12 without
sacrificing much audio quality-creating a much smaller, and more efficient file. 20 The MP3
is currently the most popular format for sharing and storing digital music.
Today, the MP3 is not the only-or even best-format available for compressing
WAY files. Both Windows Media Audio (WMA) and Advanced Audio Coding (AAC)
17 The RIAA is accused of setting artificially high minimum advertised price levels from 1995 to 2000 in an
effort to reap greater profits. The details of the settlement are currently being negotiated. [Homby, Judge D.
Brock. Notice of Pendency and Proposed Settlement of Parens Patriae. Compact Disc Minimum Advertised
Price Antitrust Litigation. October 25, 2002. United States District Court for the District of Maine. MDL
Docket No. 1361.]
18 Gundersen, 2A.
19 Langenderfer, Jeff, and Don Lloyd Cook. "Copyright Policies and Issues Raised by A&M Records v. Napster:
"The Shot Heard 'Round the World" or "Not with a Bang but a Whimper?"" Journal of Public Policy &
Marketing. Vol. 20, No. 2, Pg. 280.
20 Ibid.
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behave like mp3s-in that they are compressed versions of much larger files-but are smaller
and more efficient in compression.
2 1 For example: a song encoded at 128 Kbps in the ACC
format is likely to sound just as good or better than an MP3 encoded at 160 Kbps, and will
require less memory to store.
22
Despite their efficiency, these and other formats are less
popular than MP3 s, which have come to be the poster-children for digital music. This
notoriety has been acquired through emphasis and given by both advertisements and criticism.
In the near future, MP3s may become a less dominant format. Apple's new pay-site, iTunes,
uses AAC files rather than MP3s for their higher audio quality, and also because the AAC
format contains built-in copy-protection measures which only allow playback on a limited
number of computers.
23 Perhaps the popularization of similar pay-sites will boost the
popularity of AAC and other newer formats.
The immense popularity and rapid proliferation of music online can be attributed to
easy replication, free cost, vast availability, and the superior sound quality of digital music.
This .superiority stems from a digital file's ability to be perfectly replicated throughout
successive copies-making a tenth-generation variant just as good as the original.
24
This trait
separates digital technology from analog technology (used for traditional radio and television
signals)-which cannot boast equal sound quality after duplication. A song taped directly
from the radio cannot compete with even a hundredth-generation MP3 in sound quality. This
is an important distinction to bear in mind, as it pertains directly to copyright laws and the
uncertain future of packaged CDs, tapes, and records.
21 Biersd01fer, J.D. An Invitation To Groove On the Move. The New York Times. October 16, 2003. E7.
22 Ibid.
23 Ibid. 24 Langenderfer.
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II. Online Sources for Digital Music
At present, three categories of digital music sources exist: direct download sites, peerto-
peer file exchange networks, and search engines. Today's most popular services-Napster,
Kazaa, Grokster, Morpheus, Limewire, BearShare, Bulbster and Piolet, to name just a
few-are constructed using the peer-to-peer (P2P) network format. Search engines and direct
download sites have become less popular alternatives in the P2P era due to their increased
vulnerability to copyright law.
The first venue for online music downloads was actually a direct download pay-site
created in 1995 by the New York-based company, Sonicnet.25 The site gave artists the
freedom to set download prices for their own material and compensated them with the full
earnings from their work. In true pioneer fashion, the site suffered from the technological
limitations of the day, and could offer no more than poorly sounding music files that took a
full afternoon to download. Since Sonicnet, technology has progressed to the point where
songs of the highest audio-quality can be transferred in a matter of seconds.
Direct Download Sites and Search Engines
Direct download sites allow visitors to obtain copies of songs stored directly on the
site's server-which, unless authorized, constitutes an action of direct copyright infringement
(17 U.S.C. 106).26 Search engines are directories that link users to a number of direct
download sites offering the items initially searched for. These search engine sites do not
store, copy, or disseminate any files themselves, and are in this way less liable to copyright
25 Strauss, Neil. Online Music Business, Neither Quick Nor Sure. The New York Times. October 29, 2003. Bl.
26 Langendetfer.
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infringement than direct download sites.
27 While the search engine may not-as of yet-be at
fault, recent RIAA action has demonstrated that the searcher can be held accountable. The
unauthorized copying of material to a computer, and unauthorized distribution of that material
are punishable under federal law (MAJ Systems Corporation v. Peak Computer Inc. 1993; and
Playboy Enterprises Inc. v. Frena. 1993, respectively).28 This rather formidable legal
precedent has discouraged the creation of many direct download sites whose purpose is to
offer free MP3s and other unlicensed material. An additional disadvantage to a direct
download format is that heavy traffic on the site can result in very slow and difficult
downloading. In pre-Napster times, most unauthorized direct download sites were quickly
shut dpwn by the record industry-due to their legal vulnerability. Once Napster's
appearance revolutionized file sharing, there was little point in continuing the maintenance of
these sites, and their numbers further declined. A recent resurgence in direct download sites
has occurred with the creation of modem pay-sites like Apple's iTunes.
Peer-to-Peer Networks
Peer-to-peer networks are by far the most popular format for file sharing on the
internet today. Among the most popular of these services is Kazaa, whose software has been
downloaded by approximately 273 million users to date. Kazaa users, as a whole, average 2. 7
million downloads weekly.
29 This immense popularity can be attributed to the success of the
very first P2P network: Napster, which was created by Shawn Fanning and Sean Parker in
May of 1999.
30 In P2P networking, each user's hard-drive acts as a mini server, storing just a
27
Langenderfer.
28 Langenderfer.
29 Gundersen, 2A.
30
Evangelista, Benny. Napster files for bankruptcy. The San Francisco Chronicle. June 4, 2002. Bl.
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small fraction of the files available to any other user through a network search. Once a user
has downloaded the program from a P2P website, they are connected to a network of other
users who are currently online. In the end, the involvement of the P2P service website is
minimal: it simply offers a program that facilitates the dissemination of information-albeit,
both legal and illegal.31 The genius of today's most popular P2P programs is their nearcomplete
lack of central organization; they've learned from Napster that a central server will
cause unwanted legal liability. A typical second-generation P2P network connects a computer
directly to another online computer, which is in turn linked to every computer it has ever
connected with. In similar fashion, all of these tertiary computers are linked to others-and
so fortli. In this way, a tapestry oflinkages is created, giving each connected computer access
to the shared files on any other connected computer.
Because second-generation P2P services do not ever possess any copyrighted
materials-for lack of a central server-they cannot be penalized for direct copyright
infringement. However, existing copyright law also prohibits acts that aid others in direct
infringement. P2P network providers can be charged with both vicarious infringement, and
contributory infringement. Vicarious liability occurs "'when the right and ability to
supervise the [infringing conduct of another] coalesce with an obvious and direct financial
interest in the exploitation of copyrighted materials' (Shapiro, Bernstein & Co. v. H.L. Green
Company 1963, p.307)."32 Contributory infringement occurs when "one, who, with
knowledge of the infringing activity, induces, causes or materially contributes to the
31 To make money, many free P2P networks package additional software into the networking
components-which are downloaded initially by the nser to become connected to the network. These often
annoying programs are called spyware or adware, and track the actions of each user in order to deliver carefully
targeted advertisements. [Biersdorfer, J.D. His Beyonce, Her Beatles: A Primer on Trading. The New York
Times September 22, 2003. ES.] The additional burden placed on user's machines by these add-ons can also
cause system crashes with some regularity. [Rab a.] 32 Langenderfer.
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infringing conduct of another" (Gershwin Publishing v. Columbia Artists Management Inc.
197 I, p. 1162).33 Despite this precedent, an April 2003 court ruling decided that Grokster was
not in violation of existing copyright law because the P2P software it distributes also has
legitimate purposes. 34
As the Grokster ruling alludes, P2P technology has other more legitimate uses. The
founder ofKazaa, Niklas Zennstrom, has started another company called Skype, which offers
free phone calls over the Internet using P2P technology.35 Additionally, some banks and
other businesses have begun to utilize P2P networking, and use it to quickly and efficiently
transfer data between branches.36 The academic community has recently recognized the value
of P2P networking as well. Penn State University, M.I.T., and Simon Fraser University of
British Colombia are currently working on developing a P2P network of their own,
LionShare, which they hope will provide a means for the fast and reliable exchange of
academic materials. 37
Pay-Sites
In the past year, a legal means of downloading music with fair compensation for artists
and record labels has emerged. There are currently at least ten pay-for-music sites (pay-sites)
on the Internet, including sites such as Apple's iTunes, Napster 2.0, Rhapsody,
Buy Music.com, and a new Kazaa feature, which offer a variety oflegal options for visitors.38
Single MP3s can be purchased for 9.99 or less, and monthly
33 Langenderfer.
34 Not-so-Jolly Rogers: The music indushy.
35 Graham, Jefferson. File-sharing goes to the next level. USA Today. November 17, 2003. 9E.
36
Graham, 9E.
37 Graham, 9E.
38 Wright, Greg. Lawsuit threat may be spurring more legal music sales on the Web. Gannett News Service.
September 29, 2003. Lexis-Nexis Quick News Search for title. November 12, 2003.
httJ,J://web.iexisnexis.corn/universe/fomi/academic/index.html.
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subscriptions are available for unlimited listening on your computer. For the most part, these
sites have been accepted by consumers; Apple's iTunes has provided more than 10 rnillion
downloads to paying customers since its launch in April 2003.39
Music lovers hope that the steady rise in business experienced by pay-sites will
encourage the industry to seriously invest in a controlled distribution of digital music.
Rhapsody sold 16 million songs to subscribers in August, and iTunes is projecting sales of
100 million songs in its first year. 40 Purchased downloads are expected to grow from an
estimated 1.1 billion next year, and $3.2 billion in 2008.41 The
increased popu