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The 2002 Minnesota United States Senate Race_ Twists, Turns, Tragedy, and Triumph
No full textI have gathered much of my information from local newspapers, mainly the Star Tribune and Pioneer Press. In my footnotes, I have attempted to list URL Internet addresses for the newspaper articles so that they can easily be accessed via the World Wide Web. Although I have used the Wellstone Memorial television footage and some Minnesota Public Radio broadcasts for analysis, I have been unable to incorporate or obtain other audio-visual sources such as television/radio advertisements or commercials endorsing/attacking candidates. These informational sources are extremely scarce (and difficult to find) due to the lack of archival sources on the audio/visual medium. For analysis of commercials or advertisements aired by the candidates, I have primarily relied on secondary textual sources such as newspaper articles.
Throughout the paper, I refer to various public opinion polls. The dates given of the polls were the dates the polls were taken. Because time was extremely tight at the end of the election and public opinion fluctuated from day to day, it is imperative that the polls are analyzed in respect to when they were taken rather than when they were published (which tends to lag a few days). Overall, analyzing the opinion polls from this perspective allows for a more accurate assessment of which candidate had a greater level of support at any given time.
With twists and turns, the 2002 Minnesota election proved to be a bizarre election in many respects. There was a higher voter turnout than usual, especially in a non-Presidential election year (over 60%). Because of greater media coverage and the close race, Minnesotans followed the race more closely than usual throughout its year and a half duration Although this is still a wide topic that could fill volumes, I will attempt to give an overview of: the Wellstone/Coleman race, Wellstone's death and its implications, and the Mondale/Coleman race. Additionally, in my conclusion I analyze the entire 2002 Minnesota Senate race and what I have gleaned from my research.The 2002 Minnesota United States Senate Race:
Twists, Turns, Tragedy, and Triumph
By:
Jon Farnsworth
May30,2003
A thesis submitted to the Political Science
Department of Gustavus Adolphus College in
partial fulfillment of the requirements of the
Degree of Bachelor of Arts
St. Peter, Minnesota
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Farnsworth 2
Preface-The politics of Minnesota
Entering into the union in 1858 as the 32nd state, Minnesota is known for its politically
progressive atmosphere. 1 Influential political figures such as Hubert H. Humphrey, Walter
Mondale, and Eugene McCarthy have aided defining Minnesota this way. Recognized as a hightax,
high-service state, Minnesota has been a model for health care services and
education/academic achievement. According to the UnitedHealth Groups' state rankings,
Minnesota ranked in the top two states in health care from 1990-2000.2 Furthennore, in a 2002
study by the National Education Association, Minnesota placed in the top eight states for the 4th
and 8th grade proficiency tests.3
Due to being a high tax state,4 Minnesota is stereotypically known for being a politically
liberal haven. Although many think the state is dominated by the liberal Democratic-Fanner
Labor (DFL) party, this stereotype is not wholeheartedly true.5 This fallacy has arisen partially
due to Minnesota's elective votes being given to Democrats in Presidential elections (even
though many of these races were close). Since Herbert Hoover was elected in 1928, only two
other Republican candidates have won Minnesota's electoral votes.6 Dwight Eisenhower gained
1 "Minnesota QuickFacts from the US Census Bureau". September 24, 2002.
December 15, 2002
"The Book of the States". The Council of State Governments. Lexington, Kentucky. 2000. V 33. 477
2 "Overall State Health Rankings, Upper Group". UnitedHealth Group. 2000.
3 "Good News about Public Schools in Minnesota". NEA.org. 2002
December 15, 2002
"Center for the Study of Jobs & Education in Wisconsin and the And the United States''. January 2002.
Jk.,,ev December 15, 2002
4
.,A'!Thowfu., this classification is beginning to change as Minnesota has led the nation in tax cuts the past four years.
s "Minnesota, state, United States, History". www.infoplease.com. 2000.
January 13, 2003
The Democratic party merged with the Farm-Labor party in 1944, hence the name Democratic-Farmer Labor Party
orDFL).
6 White, Bruce . . Minnesota Votes. Minnesota Historical Society. 1977. 21-31
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Minnesota's elective votes in 1952 and 1956, as did Richard Nixon in 1972.7 More recently,
George W. Bush came exceedingly close to carrying the state in the 2000 Presidential electionlosing
by less than three percentage points.8 Despite the plurality of Minnesotans almost always
supporting Democratic Presidential candidates, the state's votes do not accurately represent
Minnesota's political atmosphere as a whole. Lately, at both the state and local level, fewer
Democrats have been elected.
In the past decade, Republicans have had remarkable success. Many of Minnesota's
recent Governors and Senators have not been Democrats.9 For example, since 1990, there have
been no Democratic Governors elected in Minnesota. Republican Ame Carlson was elected in
1990 and reelected in 1994; Independent Jesse Ventura (rather surprisingly) won the highest
state office in 1998; and Republican Tim Pawlenty is currently serving as governor. 10
Additionally, seven out of the past ten U.S. Senate elections have been won by Republicans. 11
Thus, Minnesota is not as liberal as stereotypes would suggest. Rather, Minnesota has had a
relative balance of elected officials representing both the major parties in national, state and local
elections.
The Republican party's current viability in Minnesota is a stark contrast to what it was
thirty years ago. Political fallout from President Richard Nixon's Watergate scandal in 1973
thorough! y tarnished the Republican party's name. In fact, the Republican leaders of Minnesota
7
Scammon, Richard; McGillivray, Alice; Cook, Rhodes. America Votes 22. 2002. Congressional Quarterly. 292 8
"2000 Presidential General Election Results". www.fec.gov.
April 23, 2003
9 Currently, four out of Minnesota's eight Representatives are Republicans.
10
White, Bruce. Minnesota Votes. Minnesota Historical Society. 1977. 21-31
11 Scammon, Richard; McGillivray, Alice; Cook, Rhodes. America Votes 22. Congressional Quarterly. 293
"U.S. Senators from Minnesota". www.Senate.gov
May 30, 2003
Republicans: Norm Coleman (2002), Rod Grams (1994), David Durenburger (1990), Rudy Boschwitz (1984),
Durenburger (1984), Boschwitz (1978), Durenburger (1978)
Democrats: Mark Dayton (2000), Paul Wellstone (1996), Wellstone (1990)
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felt so affected by the public backlash against Nixon{ they elected to change the name of the
r l party to the Independent Republican party of Minnesota. Despite the fallout from Watergate, i 1 .. !
r i
t ;
Minnesota Republicans rebounded quickly and have become relatively successful within the past
decade.
On the flip side of the political spectrum, Democrats, for the most part, have occupied
true majorities in the Minnesota House and Senate for the past 30 years. This domination by the
DFL in the State Legislature has also contributed to the stereotype of Minnesota's liberalism;
however, more recently, that trend has shifted. Republicans currently have a commanding
majority in the Minnesota House (80-53) and the DFL is holding onto a slim majority in the
Senate (35-31). 12 As the result of the stunning Republican victories in the 2002 elections,
Republicans currently enjoy their most pronounced majority in the House the past 35 years.
Conversely, Democrats in both the House and Senate have had their influence slashed to their
lowest point within the last three decades. 13
Democrats have not only lost support within the confines of the Minnesota State
Legislature, but also for other state offices. In the 2002 election, the only state office the DFL
won was Attorney General. Furthermore, in the Governor's race, Republicans won clear-cut
pluralities of the electorate throughout the state except for Ramsey (St. Paul), Hennepin county
(Minneapolis), and the Iron Range (the sparsely populated northeastern third of the state). Today,
with a Republican Governor, Republican-led House, and nearly evenly split Senate, the
12 "Party Control of Minnesota Senate, 1951-". November 8, 2002.
February 23, 2003
"Party Control of the Minnesota House of Representatives, 1951-". November 21, 2002.
February 23, 2003
Smith, Dane. "Pawlenty has most political muscle of recent governors". Star Tribune. Al. January 13, 2003
13 "Party Control of Minnesota Senate, 1951-". November 8, 2002.
February 23, 2003
"Party Control of the Minnesota House of Representatives, 1951-". November 21, 2002.
February 23, 2003
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Republican party is thriving in Minnesota. Overall, when analyzing Minnesota's political
atmosphere over the past twenty years, there has been a relative balance of conservatives and
liberals elected to national and state/local offices.
I. Sources used and strategies for analyzing
The 2002 Minnesota United States Senate campaign was a distinctive and unique
election. It will forever be etched in Minnesotans' memories and remembered as one of the most
tightly contested, bizarre elections in the state's history. With an extremely tight race, a tragic
death of one candidate just eleven days before the election, and a blitzkrieg campaign to follow,
historians and political scientists will assuredly continue to analyze the election for years to
come. The election marked not only a potential turning point in Minnesota's political history, but
it also represented at least a temporary end to grass-roots liberalism that had been alive since
1990-the year that Paul Wellstone was first elected to the United States Senate. Furthermore,
the election outcome mirrored results that were seen elsewhere throughout the country--electing
more conservatives (and fewer liberals) to office.
Undoubtedly, there is a plethora of information about the election that can be analyzed.
Television ads, radio addresses, newspaper articles and personal stories from campaign
workers/candidates all could be used for analysis. In order to illustrate a clear overview about the
2002 Minnesota Senate race and its implications and consequences, I have chosen to focus on
both primary and secondary textual sources.
I have gathered much of my information from local newspapers, mainly the Star Tribune
and Pioneer Press. In my footnotes, I have attempted to list URL Internet addresses for the
Gustavus Student Repository
Farnsworth 6
newspaper articles so that they can easily be accessed via the World Wide Web. Although I have
used the Wellstone Memorial television footage and some Minnesota Public Radio broadcasts
for analysis, I have been unable to incorporate or obtain other audio-visual sources such as
television/radio advertisements or commercials endorsing/attacking candidates. These
informational sources are extremely scarce (and difficult to find) due to the lack of archival
sources on the audio/visual medium. For analysis of commercials or advertisements aired by the
candidates, I have primarily relied on secondary textual sources such as newspaper articles.
Throughout the paper, I refer to various public opinion polls. The dates given of the polls
were the dates the polls were taken. Because time was extremely tight at the end of the election
and public opinion fluctuated from day to day, it is imperative that the polls are analyzed in
respect to when they were taken rather than when they were published (which tends to lag a few
days). Overall, analyzing the opinion polls from this perspective allows for a more accurate
assessment of which candidate had a greater level of support at any given time.
With twists and turns, the 2002 Minnesota election proved to be a bizarre election in
many respects. There was a higher voter turnout than usual, especially in a non-Presidential
election year ( over 60% ). Because of greater media coverage and the close race, Minnesotans
followed the race more closely than usual throughout its year and a half duration Although this is
still a wide topic that could fill volumes, I will attempt to give an overview of: the
Wellstone/Coleman race, Wellstone's death and its implications, and the Mondale/Coleman race.
Additionally, in my conclusion I analyze the entire 2002 Minnesota Senate race and what I have
gleaned from my research.
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i
\· j
Farnsworth 7
II. Campaign part I: Nonn Coleman (R) vs. Paul Wellstone (DFL) 14
As a Minnesota Public Radio broadcast suggested, in order to grasp a full understanding
of the Minnesota Senate campaign of 2002, the 2000 Congressional and Presidential elections
must be analyzed.15 In 2000, the Republicans had just won stunning victories in Congress.
Moreover, George W. Bush squeaked out a controversial election in which his ultimate victory
came from a 5-4 Supreme Court decision and was sworn into office as the forty-third President.
With the specter of a Republican controlled House of Representatives, an evenly split Congress,
and a Republican President, Paul Wellstone, the two-term DFL Senator, decided to seek
reelection-a term he had previously acknowledged he would not seek due to a self-imposed
term limit. 16 Wellstone noted that with the sudden "change in leadership in Washington" it
would be an inopportune time for him to retire. "So much in Washington D.C. at the national
·1evet:)as changed, and so much is at stake," Wellstone reasoned that he could not "walk away
from this fight". 17 Thus, with two-thirds of his second term over, Wellstone began shifting his
focus toward a reelection campaign.
Amid the controversy over Wellstone seeking a third term, the St. Paul Pioneer Press and
Minnesota Public Radio took a public opinion poll on February 13, 2001 even though the
election had not officially begun. The poll showed that 45% of Minnesotans favored Wellstone
14 Coleman and Wellstone were the two main candidates in the race. Other candidates included: Green Party Ray
Tricomo, Independence Party Jim Moore and Constitution Party Miro Drago Kovatchevich. These minor party
candidates brought in less than 3% of the vote combined. For full election results, consult appendix. figure 1.2.
15 Sudelic, Mark. "Minnesota's 2002 U.S. Senate Race". Midday. www.mpr.org. December 27, 2002
January 13, 2003
16 Zdechlik, Mark. "Wellstone officially open bid for third Senate term."www.mpr.org. May 28, 2002.
May 27, 2003
Sudelic, Mark. "Minnesota's 2002 U.S. Senate Race". Midday. www.mpr.org. December 27, 2002
January 13, 2003
17 Sudelic, Mark. "Minnesota's 2002 U.S. Senate Race". Midday. www.mpr.org. December 27, 2002
January 13. 2003
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in the next election, 26% would definitely vote for a Republican challenger, and 23% would
consider voting for a Republican challenger. 18 Although it would take a full year for Norm
Coleman to publicly announce his intention to enter the race, it was clear that by late spring of
2001 that Coleman would challenge Wellstone. 19
The campaign officially began nearly one year later. On February 2, 2002, Norm
Coleman officially announced he was entering the Senate race to contest Wellstone's seat. When
the Republican challenger (and former Democrat) Coleman made his announcement, he was at
that time Mayor of Minnesota's capital city, St. Paul. In the 1998 election, Coleman had
attempted an unsuccessful bid for the office of Governor. 20 Stunned at the last minute by the last
minute victory of Reform party candidate and former pro-wrestler Jesse Ventura by a slim
margin of approximately 56,000 votes, Coleman set his sights on winning the 2002 Senate
race.21
Unlike the 1998 Governor's race, there was little doubt over who his main opponent was
in the 2002 Senate election-Paul Wellstone.22 Wellstone was a seasoned, two-term Democrat.
Wellstone was used to tough campaigns-upsetting a seemingly unbeatable incumbent Rudy
Boschwitz (R) in 1990 and holding Boschwitz off again in 1996.23 Generally, most incumbents
such as Wellstone enjoy sizeable advantages especially with respect to name recognition and
18 Salisbury, Bill. "Wellstone switch OK with voters". Democratic Senate Campaign Committee. February 13, 2001.
December 15, 2002
Interestingly this percentage changed only slightly throughout the next year and a half. Most polls showed Wellstone
with 41- 52 % of the electorate. See appendix figure l . l .
19 Budig, T.W .. "Coleman enters Senate race". ECM Publishers, Inc. February 1 1, 2002.
December 15, 2002
20 Ibid.
Minnesota Public Radio ran a poll in July with Coleman's name as the challenger. 21 "Minnesota State General Elections". Secretary of State-MN. November 3, 1998.
See appendix figure 1.6 for Wellstone's election results. 22 Jesse Ventura was not viewed as a serious candidate for Governor until within the last few weeks of the campaign. 23 ''Paul David Wellstone". Minnesotapolitics.net.
April 23, 2003
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Farnsworth 9
ability to raise money. Just as expected, all but 1 % of Minnesotans recognized Paul Wellstone's
name appr oximately four months prior to the election.24 Additionally, Wellstone had no
problems raising more than an adequate amount of money to run a fully-functional campaign.
Unfortunately for Wellstone, with Coleman's previous career in Minnesota politics, 97% of the
electorate recognized Coleman's name. 25 With political experience, Coleman, like Wellstone,
had few obstacles in raising sufficient campaign funds. If the proximity of name recognition and
ability to raise money carried any weight, these statistics would foreshadow the tight political
race that would ensue.
Coleman and Wellstone were essentially polar opposites, hence, the sharp division in
their approval ratings and core constituencies.26 Wellstone was known as one of the few
unapologetic liberals left in the Senate.27 Conversely, Coleman was known as a fiscally
conservative, pro-business politician whose stances on social issues were ideologically opposed
to the majority of Wellstone's. With nearly equal approval ratings from the onset of the
campaign, Coleman, the Republican party, and conservative interest groups wasted no time in
voraciously attacking on Wellstone. These attacks occurred through television ads, newspaper
articles, and debates .28
24 Lopez, Patricia. "Senate race: Coleman, Wellstone remain nearly tied". Star Tribune. June 28, 2002.
December 15, 2002
25 lbid.
26 "How the candidates compare on the issues". Pioneer Press. October 15, 2002. El6.26. Minnesota State
Legislature Library.
Black, Eric. "Candidates are worlds apart". Star Tribune. October 20, 2002. El6.26. Minnesota State Legislature
Library.
27 Dewar, Helen. "An Unapologetic Liberal''. www.washingtonpost.com October 26, 2002.
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=aarticle&node=&contentld-Al9727-
20020ct25¬Found-true> February 23, 2003
28 A poll done by the Minneapolis Star Tribune showed a statistically dead heat. 44% approved Coleman, 45%
Wellstone, 5% were undecided. (Error ±3.1 %)
"Graphic: Results of senate poll". Star Tribune. February 11, 2002.
December 15, 2002
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Farnsworth 10
In the beginning of Coleman's campaign, a constant barrage of television and radio attack
ads slammed Wellstone's stances. The ads attempted to pigeonhole Wellstone as an extreme,
ultra-liberal that was out-of-touch with Minnesotans' values. For the most part, it was not until
later in the campaign-the late summer or early fall of 2002-that Coleman focused his public
attention equally between his attacks on Wellstone and articulating his agenda and issues.29 At
this time, Coleman had formulated a cohesive message illustrating to the public what issues he
stood for. Additionally with public approval ratings still nearly equivalent toward the end of the
campaign, both Coleman and Wellstone began more actively defining the differences between
their candidacies.
Throughout the campaign both candidates used attack ads to distance themselves from
the other. In Wellstone's case, his ads cautioned of the dangers linked with privatized social
security-a policy Coleman supported. Wellstone further questioned Coleman's duality on
issues such as drilling in the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR)
The Impact of Political and Economic Structures on the Transition to Democracy
No full textA great deal of literature and studies can be found that assess the transitions of the Central and Eastern European countries in general and the specific study countries. This information will provide a solid framework that will aid in the development of the research for this project. The 3 specific study countries will allow for the scope of this project to be feasible. The limited size will attempt to be representational of the Central and Eastern European countries as a whole, while not encompassing such a broad scope that would inhibit the development of this project. The accomplishment of this paper will ideally provide a better understanding of the successes of Central and Eastern European countries' transitions to democracy while illustrating what factors are inhibiting further progression. The intention is for a conclusion to be drawn that can provide a remedy to some of the ills that still plague the Central and Eastern European Countries.The Impact of Political and Economic
Structures on the Transition
to Democracy
Lora Hopp
December 18, 2003
Senior Thesis, POL 280
Professor Jill Locke
Gustavus Student Repository
Table of Contents
I. INTRODUCTION 1
II. ISSUES OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION ........................................... 3
III. CASE STUDY: THE CZECH REPUBLIC ............................................... 11
N. CASE STUDY: BULGARIA ...................................................................... 19
V. CASE STUDY: RUSSIA ............................................................................ 25
VI. CONCLUSION ........................................................................................... 30
VII. BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................ 33
I
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I. Introduction
The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have gone through many radical
changes in the last two decades. Most have moved away from their centrally planned
economies and socialist-based societies into a new world of markets and democracy.
These changes have not come without costs, but they have also provided benefits and
new opportunities to these countries.
The changes that have come about in the former communist societies have been
impacted by the former political and economic structure of the given countries. Certain
aspects of these structures are deeply embedded and have the possibility to either inhibit
or promote the new changes that these societies are pursuing. Some of the Central and
Eastern European countries have found the process of democratic transition to come very
naturally while others are struggling to maintain stability in the implementation of the
new structure. Furthermore, the current political and economic states of these countries
also have an impact on the future success of the newly established democracies. Many of
the reasons for the democratic success and instability could be found to be universal
while others may be confined to a given country.
The positions of these countries before the fall of communism were very different
in many instances so it is important to distinguish which factors are universal. Such a
conclusion would allow for people to understand how some of the universal problems
have been effectively solved in other former communist societies and, therefore, the
knowledge can be applied to societies that are finding difficulty in the given area. A
recognition and categorization of the major problems for the Central and Eastern
European countries is important for that very reason and allow for a better understanding
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of the trials and progressive steps that will come about. Effective policies and procedures
that will aid in the democratic development of these countries can be derived from this
analysis of the factors influencing the democratic transitions in Central and Eastern
Europe. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to determine what impact the past and
present political and economic structures have had on Russia, The Czech Republic and
Bulgaria in their transitions to democracy.
In order to cover the different types of countries that are present in Eastern and
Central Europe, three countries have been chosen that have illustrated different types of
development in their transition. The Czech Republic has an overall reputation for being
very successful in its transition to democracy and a market economy. Russia has deeply
embedded roots in the former communist structure and a volatile market economy and
state of democracy. Finally, Bulgaria illustrates the countries that have not developed
rapidly in terms of democracy. Bulgaria is known for its high level of corruption and
mafia involvement in its political and economic structures while performing at a decent
level economically. Bulgaria will be in the next round of those countries that join the
European Union after the 2004 accession, so it is progressive, yet is plagued by political
and economic problems. This places Bulgaria into a different category than the
aforementioned study countries.
A great deal of literature and studies can be found that assess the transitions of the
Central and Eastern European countries in general and the specific study countries. This
information will provide a solid framework that will aid in the development of the
research for this project. The 3 specific study countries will allow for the scope of this
project to be feasible. The limited size will attempt to be representational of the Central
Hopp-2
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and Eastern European countries as a whole, while not encompassing such a broad scope
that would inhibit the development of this project. The accomplishment of this paper will
ideally provide a better understanding of the successes of Central and Eastern European
countries' transitions to democracy while illustrating what factors are inhibiting further
progression. The intention is for a conclusion to be drawn that can provide a remedy to
some of the ills that still plague the Central and Eastern European Countries.
II. Issues of Democratic Transition
Democratization in Central and Eastern Europe has experienced positive and
negative results. These countries have changed their entire political and economic
structure in an effort to attempt the achievement of a better life for its people. However,
the social structure and economic situations of these countries has caused some problems
in the transition process. The main issues that have developed in the Central and Eastern
European democratic transition are primarily due to civil society, constitutionalism,
social capital and the economic structure of the transition countries. These factors have
impacted transition throughout Central and Eastern Europe, and continue to do so.
Civil society in Eastern Europe refers to the existence of groups or institutions
that have been self-organized and are capable of preserving an independent public sphere
that could check abuses by the state and guarantee individual liberty (Kaldor, 17).
Historically, the establishment of civil society has been characterized by its ability to
transform societies. The independent thinkers establish a framework within civil society
that allows them to reach other people and push for goals in which they believe.
However, the establishment of communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe crushed
civil society, and when civil society began to reappear in these areas, the communist
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governments immediately took action to defeat the movement (Kaldor, 17). When the
communist governments began to lose their power, civil society in the CEEC's (Central
and Eastern European Countries) began to redevelop and was very important to the
transition to democracy. Eventually, the governments became too weak to fight the
movements and civil society basically set the transition into motion and brought about
revolutions in 1989 (Kaldor, 17).
Illustrating this point, Andrew Arato states, "the civil society strategy was the
historical precondition for the successful tum to political society, for the successful
achievement of radical regime change through political negotiations" (Arato, 45). In
effect, Arato is asserting that the transformation from communist governments to
democracies could not have taken place without the presence of civil society. This
presence was responsible for setting into motion the change that would eventually bring
about the establishment of new governments. The massive change that was eventually
enacted resulted from the unchanging political stance and actions that were taken by
individual citizens participating within the civil society. Without civil society, the
Central and Eastern European Countries would not be at the point they are presently.
Regrettably, with the establishment of the new democracies, civil society has
historically experienced a decline in the CEEC's since the democratization process has
been underway. Civil society brought about the tum to a political society that was the
base for the democratization. However, when democratization was complete, the civil
society that brought it about no longer had a place in the social structure because its
purpose had been fulfilled (Arato, 6 3).
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Moreover, the establishment of democracy that civil society had set into motion
has had some undesirable effects. Kaldor and Vejvoda believe that this also has a role in
the decline of civil society after the establishment of democracies. They assert,
"Disillusionment with 'democracy', exhaustion after the frenetic activity of 1989-91, a
tradition of apathy and the sheer struggle for survival in the new competitive market era
are aruong the explanations for the decline of civil society" (Kaldor, 17). Despite this
significant decline, non-governmental organizations do still exist in these countries,
although they are not as radical and have less momentum than in prior years. These
organizations focus on education, community development, welfare, and culture.
Overall, civil society has led to a great deal of political and social imagination that
has had a very important role in the democratic transitions of the Central and Eastern
European countries (Kaldor, 18). The decline of such a valuable and progressive
instrument in societies that are still in need of political and economic advancement seems
to be a detrimental trend. Without the persuasive position of civil society that acts as a
voice of the citizens in a given society, the opinions of these citizens can be overlooked
and taken for granted. Civil society provides an important service to governments in
making the opinions of the people politically audible. In a young democracy, a country
cannot afford to lose the valuable opinions of its citizens.
An important tool in the accomplishment of goals that are sought by a given civil
society is social capital, which consequently has a role in the democratic transitions of the
CEEC's. Social capital "is defined as those aspects of the social structure that can be
used by individuals and groups to realize their interests" (Kunioka, **). According to
Todd Kunioka, social capital is the basis for which trust is derived aruong citizens.
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Social capital, therefore, is important to the idea of civil society. Civil society develops
social capital through its ability to bring together citizens with common interests and
goals. This, in turn, generates a trust among the citizens. This trust creates a more stable
structure on which to build a democracy. Kunioka summarizes this point by stating,
"both modernization and democratization are the results of the same set of preconditions"
(Kunioka). Clearly, the set of preconditions that Kunioka is referring to can be reverted
back to the preconditions that are derived by the will of the citizens whose opinions are
heard through various forms of social capital established within a civil society. Without
the existence of social capital, the opinions of the society would have little influence over
the future of the society. The absence of such opinions would result in the absence of a
foundation for modernization and democratization.
Communism completely drained the Central and Eastern European countries of
their social capital, as it had destroyed their civil society. This, in turn, brought about a
society of political passivity and deep distrust. The collapse of communism left behind a
society without a sense of community that was plagued with cynicism and alienation.
Kunioka asserts that the higher the level of social capital in existence following the fall of
communism in the CEEC's, the easier the transition to democracy has been (Kunioka).
This is a result of the foundation of trust among citizens and the society, which allows for
the feeling of greater stability and confidence in societies that were made to feel very
skeptical under their former communist governments.
A solution to the skepticism of the people could be found in the establishment of
constitutions. Constitutionalism focuses on bringing together the people of a nation
through the establishment of a constitution and a rule of law that provides the people with
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an identity and common purpose. The important role of constitutionalism in the Central
and Eastern European countries has become evident since the inception of the new
democratic structures. As a result of the past experiences of Central and Eastern
European citizens under the communist regimes, the concept of rights and individualism
has been lost on the cultures. The people of these societies do not understand the
importance of individual rights being presented to the entire population. These rights
have not been previously experienced in the CEEC's, and therefore the existence of such
rights, which would be allotted to all citizens through a constitution, is a foreign concept.
"The legacy of social guarantees under communism has left an inclination to view human
rights as equated not with individual, civic and political rights, but largely with economic
and social rights" (Kaldor, 9.)
Basically, the CEEC's lack a rights based culture, and, in turn, experience many
human rights problems. As a result of historical experiences of the CEEC' s citizens, they
are focused on economic performance and collective rights. The concentration of
communism on the economy and social equality instilled this mentality among the
citizens. For this reason, a common rule of law holds an important place in the
democratic transition because constitutionalism emphasizes the nation as a whole where
as the rights based concept focuses more on the citizen as an individual, which is a
concept beyond the understanding of the CEEC' s citizens due to their experiences.
Because the citizens of Central and Eastern Europe are not able to operate as individuals
due to their lack of experience in the area, the governments focused heavily on bringing
the citizens together as a nation through a constitution that would encompass their goals,
aspirations, values and basic beliefs (Kaldor, 8).
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Arato adressess the crucial nature of forming adequate constitutions for the
governments of Central and Eastern Europe: "In the post-1989 societies of East and
Central Europe, facing rapid economic transformation and potentially deep social,
ideological, and even cultural divisions, the importance of producing a widely accepted,
secure, and operational constitutional framework can hardly be overestimated" (1 68 ).
Arato is reinforcing the importance of an all-encompassing structure within the postcommunist
societies. These countries are in need of a solid constitution that will provide
a clear and enforceable rule of law for people who are facing radical changes throughout
their societies. The establishment of such a framework allows for the transformation to be
controlled through law in a manner that is productive and progressive, which will aid the
changes taking place.
However, the establishment of constitutions in many of these countries has led to
questionable outcomes in terms of legality and enforcement. This leaves the question of
whether the constitutions were formed upon the correct basis of legal continuity in most
of the CEEC's (Arato, 175 ). In some cases, "the method of legal continuity led to failure
to produce a new constitution for the inherited state unit" (Arato, 177 .) Moreover,
revolutions have also arisen due to the failure of constitutional legality. There have,
nevertheless, been successes in this area where continuity was maintained, but not
without issues of legitimacy. This has left the people of Central and Eastern European
Countries questioning some of the effects of democratization (Arato, 178 ). The
constitutions that were put into place were intended to provide a solid framework for the
general public. The failure of this purpose reflects upon the perception of the citizens in
regard to the success of the democracy. If the center point of a democracy, the
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consitition, is in adequate, the opinion of the citizens regarding the success of the
democracy is likely to be negative. This is not the sort of experience needed by the
Central and Eastern Europeans. They have been subjected to a great deal of instability in
the past and a solid framework is necessary in order to instigate progress.
The final major factor in the democratization process has proven to be the
economic structure and situation of the Central and Eastern European countries. The
economic situation has been very important to their transformation because the transition
to democracy was seen by the citizens to be in direct compliance with the transition of the
economies from planned economies to open markets. This focus on economic
performance is a fundamental idea that was brought about by the economic focus of the
former communist regimes. The citizens of the former communist countries were
conditioned to associate economic success with political success, meaning the transition
to democracy was, for some people, directly related to the success of the new and revised
economies. Furthermore, "demands for political change had a strong instrumental
component; that is, as well as being seen by many as an end in itself, democracy was
conceived as a means of promoting economic development" (Maravall, 101). The
Communist structure of planned economies had left the CEEC's economies in terrible
condition. The economic model of a centrally planned economy had proved horribly
inefficient. Some of the problems that persisted as a result of the Communist economic
structure were shortages, soft budget constraints, monopolistic concentration of
production and the absence of initiatives due to the lack of competition (Maravall, 101.)
This, in turn, brought hopes to many people that a well functioning democracy would
carry over into the economy as a result of the view that the two were correlated. In
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essence, the citizens of the Central and Eastern European Countries attributed democratic
success and failure to economic success and failure and vice versa.
Therefore, the Central and Eastern European countries proceeded with an
economic transition that would impact the popular view of the political transition. The
results of the transformation to markets were not as positive for the countries as they had
hoped due to their inexperience with markets and lack of knowledge in terms of
competition and management. The governments cut production subsidies in order to
reduce public expenditure, but the fall of GDP and cost of social transfers caused the
expenditure to rise once again. Wages began to fall, unemployment experienced a steep
rise, poverty and inequality increased and education and health care deteriorated.
(Maravall, 118 , 120). Quite simply, the lack of knowledge regarding markets had
handicapped these countries in their attempt to transform. The state of the market
economies of these countries merely depends on time and experience.
When the countries have become more familiar with the manner in which markets
function, they will be more apt to succeed. However, the immediate failure and lack of
knowledge in the area has contributed to some of the disenchanted views of some in
regard to the state of the Central and Eastern European democracies. The fact that the
economies experienced shocks that the average citizens were not prepared for brought
about uneasy feelings regarding the new democratic political structures in place as a
result of the perceived association between the political and economic success. This
could be detrimental to political progress in the fact that the citizens are the center of a
democracy and if the citizens are disenchanted as a result of a lack of education regarding
market economies and democracies the democracy may experience difficulties.
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Undoubtedly, many factors have impacted the political state of the democracies in
Central and Eastern Europe. These factors have become prominent within the societies
they affect and they continue to have a role in the evolution of the democracies as a result
of their prominent position in the structure. These factors could advance to a point that
would be detrimental to the political progress of these countries or they could be
recognized and accounted for in the developments that are to come. In an effort to
understand how these factors have impacted individual societies, it is necessary to assess
the situations of individual transformation countries.
III. Case Study: The Czech Republic
The
Women in the Minnesota DFL: Identity Politics and the Dilemma of Difference
No full textThis essay presents seven interviews with women in the Minnesota Democratic Farmer Labor Party (DFL) and examines how these interviews relate to questions of women's identity in politics. By sharing the backgrounds, ideas and experiences of these women, I hope to bring forth a bit of their personal lives and show the differences that exist amongst them in order to address the monolithic categories often created through invocations of identity.
The women interviewed in this study include: Becky Boland, Ruth Johnson, Alana Christensen, Joan Growe, Neva Walker, Betsy O'Berry, and Mary McEvoy. Some of these women have made a few headlines over the years for one reason or another, but most of them have not. These women come from what I would term "active" layers of the party. They are actively involved and invest their personal time, energy, and other resources in pushing forth the party and its candidates.
An examination of interviewing as a feminist research technique is the point of departure for this essay, where I also outline my methodology. Next, I openly acknowledge my personal relationship to the topic of this study and then present some historical background on women in Minnesota politics. The interviews follow in two sections with a small portion of analysis in between. Once these interviews have been presented, theoretical texts that point to some of the dangers of identity politics will be examined. Susan Bickford, Hannah, Arendt, Gloria Anzaldua and Cherrie Moraga are theorists whose contributions enable us to critically reflect on the dangers of identity politics as they relate to the interviews in this section of my analysis. Finally, in spite of the dangers that emerge, I will argue for the continued use of the category of woman in order to instigate political change in our society. The type of I model propose will utilize an active contestation and redefinition of identity based on the Butlerian notion of contingent foundations, which recognizes the limits of identity while same time retaining these shifting categories as a basis for progressive political change. Bickford's ideas surrounding the "publicness" of identity also play an important role in this model.Women in the
Minnesota DFL:
Identity Politics
and the Dilemma
of Difference
By Amber Wobschall
Senior Thesis
May 21 8
\ 2001
Professor Jill Locke
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Introduction
This essay presents seven interviews with women in the Minnesota Democratic
Farmer Labor Party (DFL) and examines how these interviews relate to questions of
women's identity in politics. By sharing the backgrounds, ideas and experiences of these
women, I hope to bring forth a bit of their personal lives and show the differences that
exist amongst them in order to address the monolithic categories often created through
invocations of identity.
The women interviewed in this study include: Becky Boland, Ruth Johnson,
Alana Christensen, Joan Growe, Neva Walker, Betsy O'Berry, and Mary McEvoy.1 Some
of these women have made a few headlines over the years for one reason or another, but
most of them have not. These women come from what I would term "active" layers of the
party. They are actively involved and invest their personal time, energy, and other
resources in pushing forth the party and its candidates.
An examination of interviewing as a feminist research technique is the point of
departure for this essay, where I also outline my methodology. Next, I openly
acknowledge my personal relationship to the topic of this study and then present some
historical background on women in Minnesota politics. The interviews follow in two
sections with a small portion of analysis in between. Once these interviews have been
presented, theoretical texts that point to some of the dangers of identity politics will be
examined. Susan Bickford, Hannah, Arendt, Gloria Anzaldua and Cherrie Moraga are
theorists whose contributions enable us to critically reflect on the dangers of identity
politics as they relate to the interviews in this section of my analysis. Finally, in spite of
1 I have chosen not to include formal titles in this initial introduction to point to the equality of importance
that each of the voices included has contributed to this study in sharing their personal experiences with me.
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the dangers that emerge, I will argue for the continued use of the category of woman in
order to instigate political change in our society. The type of I model propose will utilize
an active contestation and redefinition of identity based on the Butlerian notion of
contingent foundations, which recognizes the limits of identity while same time retaining
these shifting categories as a basis for progressive political change. Bickford' s ideas
surrounding the "publicness" of identity also play an important role in this model.
Interviews and Methodology
According to Steinar K vale, "Interviews are conversations where the outcome is a
co-production of the interviewer and the subject"(xvii). The interview questions utilized
in this study were mainly open-ended, leaving each participant a space to mold and shape
their own thoughts and ideas. While the open-ended nature of the questions utilized
allows participants to formulate their own responses (as opposed to choosing from certain
categories or simple yes and no responses), these questions inevitably lead the women to
discuss particular issues. The questions themselves, how they are framed, what order I
ask them in, and to whom I address them all form part of the interaction that produces the
final results of this structured conversation.
However, while the questions I ask may lead the participant to address certain
issues or think about them in a new light, the answers given will not necessarily be what I
expect to hear. In this way, one can see how personal bias can weed itself out of the study
on a certain level. On the other hand, when fielding additional comments outside of the
designated questions and when selecting which portions of each interview to share, my
personal choices in these contexts have played a further role in shaping this study.
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Interviewing as a methodology is of particular importance to this study. Shulamit
Reinharz notes that, "Open-ended interview research produces non-standardized
information that allows researchers to make fu ll use of differences among people" (18).
As this study sets out to examine the multiplicity of voices that women in the Minnesota
DFL hold, the open-ended questions utilized seem to best fit this sort of research.
In order to move away from the view that elected officials are the only women in
politics, I was deliberative in interviewing former candidates who have not been elected
to office, campaign staffers, party activists, and volunteers as well as elected officials.
While elected officials are most often looked towards in examining women in a given
political party, I find that the voices of staffers, volunteers and activists bring forth an oftignored
yet important perspective of women's experiences in the political arena.
The majority of the research for this essay comes from personal interviews with
women in the Minnesota DFL. Two separate time frames and sets of questions were used
in the interviews presented in this analysis. The first interviews took place in 1999 for an
independent study I completed titled, "Women in the Minnesota DFL: Leadership and
Public Policy." Joan Grawe, Alana Christensen and Mary McEvoy were all interviewed
at that time. The questions used in this first round of interviews were:
• Where were you born and raised?
• Where do you currently reside?
• What positions of leadership have you held- both within and outside DFL?
• What does your current position entail? Type of work, time commitments, skills
needed etc.
• What sorts of challenges did you face getting to the place that you are at now?
• Do believe that you have faced any challenges specifically because you are a woman?
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• Did you find either formal or informal support structures that were helpful to you that
were focused on women? If so, what were they, how did they help, and did they cross
party lines?
• Why did you get involved in politics?
• What political issues are the most important to you?
• Do you have any additional comments about being a woman in politics?
Additional questions were fielded when I found them to be necessary or to help with
elaboration on a particular subject; this varied for each woman interviewed. Many
women also told stories or elaborated on issues not directly related to these questions.
Additionally, Neva Walker, Betsy O'Berry, Ruth Johnson, and Becky Boland were
interviewed with a new set of questions that better address issues of women's identity in
politics. Questions utilized in this group follow:
• Name and birthdate
• Where were you born and raised?
• Please describe a bit about your upbringing (Family background, ethnic heritage,
religion, income category, community, race, education, employment)
• When and how did you first become involved in politics? Any particular life
experience?
• What is your relation to the party? Please tell me about positions ( elected office or
otherwise) you have held, committee assignments (if holds elected office),
activities you have been involved in, candidates you have worked for, issues you
have worked on etc.
• Why did you become involved in the DFL?
• What are your major policy or issue concerns?
• Did you find any barriers to becoming involved in politics? What were the
sources of these barriers? Did you find any resources to overcome them (internal
party structures or external networks)?
• Did you have any political mentors? If so, who were they?
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• What does it mean to you to be a woman in politics? Are there certain
advantages/disadvantages?
• Do you ever feel pressure to represent certain issues because you are a woman?
How do you react to that pressure?
• Do you have any other comments to make about being a woman in the DFL?
Personal Relation
My experiences as a woman in the Minnesota DFL began in 1994. I became a part
of the Young DFL group at my high school and became involved as a volunteer in my
first political campaigns prior to my own eligibility to vote. The Rieder for Congress
campaign, which I was involved in that year, helped lay the foundation for my continued
involvement in the party, especially helping out on the campaign trail.
Since that time I have volunteered on numerous political campaigns for local,
statewide and national offices and have worked a summer job on an exploratory
committee. I have served as Chair, Associate Chair, and Regional Organizer for College
Democrats of Minnesota and Chair of my campus affiliate. Most recently, my focus has
shifted from the party to issue-oriented work in the field of reproductive rights.
My experiences as a woman in the Minnesota DFL have been full of highs and
lows. I have dealt with numerous frustrations stemming from internal party conflict, yet
gained new insights and perspectives from these experiences. I have had the privilege of
working with those who are supportive of youth involvement in the party and the
hardship of dealing with those who are critical. I have enjoyed the adrenaline rushes that
accompany campaign work and also experienced the disappointment of losing a close
race. I have met amazing women and men who inspire my political involvement and
teach me new things, as well as those who make me want to give up and walk away
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through their exclusionary visions. All these things have come to me as a woman in the
Minnesota DFL. This essay provides a vision of what other women in the party have
experienced, why they are involved, and how this relates to the category of "women" in
politics today.
To begin this study, we look to the past to find the roots of women's involvement
in politics in Minnesota. Who were the suffragists and what issues were they concerned
with? What do their issues and interests tell us about the identity of women in politics at
the time? We move from the suffragist's past to examine three interviews focusing on
barriers and support structures for women in the Minnesota DFL with a bit of analysis.
These sections are followed by four more interviews that delve deeper into issues of the
identity of women in the party. A theoretical analysis of women's identity as it pertains to
Minnesota politics brings to study to a close, pointing to some of the limits of identity
politics while retaining an argument for the necessity of the category of woman to
instigate political change.
History of Women in Minnesota Politics2
Minnesota's history of women in politics grew into an organized front during the
suffrage movement. Organizations such as the Minnesota Woman Suffrage Association
(MWSA), Minneapolis Equality Club, and the Duluth Woman Suffrage Circle all began
to form in the early 1880's (Stuhler 293, Hurd 10). In 1885, Minneapolis was chosen as
the site of the American Woman Suffrage Association Convention (Stuhler 295).
2 This section is based off research from a 1998 paper I wrote entitled "Minnesota and Women's Suffrage:
Leaders, Followers and Legislation."
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In the early 1900's more suffrage focused organizations began to spring up
around the state. The Minnesota Women's Christian Temperance Union formed and
began to work for prohibition and voting rights (Stuhler 296). A woman by the name of
Ethel Hurd, and her daughter Annah, took prominent roles in the formation and
leadership of the Minneapolis Equality Club, the Scandinavian Woman Suffrage
Association and the Worker's Equal Suffrage League (Stuhler 296).
The Scandinavian population was a large resource base for Minnesota. The
Scandinavian role in the suffrage movement was perhaps most interesting in that many
immigrants from this area actually lost the right to vote upon entering the United States.
Moreover, pulling women workers into the suffrage cause was extremely important at
this time considering that in 1900 Minnesota was the leading state in number of women
that worked outside the home (Bingham 435). More women from the business and
industry sector came into the mix under the formation of the Women's Welfare League in
Ramsey County in 1912 (Stuhler 299).
In 1915 Historian Henry Castle noted that suffrage and prohibition had already
been linked in the public eye (Castle 412). Minnesota felt the effects of a national split on
the suffrage issue around this time, focused on bold tactics versus "sensible activity"
(Castle 412). Minnesota's own Bertha Moller was arrested eleven times for protesting at
the White House; leading a hunger strike on one occasion (Stuhler 299). Other Minnesota
women were also active in civil disobedience at this time.
The only African American suffrage leader noted in historical texts is Nellie
Francis, founder of the Everywoman Suffrage Club in St. Paul in 1914 (Stuhler 300).
Francis drafted and helped persuade the Minnesota legislature to pass the first anti-
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lynching law in the United States in 1921 after a lynching took place in Duluth (Stuhler
300).
As a result of these organized groups, partial suffrage was first granted to women
in Minnesota in 1897 towards issues pertaining to schools, libraries and their boards
(Folwell 334). This reflects the idea that women's work in these realms was socially
accepted; women were encouraged to maintain their roles as caretakers and teachers in
their political involvement.
These suffrage organizations and their various points of interest suggest that
important issues for women in politics in Minnesota were related to social concerns, the
immigrant population, prohibition and the increase of women in labor. Anti-suffrage
movements were also working at this time as a sort of backlash to what many saw as a
negative impact of having women involved. For example, the link between suffrage and
prohibition created opposition in labor interests in the brewing industry in Minnesota and
the concerns with poverty and social justice created opposition in many who feared
"socialist" leanings.
These women involved in the suffrage movement in Minnesota helped lay the
foundation that ensured the rights of the women involved in this study to participate fully
in the political arena today. Initial interviews given to Alana Christensen, Mary McEvoy
and Joan Grawe are examined in this next section. These are all women actively
participating in Minnesota politics today. Their identities as women in politics seem to be
based somewhat around struggles for equality like those for suffrage were.
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Initial Interviews3
Alana Christensen
Alana Christensen was born in Minneapolis and raised in White Bear Lake,
Minnesota. She currently lives in Minneapolis and serves as Executive Director at Target
Market, an organization that fights "big tobacco" for targeting youth. This organization is
part of the Minnesota Lung Association and was formed out of Minnesota's tobacco
settlement funds. Prior to this new position Christensen was a political campaign guru
and a Congressional staff member. Most of her efforts have been centered around former
Congressman David Minge, who she began working for in DC as Deputy District
Director and Deputy Chief of Staff in the early 1990's.Christensen moved back to
Minnesota to serve on Minge' s campaigns in various capacities including Campaign
Manager in 1998, the year before this interview took place.
Christensen noted that earning trust, developing skills staying active and informed
were all needed in getting to where she is today. In terms of how these skills relate to
being a woman, Christensen stated that in Minnesota you have to work hard as a woman
to obtain and maintain a leadership position. When speaking of women and men in
upper-level positions on the campaign trial, she notes, "Just because they [men] had the
position they were respected, I really had to earn my respect." Christensen also believes
that because she is a woman she becomes the "go to" for administrative and organizing
issues, whereas other men in her position would not be assumed to take on this role.
Minnesota politics feels like a "good old boys club" for Christensen. She states,
"There are less battles in Washington than in Minnesota, being a woman." This has
3 This section is based ofresearch for an independent study I did in 1999, resulting in an essay titled
"Women in the Minnesota DFL: Leadership and Public Policy".
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caused some struggles, however she also had to battle questions concerning "how long
have you been around," especially when she first arrived back in Minnesota after living
in DC.
For Christensen, having another woman in your organization is an important
support structure. She notes that, "You certainly try to find the best person for a job, but
you can't enter into a hiring practice without some biases ... It would be unfair to say that
I was not slightly biased if! could find just as capable of a woman [for a given position].
You feel the comradery in wanting to help other women for sure." Christensen believes
that friends and family members are helpful support structures too. In DC, Christensen
found a great women's support group through the Office of Employee Assistance. This
organization crossed party lines, helping women of all ages from different levels at
various offices on the hill.
Christensen originally became involved in politics to make a difference and have
an impact. She grew up in a liberal household noting, "There never was a question about
why I was a Democrat, so it was a question of politics or the party." The most important
issues for her include welfare reform, the right to choose, and education.
Christensen was inspired by Blanche Lambert Lincoln who, "went from
Congresswoman, to having twins, to becoming a Senator... She wasn't going to have
that 'left wing of the party's women only' to stand on. She is pretty middle of the road,
moderate and was going to have to use other means. She played a pretty big role in the
blue dogs, who are certainly as a group one with a big ego." Furthermore, Christensen
admires the way Lambert Lincoln handles herself, "she has been able to do it and not
have to become a bitch. A lot of times you watch a woman have to become a bitch,
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sometimes, in order to be taken seriously. Or just really strong-willed and forceful,
instead of being a bitch ... She has remained down to earth. There are hurdles to doing
that and going to Washington anyway and there is a double hurdle if you are a woman."
JoanGrowe
Former Minnesota Secretary of State Joan Growe was born in Minneapolis and
grew up in Buffalo, Minnesota. She graduated from high school in 1953. Growe was
elected to the state legislature in 1972 and served on the DFL steering committee during
this time. She was the first woman to serve on that committee, which decides what bills
will be heard, whether they will get out of committee and what last will make the cut for
last minute decisions. In 197 4, Growe became Secretary of State of Minnesota, retiring in
1999. In 1984, Growe ran for US Senate and lost. She has served as the president of the
national Secretary of States Association and has been on many national boards regarding
elections, voter and citizen participation. In 1999, she was involved in an organization
that helps emerging democracies by mon
The Implications of Integration into the European Union
No full textThe year 2000 has become symbolic of a new age, and at the forefront of this new era is the idea of globalization. The trend in global politics is the notion of coalitions of nations prospering economically through trade agreements and open markets. GATT, WTO, APEC, and NAFTA are a few of the more celebrated trade unions created between nation states. However, the European Union, is the largest coalition of nation-states ever created. The aim of the EU is to establish an open market within the member states, which encourages free trade among nations featuring market economies. Presently the EU has fifteen member nations, but with the start of the new millennium there will be a two-stage integration process that will include eleven more nations to the union. There are skeptics that believe that the nations involved in the integration process are not prepared for membership into the EU, and that the acceptance of their application will lead to problems for both the member nations and the applicant nations. However, I believe that the applicant nations, at least the ones involved in the first stage of the integration process, will be prepared to meet the stringent criteria outlined by the EU, and be of an economic and political condition that will contribute to benefits both for the member nations and the applicant country.The Implications of Integration into the European Union
Benjamin Lipari
Thesis
The year 2000 has become symbolic of a new age, and at the forefront of this new
era is the idea of globalization. The trend in global politics is the notion of coalitions of
nations prospering economically through trade agreements and open markets. GATT,
WTO, APEC, and NAFT A are a few of the more celebrated trade unions created between
nation states. However, the European Union, is the largest coalition of nation-states ever
created. The aim of the EU is to establish an open market within the member states, which
encourages free trade among nations featuring market economies. Presently the EU has
fifteen member nations, but with the start of the new millennium there will be a two-stage
integration process that will include eleven more nations to the union. There are skeptics
that believe that the nations involved in the integration process are not prepared for
membership into the EU, and that the acceptance of their application will lead to problems
for both the member nations and the applicant nations. However, I believe that the
applicant nations, at least the ones involved in the first stage of the integration process, will
be prepared to meet the stringent criteria outlined by the EU, and be of an economic and
political condition that will contribute to benefits both for the member nations and the
applicant country.
The six nations eligible for acceptance into the EU in 2003 are the Czech Republic,
Poland, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, and Cyprus. The basic condition of these nations
must involve political stability that encourages policy that promotes institutions intrinsic to a
market economy. This includes deregulation of such industries as banking, investment,
energy, communications, transportation and agriculture. The benefits that will be visible
with the inclusion of these six nations will be numerous, as seen from a political, social and
economic perspective.
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BACKGROUND
The EU is currently made up of fifteen nations, which are: Italy, Germany, France,
England, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Netherlands, Luxembourg, Greece, Denmark,
Belgium, Austria, Finland, and Sweden. These nations make up a regional entity that
enjoys an internal market that is second too only the United States. The EU has a per capita
income of about 6.3 trillion, compared to the
United States which has a per capita income of 8.1 trillion. The
members of the EU have opened up their borders to provoke the free flow of goods,
labour, and capital.
The most current development in policy created by the EU is the introduction of the
European Monetary Union (EMU). The EMU is participated in by eleven of the fifteen
member states, which are Italy, Germany, France, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Netherlands,
Luxembourg, Belgium, Austria, and Finland. The central character of the EMU is the
European Central Bank (ECB), or the Bundesbank, in Munich, Germany. The ECB
directs monetary policy within the EMU, and controls fluctuations of the currency
associated with the EMU, the Euro.
As I stated in the beginning, the arrival of the year 2000 has inspired a symbolic
idealism of a new era, and therefore new ideas and agendas. The EU is not exempt from
this type of thinking and has created policy directed at the next millennium called Agenda
2000. This agenda is focused on enlarging the EU involving nations of Central and
Eastern Europe. The integration process is intended to take place in two stages, six nations
inducted in 2003, and five other nations in 2006. After the integration process is complete,
the EU will have a population of 500 million citizens, which is almost double the 278
million people who will inhabit the US in 2006.
Agenda 2000 is concentrated on a couple of significant elements of growth. First,
and foremost, is the expansion of the European Union to include the nations involved in
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radical reform in favor of democratic institutions and market economies. Second, political
stabilization is necessary in order for economic prosperity to take place; hence there is the
assumption that nations included into the EU will emphasize the need for political cohesion
between factions with conflicting ideologies. There is a definite concern for the minorities
receiving proper treatment in the nations of Central and Eastern Europe. Thirdly, the
integration of nations from Central and Eastern Europe will shift the center of the EU
farther east, which will necessitate the EU to develop policy with nations who were not so
affected by the EU' s current geographical position, namely Russia. All of these factors
present a challenge for the EU.
Leading up to the formulation of the Agenda 2000 were several treaties and
conferences which engaged member nations of the union on topics affecting applicant
countries involved in the integration process.
An extremely important aspect of a union between this many nations is the ability
that is present to outline environmental policy. Too often is the case that environmental
degradation is swept under the rug because a group of nations do not view a common
interest in regulating environmental problems. The EU views the need for environmental
regulation as a necessary means to establishing a high quality economic and social
environment for its citizens. A forum to express environmental concerns took place in
Copenhagen, Sweden in June of 1993.
Within the framework of the Treaty of Copenhagen there will be a focus on sources
of environmental problems involved in the sectors of road traffic, railways, airports, and
industrial noise. Acknowledging the current conditions of environmental degradation will
make the transition for integrating nations much easier. A global crisis has been the
developing world's refusal to adhere to any environmental regulation as they aspire toward
a greater economic future. The nations integrating into the union from Eastern and Central
Europe will have regulations outlined for them, so that as they prosper industrially there
will be an effort to maintain environmental protection as well.
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Another topic that has been addressed by the union members is the strategy of using
the forum of the union to increase employment rates. Such concerns were outlined in the
Treaty of Amsterdam signed on October 2, 1997. The Amsterdam conference produced a
few employment strategies that are to be instituted universally in the EU. The strategies are
outlined in a "four pillar" framework.
The first pillar is employability, which emphasizes a concern for the skill gap that is
evident through the union and even amongst regions of the same country. Every
unemployed adolescent and adult will be given an opportunity for a fresh start within 6
months and 12 months, respectively, of when they were last employed. Such an
opportunity may take the form of training, re-training, work practice, a job, or other
employability measures.
The second pillar is focused on developing entrepreneurship. An institutional
measure in place to facilitate investment in entrepreneurial activity is the European
Investment Bank (EIB). In addition, nations within the EU will need to make the
necessary reforms to ease the tax burden on small and medium sized businesses, especially
concerning labour costs.
The third pillar focuses on the adaptability of enterprises and workers to changing
technology and markets, industrial restructuring, and the development of new products and
services. This philosophical approach does not present such concise ideas for improving
labour concerns, but it does outline some important concerns that will need to be addressed
as the internal market progresses through time. In particular, it is documented that there
needs to be more of an investment made in human resource practices to combat the everincreasing
diversity in positions within new enterprises.
Lastly, the concern for equal opportunity is outlined. An emphasis is put on the
social and economic modernizing of societies so that men and women can be employed on
equal terms, establishing equal responsibilities within their positions. This provides the
union with an opportunity to maximize the growth capacity of the member economies.
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The current state of the EU is one symbolized by growth. In 1997, there was a
48.5 billion Euro trade surplus between members of the EU and other nations. 1998
brought about significant economic progress within the EU. Unemployment was down
.5% to a still high 9.6%. The EU experienced a GDP growth of 2.8%. Also in 1998,
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) was positive as the assets of EU members at 543billion
Euro heavily outweighed their liabilities, which were at 422billion Euro. 1
As these statistics indicate, the EU is currently a coalition of nations who have
instituted policy to enhance the standard of living of the citizens living within its' borders.
A trade surplus indicates that they are engaged in trade interactions with nations who have a
great demand for the products being exported by EU members. A reduction of the
unemployment rate indicates that more jobs are entering the market. An increase in total
GDP is significant because it affects the purchasing power of the EU, and also its
symbolizes growth within the internal market. The FDI numbers indicate that the EU
members are not just focusing on economic activity within the internal market, but also they
are investing and competing with other economies around the world economy. With the
internal market performing as well as it is, and the stability of member nations politically, it
provides an extremely positive opportunity for even more growth and liberal policy. A
great scenario for the enlargement of the EU by including selected nations from Central and
Eastern Europe.
1 Figures from EUROSTAT, Statistical Office of the European Communities in Luxembourg
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Preparing for Integration
To understand the policies of integration one must first appreciate the theory
involved in the complex and time consuming process that must take place in order for the
integration to be successful. The common goals set forth by the European Commission
(EC) in order to enhance the development of the union are based on political, economic,
and social beliefs. There is to be a balance in these three areas which lends to an
atmosphere in which individuals, companies, and institutions can flourish within the
internal market of the EU and among competitors of the global community as well.
The political atmosphere must be stable. Many of the nations applying for
membership have just become nations in the past decade and they are still struggling for a
political identity and ideology to conform to. As the integration criteria, to be discussed in
greater detail later, establishes, there needs to be a foundation of democracy firmly in place.
The union members also view the concept of party pluralism as an instrumental tool for
developing a strong foundation for the communication of the citizens' ideas and beliefs.
The more involved the citizens of a nation are in the democratization process the more
successful the transition to such a political identity will be. As the identity of democracy
evolves within a nation there needs to be support of its principles by institutions in order
for the citizens to believe in the effectiveness of such a system of governance. Institutions
that maintain order, enforce laws set forth by a constitution, provide justice for those who
have been taken advantage of, and ensure the liberties necessary for citizens to grow, both
as individuals and as members of a nation.
Democratization of a nation establishes that citizens of a country will be extended
certain liberties, or freedoms. The social environment under the umbrella of democracy
should guarantee rights to citizens that allow them to interact in a civil manner, prosper as
their individual aspirations provide for, and reap benefits of a welfare system if their
condition deems necessary. Among the nations applying for membership into the EU this
is not so easy of a task, with or without a democratic system. As I will explain later, there
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are many diverse subcultures within nations in Central and Eastern Europe. Whether these
subcultures are formed on the basis of ethnic, religious, racist, or sexist factions, there is
almost always a long and complicated history. These conflicts create tension between the
subcultures that is often times irreparable. The nations can only hope that citizens
interacting toward a common goal, of self-rule, will enhance lines of communications
between conflicting factions and a resolve, or an understanding of differences, may come
about.
The economic theory behind the policy of integration is a global trend toward the
establishment of a world economy. This trend views the lifting of trade barriers such as
tariffs, quotas, and other protectionist policies as a significant component of a lucrative
economic environment. The shift to market economies and the liberalization of trade
policies extend powers of economic control over to the market forces. The free flow of
labour, capital, and goods across borders encourages competition and distributes economic
activity in the market more evenly across the board. Competition in a free market is
believed to lower prices and increase product quality for consumers.
The instrumental factor behind the theory of an open market system involves the
institutional and structural policy, both political and economical, that encourages and
protect individual and company activity. Citizens must have rights that can be enforced and
protected, such as property and intellectual rights. A stable and just judicial system must be
in a place to discourage corrupt and devious behavior. The banking system must be stable
and produce confidence for investors. There must be a force to deter mafias and gangs
from illegitimatizing industries, and discouraging others from engaging in profitable
economic activity.
The policy created by the EC will be concentrated on resolving the political, social, and
economical concerns before mentioned. This policy takes the form of a "pre-accession
strategy" created by the EC to reinforce activities contributing to the compliance of the EC's
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acquis, or community standards for accession. The standards outlined correspond to both
a political and economic criteria.
The Copenhagen European Council stated that 'membership requires that the
candidate country has achieved stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of
law, human rights, and the respect for and protection of minorities'. This political criterion
for accession is rooted in the stability of institutions enabling the public authorities to
function properly and democracy to be consolidated. I will examine the progress each of
the six nations applying for integration in the first stage have made toward meeting this
criteria.
The economic criteria set forth at the Copenhagen Conference focused on two
concerns; one to be met for accession and the other to be complied with over the medium
term. The first is the existence of a functioning market economy in the applicant nations.
This criterion will be assessed on the basis of a few key factors. First, the equilibrium
between demand and supply must be established by the free interplay of market forces;
prices, as well as trade, need to be liberalized. Two, significant barriers to market entry
and exit are absent. Third, the legal system, including the regulation of property rights, is
in place; laws and contracts can be enforced. Fourth, macroeconomic stability has been
achieved including adequate price stability and sustainable public finances and external
accounts. Fifth, a broad consensus about the essentials of economic policy need to be
established. Finally, the financial sector should be sufficiently well developed to channel
savings towards productive im:estment.
The second economic criterion is stretched over the medium term and is not
necessary for accession into the Union. It announces the capacity of which an economy
should have to withstand competitive pressure and market forces within the Union. This
criterion will be assessed on the existence of a few critical measures. The first is the
existence of a functioning market economy, with a sufficient degree of macroeconomic
stability for economic agents to make decisions in a climate of stability and predictability.
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The second states that a sufficient amount, at an appropriate cost, of human and physical
capital, including infrastructure (energy supply, teleconununications, transport, etc.),
education and research, and future developments of these fields. Thirdly, the extent to
which government policy and legislation influence competitiveness through trade policy,
competition policy, state aids, support for SME's, etc. Fourth is the degree and the pace of
trade integration a country achieves with the Union before enlargement. This applies both
to the volume and the nature of goods already being traded with member states. Lastly, the
increased proportion of small firms, partly because small firms tend to benefit more from
improved market access, and partly because a dominance of large firms could indicate a
greater reluctance to adjust. The Commission does acknowledge that this second economic
criterion will be more difficult to gauge, and that many of the reforms implemented will
take time to produce noticeable results.
The criteria set up under the acquis leaves quite a bit of work for the applicant to
undergo in a very short period of time. Policy created to combat some of the difficulties
introduced by enlargement is necessary to promote development and the progression of a
liberalized philosophy in certain areas of the market. The dramatic decrease in per capita
GDP for the Union as a whole needs to be addressed. Ten of the nations seeking accession
have an overall GDP estimated at only 32% of the Conununity average. It will be
necessary to implement policies correlated to the acquis in order to prevent discrepancies
between national and Conununity instruments of reform. This particular situation needs to
be addressed, as it is symbolic of the backbone to any political, economic, and social
cohesion that is to be found upon accession. Most importantly, there is a need to address
the increased internal disparities that will be evident between the applicant countries and
those of the Union. This again drives the initiative of creating and implementing policy that
will contribute to the cohesion of institutions and individuals from applicant nations to the
EU members. As a result of the many difficulties facing the applicant countries in
complying with the acquis, the EC has set up programs and created policy that will provide
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the applicant nations with instruments designed to increase development, and guide the
adjustments being made to conform to EU standards.
The PHARE programme is to be the main instrument for assisting the applicant
nations economically. PHARE's main purpose is to prepare the applicant countries for
accession by focusing the assistance it provides on the two key priorities involved in the
adoption of the acquis, which are institution building and the financing of investment
projects. Funding for those two priorities will make-up 30% and 70%, respectively, of the
PHARE budget.
Investment capital necessary by the applicant nations to comply with the acquis is a
crucial factor in the end result of development projects. Aid provided through preaccession
funding can only meet its full potential if it can work in conjunction with funds
from the International Financial Institutions (IFls). On the second of March 1998 the
Commission signed a working agreement with the EBRD and World Bank to re-enforce
their co-operation and facilitate co-financing. In October of 1998 four more institutions
joined this agreement: Nordic Environment Finance Corporation (NEFCO), the Nordic
Investment Bank (NIB), the International Fund Corporation (IFC), and the Council of
Europe's Social Development Fund.
PHARE and the IFI's contribute to being the ma
The Advocation of Force by the United States: Iraqi Case Study
No full textThe topic that this paper is attempting to confront has been examined since the beginning of history. War has been the final solution in deciding power since man has existed. It has been glorified by the conquerors and vilified by the conquered. This paper will further examine an ageless question of the power struggle of man.The Advocation of Force by the United States
Iraqi Case Study
David McAndrews
Senior Thesis
Prof. Royce Ammon
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I. Introduction
The topic that this paper is attemptingio confront has been
examined since the beginning of history. War has been the final
solution in deciding power since man has existed. It has been
glorified by the conquerors, and vilified by the conquered. This
paper will further examine an ageless question of the power
struggle of man.
In today's world, war is not the first alternative to
resolving conflict. There is a multitude of peacekeeping
organizations, along with governments with monstrous diplomatic
corps to monitor the international scene. It would seem that
there are enough options for peace that war should be obsolete as
an option to solving problems. Unfortunately, there are state
players that continually resort to violence without any
consideration for its consequences. Under the new circumstances
of the post-Cold war the predictable enemy no longer exists. With
the simplicity of containment gone, the face of conflict
resolution must take a much different stand to maintain peace.
The future is unpredictable, but without new strong foreign policy
by the United States it will have to include more combat and less
counseling.
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It/4s my;belief that the use of force by the United States of
America should be advocated and used as a final resort to resolve
humanitarian and specific economic conflicts that directly ffest,/
the United States and its citizens. This is when all other
options have failed from pure diplomacy to blockades and
sanctions. War is not an easy option to accept, but it is
sometimes the only resolution. The United States and the other
nations of the First Tier have been left with the responsibility
of managing those countries that can no longer manage themselves.
Whether it was Somalia, or Bosnia, the United States has been put
at the forefront of a world police force that foces us to be
responsible for every international conflict. When the United
States takes on the challenge of an international crisis, it is
not the global community solving the problem, but the United
States. Those that need assistance look automatically to the
United States as the solution when it is truly the entire planet's
problem. This is where the need for a strong international
leadership to maintain global peace comes to the forefront.
The United Nations works into the scenario with a Security
Council made up of a variety of nations on very different
political ideoloaies. When the majority of this council makes a
decision, 1( clearly'has international support. It is globally
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popular to follow the lead of the United Nations and its
international council, rather than the lone policy of the United
States. For future success, the United Nations must assume a more
aggressive role than it did in the Gulf Crisis to promote a strong
global community. With U.S. foreign policy guiding the United
Nations, the need for an international peacekeeping body is
undermined.
Unless there are pure interests of the United States at risk,
whether it be economic, humanitarian, or defense of the United
States is only as responsible as the next First Tier country to
protect the unprotected. It is also necessary that force should
be used in economic situations that are powerful enough to change
the global economy for the worse. Just as human life at risk is
also justification for the use of force.
This paper will examine the use of force as a means for
peace-resolution by asking some very important questions. The
central question being, when should the United States advocate
force in foreign policy? This question must then be broken down
to two parts: When should the United States advocate force in
foreign policy unilaterally? And when should the United States
advocate force in foreign policy multilaterally throughjrnited
Nations and international law? After answering these questions
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this paper will pose that the United States advocation and use of
force in foreign policy is necessary any time that there is a
conflict of humanitarian, or economic importance that cannot be
resolved by any other method. The last part of this paper will
examine the international conflict in the Persian Gulf between the
allied forces and Iraq that was resolved through force and look at
the key factors that could have changed the scenario. By doing
this, this paper will be able to show how'my theory could have
been a better alternative to the actual events.
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II. When should the United States advocate force unilaterally in
foreign policy?
As the Cold War has been concluded the United States must
seriously adjust its conflict resolution tactics to suit the new
standards of our global community. The United States
communications systems allow for the general public to find out
breaking events just as fast as our government does. This allows
for immediate response and opinions from the general public.
Whether it is Yugoslavian-Americans lashing out for better policy
in the Balkans, or mothers crying for their son's safety in the
same situation it is clear that there are new standards needed for
a new age (White, Little, Smith, 1997:2-6). When we invaded
France on 0-Day in World War II, radio and telegraph spread the
news. Today, every action is picked up in seconds. There is very
little that can be done to shield the public's eye from the evils
of men.
Humanitarian Intervention
Human misery grasps the public's attention faster than
anything else does. When an individual witnesses the torture, or
destruction of another human being, the first reaction must be
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disgust {White, Little, Smith, 1997:134). The reasoning for why
it happened comes soon after and then the individual considers
what they can do to help. Logically, there is very little that
one individual can do, but when an organization is started, there
is a voice in numbers. By looking back into history, it is clear
that the United States has taken strong stands against those that
acted without concern for humanity. The best example is that of
W.W. II, when six million were unjustly murdered. Imagine the
further atrocities if the United States had not intervened.
After the events of the Second World War, the necessity for
an international organization to prevent any reoccurrence was
clear. After the failure of the League of Nations, the
development of the United Nations and the North American Treaty
Organization (NATO) have been the most predominant organizations
on the global scene. With organizations like this, it was thought
that the United States would merely be an equal with all of the
other First Tier nations in taking responsibility for
international conflicts. This, as history has shown, is quite
inaccurate. We, as a nation, have entered unilaterally into a
wide variety of international situations and take full charge and
responsibility. When we wanted to prevent the spread of communism
in Asia, we set the example with Vietnam. When the situation in
Somalia got out of hand, we were the majority again, and with the
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former Yugoslavia, the world waited for our guidance before making
any solid action towards the situation.
Protection of U.S. Citizens
This paper proposes that the only time the United States
should advocate and use force alone be for the protection of our
citizens within our borders and to ensure the safety Jf)r our
citizens overseas.
country attacks us,
T means that if anJ individual or
which we will counter with the appropriate
level of force. There are a variety of situations that have
arisen overseas that must be acknowledged. The hostage cris/s_ cjf
the early 19&o s re important to remember. Should the United
Stated use force in situations outside of its borders when
citizens lives area at risk? It is incomprehensible to sit on our
hands for months and months waiting for a hostage situation to
change for the better when the citizens at risk become mere pawns
in an international chess game. The United States is equipped
with the best weaponry that money can buy and the most highly
trained military professionals in the world (Hutchings,1998:XI).
Why should we maintain such a powerful military and not use it?
Those hostages paid taxes for education, social services, and the
military. This is evidence enough that it is our government's
responsibility to hold up to what has already been paid for.
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As was discussed earlier, the role of conflict resolution
leadership has been left on the United States. The priority for
the United States military must be the protection of the citizens
that maintain the military. It does not matter whethre are
one thousand citizens at risk, or one. It is ou nations/
responsibility to protect. It could be countered that we are all
global citizens, with equal rights, regardless of nationality.
This implies that we must all look out for each other's best
interests equally. As a citizen of the United States of America,
you have the benefits of this citizenship. The rest of the
world's citizens must be protected as well, but it is not solely
the United States responsibility. There should be no question of
the clear advantages of being an American citizen and when we are
tested, there should be no hesitation in the protection of our
citizens. This sends a clear message to any enemy of the State
that there is no toleration for the acts of aggression towards our
nation, no matter the number of citizens involved.
New Enemies Means New Policy
In consideration of when the United States should use force
in foreign policy, it is necessary to examine the potential
enemies of the State. Ten years ago, there was only one true
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enemy of the State, the Communists. Today, there is only one
Communist country that is powerful enough to be a threat, and
China is becoming more friendly everyday. There are strong human
rights issues coming out of that area, but it is not the United
States tesponsibility to solve that problem on our own. It is
clear that the troublemakers of the last few years have been
unconnected despots and dictators (Hutchings,1998:96). The most
prominent being Saddam Hussein, who has been causing international
conflict by being a combination of obstinate and psychotic.
Enemies like Saddam should be easily controlled by a strong
international organization. Unfortunately, there is not at
present an organization that can handle situations as simple as
Saddam's. This draws in the world superpowers for leadership.
With the strengthening of an organization like the United Nations
that it would become unnecessary to look first to the superpowers
for the answers.
The reasons for enemy aggression must be examined. We are in
an age where the destruction of the entire globe can be conducted
from two underground bunkers. It was made clear tnat weapons of
mass-destruction should not fall into any unapproved hands. This
basically meant that if you do not have them now, you are never
going to have them. This is clearly no longer the case. I see
the former Eastern Block countries as being a threat in this
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situation. With faltering economies and a booming black-market
there is no hindrance to pawning off the former USSR's stockpiles
to the highest bidder. Once again, the United Nations must take a
more active role in the monitoring and protection of such weapons.
If one lunatic is able to find a weapons system of massdestruction,
the possibility for a nuclear war is imminent.
Protection of National Economic Security
Another situation that will be arising in the future is the
fight for control of natural resources. It can be reflected, to
an extent, in the Gulf Conflict, where Saddam Hussein decided to
take the resources of another for self-advancement. The United
States pushed policy, because of the stake that we had in the
Middle East. As will be discussed later, the situation was not
properly resolved in my opinion. The fact was that Iraq's act of
aggression for oil grabbed everyone's attention. With the limits
of petroleum reserves being placed at under a century at most,
there is going to be an intense struggle for the alternatives, if
not for petroleum itself. This brings out the question of whether
or not the United States should advocate and use force in economic
situations at the international level? This confronts the value
of life itself when you put men at risk to protect, or reclaim
something that is less precious that life itself. There are
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individuals that value the dollar more than the lives of the
individuals at risk. It is/ifficult situation when you consider
that economic security is whAt keeps a nation secure. The
rationale for this comment is that without economic security there
can be no guarantee of national security. Without economic
security a country can be left open for a stronger nation to come
in and offer some finance and hope, for much more than what it is
worth.
It is my opinion that the United States must advocate and use
force in economic situations that will effect the United States
economic security. This clearly would have to be a critical
conflict where an enemy of the State took something of ours by
force. International piracy has never been acceptable. It is
possible that a gray area will exist within the legislative body
of our nation where the highest bidder can have their situation
examined and resolved. But this must be kept to a minimum. As a
nation, we rely on natural resources: petroleum, coal, natural
gas, and plutonium. Without these resources our industries would
b e crippled and everything that we as a nation have built could be
left in ruin. It is the military's position to protect the
country's future just as much as it protects the present.
This paper does not advocate the use of force by the United
States to dominate a particular market by getting rid of the
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competition. Any act of aggression to unfairly remove competition
is entirely unethical. It is unfortunately quite possible, as
Saddam has proven to the world. The United States must be
concerned first with its citizens. On the global scale we are
just as responsible as the next nation for solving international
conflict that cannot be solved internally between those countries
at question. We must protect our economy, our nation, and our
people. This view is only feasible with a strong United Nation
that is unafraid to take global action when needed. Without a
strong international organization the United States and the other
superpowers of the First Tier are going to be held responsible for
the protection of the weak everywhere. AsSec. of State
Christopher Warren stated on January 26,1995, "American leadership
requires that we be ready to back our diplomacy with credible
threats of force. This means that when our vital interests are at
stake, we must be prepared to act alone" (US Dispatch, 1995:59).
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III. When should the United States advocate and use force in
foreign policy multilaterally through the United Nations and
International Law?
There are still conflicts arising all over the world and
there is a need for an organization to take responsibility for the
resolution of these conflicts. Since 1945, the United Nations has
been at the forefront of world peacekeeping operations. The only
problem is that they are still not globally respected. According
to a survey in January of 1996 by the Program on International
Policy Attitudes at the University of Maryland, seventy-one
percent of Americans believe the United States plays the role of
world policeman too frequently (Zimmerman, 1996:64) . The UN did
not frighten Saddam Hussein from pirating natural resources and
the murderers in the former Yugoslavia did not worry about the
ramifications of their actions. If the UN were effective there
would not be any of these occurrences. This is where the United
States comes into the picture. Since we have one of the world's
finest militaries we are expected to lead against international
crisis/. This is unfair to assume that since we are one of the
!!l9st powerful nations in the world that we should be responsibl
for the rest of the world's problems. To best understand the
situation it is the first important to examine the advantages and
'
limitations of the UN in order to see why the United States has
1 3 Gustavus Student Repository
been expected to take on the role of the world's peace-keeping
force.
The Advantages of the United Nations
The simplest advantage that the UN has is its repository of
experience in peacekeeping. No other organization has had more
opportunities to solve conflict than the UN. On the other hand,
its repository of experience should not be weighed too heavily,
because each event is unique in one way or another. Another key
advantage is the impartiality of the body. When the UN comes into
a host country, it is not representing a single nation, but a wide
variety of members with different views. This is sometimes
weakened when there is a particularly large contributor, because
the action is reflected on to the influence of that contributor.
A good example of this would be the United States influence in
Somalia. It was a UN peacekeeping mission that was clouded by the
prominence of the United States flag. The people of Somalia could
easily perceive that their emancipator was the United States,
rather than the UN. Nonetheless, the UN is seen as a neutral body
idealistically.
The most important advantage to the UN is its framework. All
of the pieces are there for a dominating, powerful organization.
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From the Institute for Training and Research for educating staff
and outside interests, to plans for a UN peace-keeping staff
college and an adjoining research unit to specialize in conflict
resolution, the UN already has the means to educate the
practicalities of peace-keeping to anyone that is interested.
Unfortunately, although the framework is there, it does not mean
that it is working. The most basic problem is their peacekeeping
ideology.
The Limitations of the Untied Nations
The UN firmly stands on the idea that peacekeeping is more
about counseling than combat. This is a complete ideological
failure to expect that the voice of reason will solve a conflict
that was started by a lack thereof. It is hard to understand how
easily the idea is accepted that a violent conflict can be
stopped, or prevented by non-action. To tell a small child not to
take something without asking is one way, but odds are that the
rule will be broken until there is a distinct punishment for the
action. When a country is warned by the UN to cease a particular
action the country knows that the spotlight has been placed on
them. They also know that there will not be any direct
interference for months if any at all. Sometimes it necessary to
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punish the disobedient child in order to show the significance of
the rule.
If there were more direct enforcement through action, the
warnings at the beginning of a situation would be taken more
seriously. At present, one of the most popular threats is
embargoes and sanctions on the troubled nation, or nations. These
are easy for governments to accept for mandate, because they do
not have to stake any investment of manpower to "solve" the
problem. Politicians seem to be much more comfortable with
actions that can be made on a piece of paper rather than on the
batt lefield. This is drawing out a problem that could be resolved
much more quickly through force. If there is a war in or between
nations who do you think gets penalized the worst by sanctions,
the military, or the citizens? If you are fighting a war the
first thing that you are going to attempt to maintain is the
military, which adversely effects the population. ThUN lacks
the re tt needs, because there is not enough fea of them.
If you are a peaceful nation that can solve it's problems
diplomatically, then you have nothing to fear. It is the
countries that solve their problems internally and externally
through force that must be dealt with through force. The United
States has a responsibility to contribute monetarily and
militarily to any such operation as the next nation.
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United Nations Charter
The reason for this passivity by the UN comes directly out of
the Charter of the United Nations. There are two chapters that
specifically confront conflict resolution. The firsif(it /4ntitled,
11 Actioh with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of Peace,
and Acts of Aggression." Two articles out of this chapter were
the most revealing.
Article 41: The Security Council may decide what measures not
involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give
effects to its decisions, and it may call upon the
members of the United Nations to apply such measures.
These may include complete or partial interruption of
economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal,
telegraphic, radio and other methods of communication, and
severance of diplomatic relations.
Article 42: Should the Security Council consider that
measures provided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or
have proved to be inadequate, it may ta
Public Policy in the Political Climate of America [Actual Title Unknown]
No full textExamining public policy in the political climate of America today is, to say the least, a daunting proposition. Attempting to examine drug policy in America today brings one perilously close to this political third rail. Over the course of recent years the political structure of America has remained politically entrenched in the prohibitionist model. Any politician perceived as soft on drugs is immediately distanced by political allies and ridiculed by political adversaries. Attorney General Janet Reno was silenced by President Bill Clinton on the issue of drug policy after she made brief remarks in effect saying that exploration of a drug policy alternative to a strictly prohibitionist regime may be a good idea. The reality is that many members of American society from a diverse array of backgrounds support the notion that a re-evaluation of America's drug policy is needed to stem the tide of drug-related violence. These people generally see severe societal consequences as resulting from America's militant prohibitionist drug policy.Introduction
Part I
Table of Contents
2-4
American and Dutch Drug Policy: Historical Development and its Relevancy to the
Current Drug Policy Debate 5-14
Part II
Contemporary American Drug Policy: An Investigation and Evaluation
Part III
Dutch Drug Policy: Cultural Circumstance of Development and Harm Reduction
Concepts for Reform in the United States
Conclusion
Notes
15-28
29-36
36-38
39-40
Special thanks to Dr. Chris Gilbert, Political Science Chair, Gustavus Adolphus College for his guidance and support
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2
Introduction
Examining public policy in the political climate of America today is, to say the
least, a daunting proposition. Attempting to examine drug policy in America today
brings one perilously close to this political third rail. Over the course of recent years the
political structure of America has remained politically entrenched in the prohibitionist
model. Any politician perceived as soft on drugs is immediately distanced by political
allies and ridiculed by political adversaries. Attorney General Janet Reno was silenced
by President Bill Clinton on the issue of drug policy after she made brief remarks in
effect saying that exploration of a drug policy alternative to a strictly prohibitionist
regime may be a good idea. The reality is that many members of American society from
a diverse array of backgrounds support the notion that a re-evaluation of America's drug
policy is needed to stem the tide of drug-related violence. These people generally see
severe societal consequences as resulting from America's militant prohibitionist drug
policy.
These feelings are not expressed by America's current political structure.
Lawmakers continue to ignore correctional facilities being filled as fast as they are
constructed with drug offenders, and the violence in the inner cities of urban America
endangers an entire generation from ever escaping the nightmare of poverty and
suffering. The fact that there are many in support of re-evaluation and reform of current
drug policy cannot be disputed, but what is highly subjective within these groups is the
direction in which America should proceed. As the lone superpower in today's post-Cold
War international political environment, America plays the most important role in setting
the agenda not only for itself, but also as an example to the world. In this context, the
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decisions and policy directives America chooses in the next round of drug policy
formation may very well prove the most important and far-reaching since the
prohibitionist requirements of the Marshall Plan.
3
In t he midst of the American drug-policy discussion is the Netherlands. A small
Benelux country that known globally for modifying the American/International
prohibitionist trend. The Dutch continue to refine policy in hopes of discovering an
appropriate balance between prohibition and legalization. The unique political and
cultural climate of the Netherlands has allowed the Dutch government to pursue a drug
policy unlike any found anywhere in the world. A distinct separation between hard and
soft drugs, a public health approach to addiction, and strict prohibition and policing of the
large scale drug trade characterize the Dutch model of drug policy. Knowledge and
examination of the Dutch and American drug policy models lends one insight into what
can be done to help alleviate the problems associated with drug use and drug related
violence. In the context of a change of perspective that shifts emphasis away from
escalation of prohibition, the knowledge one can gain from examination of the American
and Dutch models can provide ideas for the design of a new policy with new objectives
for America. New objectives have evolved as priorities in light of the disputed failure of
the American War on Drugs. They are harm-reduction and a public health basis for drug
policy. Not, as stated, our current goal of winning the War on Drugs through escalation.
The purpose of this investigation of drug policy reform in America is to
illuminate that other countries have succeeded in reducing the human cost of drug use in
society. These nations have redefined the goal and direction of drug policy, shifting from
prohibition to focusing on the primary goal of harm reduction for citizens. Examples are
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4
England, Switzerland, Canada, and the most developed along these lines, the
Netherlands. This discussion is in response to the current goal of American drug policy"
winning" the War on Drugs. As history teaches, people have always used drugs for an
array of reasons in different societies across the globe. It does not seem likely that we in
America are on a path of defeating this reality with deterrent policies. Indeed, "between
1973 and 1994, the law-enforcement budget increased dramatically, yet the prices of
heroin and cocaine did not; only marijuana prices rose significantly.'
Statistics like the preceding one seem to indicate that current American policy is
not adequate, and that another approach is needed. Underlying this discussion of
contemporary policy is the fact that the United States has created and maintained its own
drug problem throughout history, and continues to do so through escalation of the War on
Drugs. There were no morphine addicts until, during the American Civil War ( 1861-
1865), wounded soldiers were treated intravenously with large doses of morphine thereby
creating the very first pool of addicts in America. Facts like this bring to light the
relevance of a solid historical perspective on drugs and drug policy in America in order
for one to arrive at accurate conclusions and understand contemporary drug policy.
Alternative policies presented by Europe (the Netherlands, specifically), the history of
drug policy in Holland and the US, as well as a sound evaluation of America's current
policy. All of these aspects of the drug policy debate will serve as the underpinnings for
a fresh look at drug policy in America. It is through the lens of harm reduction and
public health that this paper, in its last section, will discuss drug policy alternative to
prohibition.
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5
Part I
American and Dutch Drug Policy: Historical Development and its Relevancy to the
Current Drug Policy Debate
In order to gain insight into how and why American and Dutch drug policy
developed up to the present, it is appropriate to break down the primary issues into a
basic framework of political policy as well as examine the cultures that form the basis for
these policies. Thomas Stearns Eliot made the observation that, "Dante and Virgil
divide the modern world between them, there is no third", In the realm of drug policy, a
claim could be made that the United States and the Netherlands divide this world between
them, there exists no third. Eliot made his claim based on maturity of mind as a function
of one's awareness of the Classical past. To be aware of the history of drug policy
provides valuable insight into the underlying motivations of drug policies and the culture
that produced them. Indeed, these motivations have become lost in the muddled modern
political arena.
To better analyze, compare, and contrast American and Dutch drug policy one
must begin at the very inception of drug problems in the two countries. The lines along
which drug policy developed are the cultural forces present during that development. An
examination of drug policy ( or any political product) without consideration of its
historical, cultural, and sociological roots is, in all respects, a moot investigation.
Political policy exists to represent and mobilize the interests of individuals and groups in
society, and these forces make up the underlying motivations that give rise to political
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movements. Thus, it is in political and cultural history that one looks to gain insight into
today's most difficult drug policy questions.
At the root of the drug policy debate in the United States lies the jihad of modern
political society: money and power. As much as the political environment has evolved
over history, power politics remain a basic, concrete, comprehensible tool for
examination of political actions, issues, and the resulting policy formation. Individuals
and governments wills (with a few exceptions) do whatever is necessary to solidify their
own political/economic interests and capitol. This has been a rule of politics (especially
in the United States) for many years, and will probably remain so for many years to
come. In the grand American tradition of Machiavellian celebration, virtue is perceived
as stemming from profit. The problem is that this virtue often comes at the expense of
justice and peace in America and abroad. A good example is the United States
government's post World War II aid plan to Europe: the Marshall Plan.
6
Many historians maintain that the Marshall Plan, for all its humanitarian guise,
was a move made by the sole postwar superpower (the United States) to gain access to
and ensure the cooperation of various European governments with American financial
interests already, or soon to be, represented in Europe. The underlying argument is that
America's motivation was never to aid Europe in recovery because Europe badly needed
it. One could contend the actual goal was to rebuild the economies of European nationstates
to ensure the existence of consistent export outlets for American goods- thereby
providing an important jumping-off point for the continued development of American
business interests abroad. In other words, the United States saw its opportunity to make a
lot of money in postwar Europe. And, sensing the gap that would be produced by de-
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activation of the great American war machine, the United States took its opportunity to
rebuild Europe with American dollars, with American economic interests in mind.
This cannot be viewed as the sole motivation for the Marshall Plan, this
7
discussion concedes that with the Cold War rapidly approaching security issues abounded
for the United States as well. However, that concession does not alter the basic idea that
the United States fashioned the Marshall Plan to serve as a means to accomplish selfinterested
ends. A more relevant example of these textbook power politics is the drug
policy aspect of the Marshall Plan.
European countries who desired to receive Marshall Plan aid were assured that
any nation-state that refused to cooperate with the American prohibitionist drug policy
regime would not receive the much needed aid. So was the United States fashioning an
aggressive aid plan to Europe cloaked in humanitarian rhetoric but clearly motivated
towards the fulfillment of American foreign policy objectives? The answer to this
question is foggy and elusive and continues to serve as the source for debate. It is
important to note that this analysis of the Marshall Plan does exemplify the pessimistic
side of the argument. Many political scientists and historians would argue that the
Marshall Plan was, in fact, motivated and designed with humanitarian objectives in mind.
The majority opinion undoubtedly falls somewhere in between- that the Marshall Plan
was humanitarian in nature but also conveniently coincided with American self-interests
as well.
How is this relevant to the discussion of American and Dutch drug policy? The
Marshall Plan is a good example of the type of political moves made up to the present.
President Bill Clinton assures the world that, "We will continue to work with other
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8
nations who have shown the political will to fight illegal drugs. They will continue to get
our full support and cooperation. "2 This statement should ring in the ears of drug policy
activists all over the planet-"cooperation," as a prerequisite for "support". Every move
the American government makes in the realm of drug policy seems to some wrought with
political posturing and characterized by an unwillingness to reevaluate policy. Perhaps
the political cost is just too high for most; perhaps some have a vested interest in
maintenance of the prohibitionist regime. The rules of power politics are still very much
the accepted ones as we approach the conclusion of the twenty-first century. As we shall
see, these rules of American power politics have played an important role in the
formation of and continued reliance upon the prohibitionist model to deal with the
problems associated with drugs .
. . .it is a remarkable feature of the contemporary debate over drug
policy that it takes place (in the United States) with only the dimmest recognition
of the extended and perspicuous discussion that centered on drug policy in the
period following World War II and that all but ended in the mid 1970s. This
historical amnesia is all the more striking because in virtually all important
respects the contemporary debate mimics what occurred in the earlier period.3
As significant as power politics have been in American drug policy, of equal significance
is the absence of them in the political arena of the Netherlands. This contrast goes further
than the presence or absence of individuals within government attempting to increase
their personal power; it delves into the underlying cultural characteristics and how they
have influenced policy formation. But before discussing the cultural contrasts and their
significance for users, non-users, and policy formation, it is useful to look at the history
of drugs, drug problems, and drug policy in the Netherlands and the United States.
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9
Drugs in the Netherlands were similar to drugs in other countries during the 19th
century. " . . . Dutch society knew two types of medicine: the 'primitive traditional' and
'rational scientific'. These two types were not integrated, but co-existed independently of
one another."4 The "primitive traditional" medicine that Leuw characterizes was present
in the United States during this period as well, before physicians succeeded in making
medicine a strict profession. In practice, this meant that there existed many home
remedies utilized by the general public that were opiate/cocaine based. Indeed, Marcel
Kort reiterates that opiates "played an important role in primitive-traditional medicine."5
In addition to acting as the magic ingredient, opiates were also relied upon heavily by the
"rational scientific" medical community- " . . . physicians of that period did not have any
alternative pain killers ... and freely prescribed drugs to their patients."6 The glaring
contrast between the United States and the Netherlands is not so much related to the
drugs themselves, they were probably very similar in both countries. But the context in
which they were delivered differed greatly. Indeed, it would be the "rational scientific,"
practitioners in America that would create the first morphine addicts through utilization
of the then newfangled hypodermic needle.
In Dutch medical publications there were mostly references to foreign research,
with the added note that 'morphinism' was more of a problem in other countries
than the Netherlands. It is possible that there were relatively fewer visible
morphine addicts in the Netherlands than, for example, in Germany, France, and
the United States. Because of historical developments such as the FrancoGerman
War (1870) and the American Civil War (1861-1865), the number of
addicts in Germany, France, and the U.S. experienced explosive growth.7
It is probable that soldiers wounded in battle in the late 19th entury received
mercifully large doses of morphine. When these individuals returned to society, the
problems associated with addiction became readily apparent. However, it was not until
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10
the 1930s that the general populous in America stigmatized drug users. Indeed, "The
1897 Sears Roebuck catalog offered hypodermic kits- a syringe, two needles, two vials of
morphine, and a carrying case-for $1.50."8 The Netherlands was not involved in any
large military conflict during the second half of the 19th century, "which made morphine
addiction a less noteworthy phenomenon than in other countries."9 This contrast marks ...
when the United States (among other nation-states) began the divergence from a laissezfaire
stance towards drugs in the context of "primitive-traditional" medicine to the
political adoption of the prohibitionist regime. "By the 1930s ... Drug use was publicly
condemned. Support was widespread for prohibition and for punishing those who sold,
possessed, or used heroin or cocaine."10 This divergence undoubtedly represents the
fundamental historical contrast in the early development of policy in regards to drug use
and addicts between the United States and the Netherlands. The Netherlands did not
have such a strong prohibitionist political movement as the United States, and no
significant stigmatization of users. But the Netherlands also had very different interests
in drugs as well.
Another factor some would argue contributed to the divergence in policy between
the Unites States and the Netherlands is the difference in the medical communities during
the formative years of their respective policies. In the United States there existed
physicians from the rational-scientific community that inevitably used early morphine
research to redefine drugs as problematic. Redefine because as shall be discussed,
America did not start our prohibitionist. Their motivation was fueled by pressures from
the politically this rational scientific segment of medicine to alienate the primitive
traditional medical community. The goal could be seen as preventing the primitive
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II
traditionalists from using effectively and profiting from the utilization of drugs for
medicinal purposes. Something the rational-scientific segment of medicine was itself
doing all along. "In effect, physicians and pharmacists were simply trying to obtain a
monopoly on the prescription, administration, and supply of drugs."11 This divergence
from the two-tiered medical community to placing drugs solely in the hands of rationalscientific
physicians in light of research centered on veteran morphine addicts can easily
be seen as fundamentally erroneous. Consider that any national policy should be adapted
and shaped to deal with citizens of all ages throughout the inevitable strata of society: not
only with veteran morphine addicts. In effect, the United States defined drugs as
problematic based on sociologically flawed research insofar as it fundamentally failed,
then and now, to provide a real basis for effective policy. The Netherlands had no
concrete research on addict veterans, so the small Benelux nation emerged from this
period with its pragmatic attitudes about drugs and drug problems intact.
Indeed, the historical basis for drug policy in the Netherlands was very different
than that of the United States. In the Netherlands, opium profits from the Dutch Indies
were very important to maintaining the wealth of the country during the 19th century. For
this reason, the opium trade was seen in a positive light. Not surprisingly, the
Netherlands was reluctant to come to the table with the United States and others for the
1909 Shanghai Commission to discuss drug policy. It is possible the concern aroused by
studies of addiction in the United States and other nations was a driving force for the
meeting in Shanghai, as the Dutch populous had no conception of serious problems
associated with drugs. By 1920, the Netherlands was the largest cocaine producer in the
world. Having transported coca plants from South America to the Dutch Indies in 1878,
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production expanded and quality increased. In light of the economic importance of the
opium trade to the Dutch-"The reluctance of the Dutch to cooperate with international
efforts to control drugs was not surprising in view of the potential loss of substantial
profits for the Dutch treasury."12
12
At the Shanghai Commission, nine recommendations were made as a basis for
further negotiations. These recommendations were to come to light again in a mere three
years at the 1912 Hague Opium Convention. Unlike the Shanghai meeting, which was a
commission, the Hague meeting was a formal convention. The distinction is an important
one. Shanghai at most could have made recommendations to nations. As history teaches,
political recommendations coming from other nations, more often than not, have little or
no impact on actual policy formation.
The premise for the Hague Convention was to design and agree to resolutions for
mandatory ratification by the individual governments at a later date. This meant that
Language and Caste: A New Working Vocabulary for the Contemporary Social Structure
No full textAt birth, the human finds himself immediately and inextricably part of a new world which grows increasingly more complicated by the second. Of all the lessons, associations and facts he will learn in his lifetime, there exist three which are most important. These three associations are such, that he cannot escape confronting them, nor can he act without them. The first such association is his nationality: he has been born within the boundaries of some geographical context which makes up the State. Secondly, he has been born into an established cultural environment. Lastly, he will learn a mother language, and this will most likely be that language spoken in his home among fellow countrymen. These three associations are his to claim: nationality, culture and language. For the individual, a sense of belonging to a community is quite important. It is through these three associations that one makes his stronger bonds with others.La,nguage and Caste: a new Working Vocabulary for
the Contemporary Social Structure
Anna Plocher
Senior Thesis, December 1996
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Contents
Definitions and Categories for Inclusion 3
The Notion of Caste 5
Purity and Caste Stratification 8
Mythology and the Preservation of Realities 10
Development of Ideology 15
Freud and "Civilization" 19
The Panopticon and the Super-ego 20
Caste and Liberation I: the Subjects 23
Caste and Liberation II: the Vocabulary 27
Caste and Liberation ill: the Law 33
1 Gustavus Student Repository
At birth, the human finds himself immediately and inextricably part of a new world
which grows increasingly more complicated by the second. Of all the lessons, associations
and facts he will learn in his lifetime, there exist three which are most important. These three
associations are such, that he cannot escape confronting them, nor can he act without them.
The first such association is his nationality: he has been born within the boundaries of some
geographical context which makes up the State. Secondly, he has been born into an
established cultural environment. Lastly, he will learn a mother language, and this will most
likely be that language spoken in his home among fellow countrymen. These three
associations are his to claim: nationality, culture and language. For the individual, a sense of
belonging to a community is quite important. It is through these three associations that one
makes his stronger bonds with others.
It can also be said that nothing is as destructive as these three associations.
Nationality is used to motivate young soldiers to fight bravely; it creates xenophobia and a
fear of what is "alien" to national custom. Culture may teach generations of women in one
part of the world that they must be exceptionally thin, in order to feel beautiful or wanted. In
this work, I will attempt an examination of the repercussions of language. It is my
hypothesis that language encourages social hierarchical developments, and that these
developments in tum have lasting and devastating effects upon culture and nationality.
Within this trinity man is actualizing many of his potentials, but he is also perpetually
restrained from achieving the Marxist Gattungswesen . Many of our literary works and
religious tenets assert that mankind is inherently flawed. The purpose of this essay is then
twofold: I will attempt an analysis of language as an agent which encourages the
development of social stratification, and through this medium it is hoped that a feasible and
realistic solution can be offered with regards to the various "problems" our global
populations are now encountering.
There are innumerable ways in the human vocabulary to define and to categorize
mankind. Distinctions are drawn along hereditary, gender oriented and racial lines as well as
2
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social and economic class lines. There are many qualities in humans which are unavoidably
shared. This manmade system, at a first glance, appears inherently endowed with destructive
elements. Much of what will be assumed to be true is dependent upon our general
assumptions about the nature of mankind as a benevolent creature, or as a species being
naturally born with aggressive and violent tendencies.
*
Definitions and Categories for Inclusion
*
It is hypothesized that a person's views of his or her status in life are largely
determined by the culture of birth, the education he or she has received and by what he or
she values as important within the confines of these other two factors. The term "culture"
is broad and encapsulates many human priorities, such as religion, art, morality and political
orientation. With regards to humanity as a whole, and the individual's perceptions of
himself and his status within his society, nothing is a more clearly observable and dramatic
example of social stratification than the Indian caste system. Within this system, the
hierarchies of man are most sublime, clearly spelled out and observable by others within the
shared community.
An individual is recognized as belonging to a particular caste, much the way we can
recognize at a glance various breeds of dogs, or various professions based upon uniforms.
How we do this is an incredibly integral part of what it means to be human, and is a shared
feature of all peoples. A subject we encounter, which has to be recognized and defined, must
meet certain required features which we have seen to be present in past encounters with such
a similar subject. In his Theory of Social and Economic Organization, Max Weber stated
that" ... all interpretation of meaning, like all scientific observation, strives for clarity and
verifiable accuracy of insight and comprehension."' If a person sees an animal walking
alongside the road, with an elongated neck, four legs, a mane and hooves, it could be a
1
Weber, pp. 90
3
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horse. We know further that the creature called a horse makes a particular sound, and if the
subject of classification makes that sound, it is further proof that this subject conforms to
our requirements for classification as a horse. Often times what appears to be a horse, and
behaves as we suppose a horse typically behaves, displays features not in conformity with
our previous assumptions. Should this be the case, we either amend our conception of the
term "horse," or we label the subject under question as abnormal, or not real. Something
which does not match the accepted characteristics of the category for inclusion can be said
to be unreal, improper or make believe. If the "horse" for example were two inches tall and
made of plastic, is it still a horse? This illustrates how humans are able to classify and
identify objects in the natural world. The same could be said of more ethereal matters, like
sorrow. If a person feels listless and melancholy they wouldn't call it joy, because the
symptoms do not fit the category for inclusion. So much of our communication and
responses to external pressures are built upon our ability to categorize and understand what
we are looking at or dealing with to a degree of satisfaction, that it presents each of us with a
very basic problem in the realm of person to person communication and relations. Each
peJ:$on will have different qualifications for the inclusion of a subject, and varying degrees -f..,.,
of intensity in which aspects of that subject's behavior or appearance will be rejected in
order that it best fit the category. Some qualities have to be disregarded in order to maintain
a stable sense of reality on the part of the person seeking to categorize the subject. Weber
again suggests that " .. .it is convenient to treat all irrational, affectually determined elements
of behavior as factors of deviation from a conceptually pure type of rational action."2 This
is a safeguard against the uncertain: we could say that the two inch plastic horse was a
horse, but that would allow for a certain amount of nonsense, thus discrediting the stability
of what is conceived to be "normal," or "rational" in reality.
How is it that a person, complex in biology and intellect, can be categorized into a
caste in India? What qualifications does a subject have to meet to be at any particular level
2
Weber, pp. 92
4
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of caste stratification? Is this to say that certain groups exhibit similar behaviors and can be
recognized thusly? What is caste?
*
The Notion of Caste
*
The word "caste" carries a dramatically negative overtone to those who first read of
it in the western world. In the western countries, the word seems to connote misery,
unavoidable cruelty and foreign ideologies. The western mind envisions a system through
which individuals are mistreated or born into Bralunanic status simply by birth. Little room
is left in the western imagination for self -improvement through education or through
ambitio us work ethics. To a great extent, this supposition concerning ambition is true. What
is unfair and incorrect, is that this structure has been comfortably distanced from the
western world by beliefs that caste is a phenomenon to which only Indians are subjected.
After a close examination of what caste constitutes, it is imperative that an analysis of the
"First World," with respect to the same qualifications, is offered.
Caste is such a difficult term for scholars and even first- hand observers of the
culture under question to define, that many terms and ideas have been brought to the table in
the last one hundred years. While some believe caste is simply an extreme of class, this
definition is now dependent upon a valid definition of class. Others f orward that caste is
determined solely by one's position in labour. Some believe race or religion are the
determining factors. Starting with the word "caste, "linguists are even unable to clearly
trace its origin to its modern usage. Emile Senart offers a translation in Portuguese of
"breed,"3 while Louis Dumont offers the following: 'casta, properly something not
mixed ... from the Latin castus, chaste. '4 In the texts I have examined, the word "caste" has
a sense of hierarchy or status connected to it, relative to race and breeding. Not to be
3 "caste" translating to "breed" ... This is the only translation found which offers "breed" in the Portuguese,
taken from Caste in India, pp. 1.
4 pp. 20 of Homo Hierarchicus.
5
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confused with the term "hierarchy," caste is determined by bloodlines. A hierarchy is a
term which connotes the religious. Originally, it dealt with the echelons of the church order,
and with the angelic order of seraphim, cherubim, etc. The Shorter Oxford Dictionary reads,
"hierarchy: (I) Each of the three divisions of angels ... (2) Rule or dominion in holy
things ... (3) An organized body of priests or clergy in successive orders or grades ... (4) A
body of persons or things ranked in grades, orders or classes, one above the other." In the
former definition, it is clear that caste is a non- religious term, whereas the definition of
"hierarchy" was originally used to denote rank of clergymen. Both terms, however, relate a
degree of dignity to the subject under classification, or more liberally, a level of purity which
is enviable at the top echelons and absent in the lower levels. I shall return to the theme of
purity in caste notions in the following section. Before the concept can be fully appreciated,
it is imperative to build an understanding of the historical origins of caste, as well as the
mechanics of the system.
There are many theories about the origin of caste, and they have all shared a certain
amount of vogue within the scholastic world. The theories I will address are the racial, and
.:l!ftlficialist theories. It is important in analysis to look for historical accuracy and not for
what seems the most valid through modern eyes. Caste is referred to by many terms in the
Indian language, and caste is not something constant over all of India. It is more or less
enforced in varying degrees of rigidity across different states and is moreover constantly in
a dynamic state of flux. What remains fairly consistent is the idea of varna, which separates
all of Indian society into four far- reaching categories. The Brahman, or priests, are at the
highest level of this order and are superior in rank even to the king and the aristocracy. A
comparison is immediately drawn to the European conflict of secular/ non secular conflict
between church and state (more specifically, Henry's foundation-of the Anglican church
which stated that no pope shall crown a king or deny nobility rights inherent as God's
anointed). The caste system recognizes those highest in God's service as closest to divine
purity and therefore the most revered. Secondly are the Kshatriyas, or warrior caste. This
6
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includes the military and the nobility, the king and government. Thirdly the merchants and
artisans, or Vaishyas, who supersede the lowest level in caste: the Shudras, or servants.5 It is
hypothesized that the Brahmanic caste originally separated itself from the mass of humanity
and sought to preserve its identity through the notion of purity in the eyes of God. In other
words, those who had the ability to convince others that they were by nature closer to God,
and thus somehow separate from the masses on a higher par, were able to do so by using
culturally shared and accepted tenets of the national and religious ideology. It is also
hypothesized that as this caste differentiated itself from the masses through the religious
medium, other declensions of like -minded peoples banded and gave their commonalties a
name. People categorized themselves from the top down. The Brahman's diet was strictly
vegetarian: the Brahman would eat no meat from impure animals; he would accept no food
or drink from the perceived "lower castes" because of the labour which was performed.
Traditionally, the Shudra caste is one who's predominant occupation is the tanning of
hides6
. The chemicals used in this practice give off an offensive odor and may have helped
link the labourer to the concept of permanent impurity. If a Shudra was a labourer in
agriculture and tended swine, it was understood that this affiliation introduced impurity into
that labourer and was therefore undesirable. It is more interesting to analyze Shudra and
Brahmanic status relative to each caste's involvement with the cow. The Shudra tans the
hides, and the vegetarian Brahman is ranked as the sacred cow's equal.
There exists, however, the ugly word "untouchable." The term "untouchable" is
better understood as a fifth caste, although these unfortunates are regarded as not having
been born into the system of vama; if asked, a Brahman may reply that there simply is no
fifth caste7
. In this state, it is even impossible for the so- called "Untouchable" to be
reincarnated; he or she has no possibility of a second life.
5
pp. 83 Homo.
6 pp. 48 Homo.
7 pp. 66 Homo.
7
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*
Purity and Caste Stratification
*
It is even recorded that a Brahman should not look at a lower caste while eating or
drinking: that somehow the transfer of impurity is escalated at times of consumption, and
regular ritual bathing before and after meals is therefore required and performed as a
measure of prevention. The ritual bathings and prayers are called "ablutions." Of particular
interest with regards to this data is the concept of impurity and its bearing upon inanimate
objects, as well as people. Dumont writes that " ... above all one realizes that objects are not
polluted simply by contact, but by the use to which they are put, by a sort of participation by
the object, in being used, with the person.8
" This is valuable in our analysis of caste. Even
non- living objects are observed as holding positions in ranking order. "Silk is purer than
. cotton, gold than silver, than bronze, than copper," writes Dumont. These ranks are accepted
and understood as proper by the culture. There are certain physical signs of impurity and
"'c::ertain methods of purification designated as acceptable by the culture. For example,
.. 7.shaving the entire head is one way of removing impurity, and of course, the ritual bath. Tq
bathe with all of one's clothing on and to bathe in freely flowing waters is an imperative,
especially if those waters are regarded as sacred. The Ganges is such a body of water, which
has the ability to completely eradicate all impurity because of the spiritual elements
contained in the waters. All byproducts of the cow, such as urine and dung, are considered
to be superior purifying agents. Ritual cleansing and purificatory measures are not only
perpetual and eternal but a moral imperative. It is so crucial that the individual remains pure,
that to not perform these ritual bathings or purificatory measures results in extreme shame
at the very least. Dumont explains that "the daughters of a merchant and a chaplain who
were playing near the town gate have the misfortune to catch sight of a Candala ... " ( this
term is used to describe a menstruating woman, corpse, outcaste or woman who has just
8 pp. 50 Homo.
8
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given birth.); " ... they wash their eyes and the unfortunate one is beaten."9 With further
reference to the transmission of impurity through food, it is recorded that " ... a young
Brahman who, suffering from hunger, shared the food of a Candala goes off to die of
despair in the forest."10
The texts from which these examples of impurity were taken are
dated at several centuries before the Christian invasion. Although the caste system as we
know it today is dated at a more recent time, it is now observable that the underlying
principles of caste stratification were present in the minds of the people and were applied by
the society and implemented by each person in daily life.
I forward that certain rules for societal behavior accompanied each level of the caste
strata and that from the observation of these codes in practice, other members are helped to
recognize others' place within the caste system. Weber states that " ... many of the especially
notable uniformities in the course of social action { are determined by) the fact that the
corresponding type of social action is in the nature of the case best adapted to the normal
interests of the actors as they themselves are aware of them ... the more strictly rational their
action is, the more they will tend to react similarly to the same situation."
11
To return to the
original example of the horse, certain qualities help us identify correctly what we are
observing. It is not an innate part of our intuition to know that what we see is a horse, but
from drawing upon our senses, we gather appropriate information and draw our
conclusions. It is of utmost importance that the subject for inclusion fit the requirements to
the observer's satisfaction. If an element is out of place, the observer has, alongside his
definition for the subject, a series of conditions that still allow the subject for classification
to fit into the definition. If the horse were missing its tail, or a leg, one could say that it was
still a horse, only in this particular case someone has removed its tail or it has suffered of
some condition which has caused this discrepancy in the perception of what it is to be a
horse. These are examples of the lengths one goes to accommodate discrepancies in
9; p. 52-53 Homo.
1
pp. 53 Homo.
11
Weber, pp. 122
9
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regularity, in order to stabilize and preserve that which is perceived to be reality. This is how
reason has been applied to make sense of what could otherwise be nonsensical.
*
Mythology and the Preservation of Realities
*
In relation to the individual, the same methods apply. The racist perception that
African -Americans are lazy or violent may be requirements for inclusion into the category
set up by the experiences or hearsay bias of a predominantly white culture. A mythology is
a story, or set of stories, that enforces or defines beliefs about something. Mythology about
the intense sexuality or spirituality of blacks may be another component in the definition of
blackness, according to anyone who may have a negative disposition towards that which is
"other" than himself. If experience has taught someone that women are subordinate to
:,men, are frail of mind or are Jess skilled with mathematics, the definition for women or for
·African-Americans will contain these required qualifications. Emile Durkheim explains that
,.:; ... a certain conception of social reality is substituted for reality itself... what is thus defined
js dearly not society but {ones} idea of it."12 The individual is clearly not using objectivity
to define others, but actually relying upon past experience, hearsay and intuition. As the
observer encounters people who do not subscribe or fulfill the requirements, certain excuses
or understandings can be made which still allow for inclusion of the subject into that
category. Again, Durkheim suggests that " ... although he claims to proceed empirically, the
facts accumulated in his sociology seem to function principally as arguments, since they are
employed to illustrate analyses of concepts rather than to describe and explain things."13
An example of this is in the life of Mohandas Gandhi, who left India to study Jaw in
England. Before he left for his education, he was a low -caste, dark skinned man under the
rule of British colonialists. After receiving his education from the British, he was someone
the British would consider on a higher par of notoriety than others of his brethren. He had
12 Durkheim, pp. 21
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the same dark skin, the same caste birth and the same name; the difference now is that
although the subject, Gandhi, is
Global Population Control
No full textThrough extensive studies in politics, I have gained basic knowledge about various situations in different countries. What has captured my eyes in this four years of study is the situations in developing nations where people face more hardships than we do here in a developed country. Much is to be blamed upon the poor distribution of wealth and political system managed by the governments of the developing nations. However, the corrupted system of cooperation and monopoly run by the leading nations also have great responsibility in creating poverty both in the developing and the developed nations. One of such issues that relates to both an outcome and a cause of poverty is overpopulation of the planet.GWBALPOPULATION CONTROL
Senior Thesis: International Organizations
Prof. Norman Walbek
by Keiko Suzuki
Gustavus Student Repository
1
INTRODUCTION:
Through extensive studies in politics, I have gained basic knowledge
about various situations in different countries. What has captured my eyes in
this four years of study is the situations in developing nations where people
face more hardships than we do here in a developed country. Much is to be
blamed upon the poor distribution of wealth and political system managed by
the governments of the developing nations. However, the corrupted system of
cooperation and monopoly (which will be discussed later) run by the leading
nations also have great responsibility in creating poverty both in the developing
and the developed nations. One of such issues that relates to both an outcome
and a cause of poverty is overpopulation of the planet.
The equal opportunities for women and men have been achieved
fo ,Sc,\<,U. -t)I./- ,;. C/l'N-P <Ju,.Q w, ,Hr..
•efa+h,e to A- the leading nations such as in Japan or in the United Stateo tl::iaR iR
numerous other developing nations. Furthermore, we have achieved a higher
standard of economy along with high living standard at individual levels.
For instance in today's leading nations such as Japan, or The United
States, most luxuries in developing nations are affordable. People are able to
buy a car, have a television set, a house equipped with several bedrooms, a
huge living room and a flushable toilet. Such living standard greatly differ from
what the life was like in the Chinese society, where people live in a very small
space sharing a room with each other. Moreover, the water from the tap was
1
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not always available there, in which the circulation of the water on the tap was
stopped for at least three hours a day. Even the flushable toilets are one of the
luxuries that most people are not privileged to use in China. People in other
developing countries face conditions that has even less access to such utilities
than in China. The visit to China in the Spring of 1996 has also taught me the
lives of the Chinese people and helped open up my eyes to the inequalities of
the economically rich nation and the nation that is not.
2
Needless to say, in China, the population issue is greatly concerned by
both the government and the citizens. One-child policy which will be discussed
later in this report, has managed to control the family planning system by the
families in China. Although the policy is widely discussed and questioned
among feminists and by the governments of the Leading Nations, its
effectiveness in reducing birth rates has been statistically evidenced. Their
involvement in such a coercive population control program has contributed in
great measures to reduce the population of the Asian hemisphere.
India has also enrolled in International Planned Parenthood Foundation
which belongs to The United Nations during 1950's. However its progress has
been slower than the policy implemented later in China because most of the
state in India practice democratic political system, and scarcity of funding that
prevented the development of the program. On the contrary to one-child policy
of China, the United Nations is taking a more passive measures on
international family planning policy today. Their approach is to give an
alternative help to those who are left under the roof of poverty. The United
2
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3
Nations are trying to overcome the low economical standard of the Third World,
to create the foundation of family planning and realization of the need to control
population by the people in the region.
The issues on the population control have been discussed and focused
on how to reduce the population in the developing nations. While it is true that
the growing number of population is basically occurring from the developing
nations, should they be the only one who must carry the burden to reduce the
population growth? Are we suppose to be ignoring the issue just because the
leading nationdop not worsen the problem as much as the developing
nations do? There is a need for us to realize that if we kept having more and
more children, the next generation will encounter a dismal number of
population that will disastrously affect the ecological and the economic system.
Furthermore, development by real means will not be achieved with immense
growth of population of today's world.
One- child policy in China does create controversy. For instance, there
are cases of female baby infanticides, and the problem of homeless people
because of the existence of this family planning program. Although statistical
data on infanticides are unavailable, most babies at the Chinese orphanages
are girls that were unwanted by a family. Actually on my visit to China I have
also encountered a lady who did not want her daughter for the family's desire
for son. The cultural importance of son in Chinese family greatly affects the
maltreatment against girls.
3
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4
Homeless people have more than one child in China. When people give
birth to more than one child, the government sanctions the family. The sanction
system stops to supply governmental aid and welfare to the family and
contributes in creating more numbers of poor people. Furthermore, feminists in
other countries are questioning about the health of women in China who are
enforced to insert IUD's when they sign the contract on one-child policy.
The United Nations Population Fund is working as an agent that also
help support China's family planning implementation. They also support
various othe countries' family planning project by funding and supplying
contraceptives . They have also managed to send professionals and volunteers
to train and educate people in the countries that are in need of enhancement in
the field of medical care and education. However, the speed of overwhelming
high birthrates still fall short compared to China.
The two different approaches that has been taken by the UN and China's
one-child policy both have questionable points along with some of their
successful actions. Although the world has participated greatly in the actions of
family planning, the world's population is growing doubling its size every
decade. This paper will focus on the thesis question on whether the world must
be controlled under coercive family planning similar to China's one-child policy
in order to reduce our population. My b)lpethesis will be that the United Nations
must adopt aspects of one-child policy to create a new global system to control
population growth more effectively.
4
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5
In the first section, I will be giving a brief illustration on today's situation of
world population. Then, the United Nation's approach on the Population
control will be discussed and evaluated. In the Third section, I will briefly
discuss the history of China's family planning policy and evaluate its out come
by comparing the policy imposed by The United Nations. Finally I would like to
close with my own evaluation of how we could control our population globally,
b¥ makin seRcli 1sio□ based upeR mr A)•potf:lesis.
5
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6
POPULA T/ON TODAY:
I believe that we are living in the time of a turning point at which we must
make serious decisions upon controlling our population growth. Our land is no
longer able to sustain too many of us in terms of both ecology and economy.
The trees in rain forests are cut down more and more, as we try to meet the
needs of our resources. Arable lands are being used by more people to build
houses followed by various pollution brought about on our natural needs such
as water, air and soil. Furthermore, due to deaths created by diseases
produced by such as water pollution, becomes the reason of high birth rates in
the developing nations. In sum, the question of growth rate in population
seems to be if the chicken is first or the egg? Moreover, population expansion
seems to be both the result and the causes of corruption among the society. In
this section, the reality of the growth in population, and controversies that it has
created, will be discussed by focusing on its effect in the developing nations.
First of all, our population today have reached 5.8 billion according to the
UN report. Despite the world wide concerns and actions taken concerning
population control, it is increasing in rapid speed of about 100 million each
6
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year.1 Moreover, in the year, 2025, the United Nations has estimated that it will
reach frighteningly up to 8.5 billion. Secondly, among this increase, the target
of the growth will be at urban areas in the developing nations. In 1990, forty
three percent of world population, a little over 2 billion people were dwelling
upon cities all over the world according to UN. In 2025, it will reach in a
dramatic speed of up to 4 billion people which marks fifty seven percent of the
world population. According to Eugene Linden,
by the turn of the century, there will be twenty one
megacities with population of 10 million or more. Of
these eighteen will be in developing countries,
including some of the poorest nations in the world 2
As the people's dwelling spaces being captured by high way
constructions and other activities promoted by companies, the resources for
the farmlands of people hit scarcity, that they start to migrate to city areas to
look for the source of their incomes. In developing countries, city population
has increased by 80 million people, according to Massignon. He said that the
reasons for migrations is such that;
first, the rapid population growth expected city
dwellers are young and of child bearing age; second,
the transformation of rural areas, where
modernization is forcing more and more farmers and
farm-workers off the land to look for jobs in the cities;
1 Nicole massignon ''The Urban Explosion in the Third World" The OECD observer Jne/July
1993:18
2 Eugene Linden "Megacities,"..Iirm Jan. 11 1993: 30
7
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third, the increased likelihood of finding work in
cities. 3
This migration has escalated that the ones who lost hope in the cities of
their own countries reach out to urban sectors of the developed nations.
Although people seek hope in the urbanized city areas, controversies are
created again especially upon the poorer people who live in the city. For
instance,
Street children (and there are 2 million of them in
Latin America) often fall prey to organized crime,
drugs and prostitution. poor neighborhoods are
often located in areas where the risks of soil erosion,
water pollution and natural disasters are higher than
elsewhere. 4
The life in the city is not easy, instead creates more hardships for them than
ever, as they face inequality between them and the rich.
8
What does it mean to have 5.8 billion living on this planet with almost half
of us crammed into small spaces of urbanized cities? Needless to say, those
with economical power and privilege will win most of the scarce resources.
Furthermore, obviously pollution is created from the crowded cities starting from
air and water pollution caused by automatic vehicles to ozone depletion. More
over, the poor people in the developing nation will become the victims of such
pollution who have less power to protect themselves than the rich and the
majority in the leading nations.
3 Nicole Massignon 1993:20
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In developing countries, up to half of the inahbitants
live in sub-standard housing and only 62 percent of
school age children are enrolled in school. Also, in
these nations, 5000 people share a doctor, in
contrast to 550 per doctor in the developed world.5
Cholera has been the major cause of deaths caused by water pollution.
9
In 1992, 400,000 pople has died in Latin America due to the out break of
cholera. 6 For the rich, there is an access to proper sewage system, clean water
and medical care. Places where government is supported by substantial
economical system has a chance to meet the needs for the people. However, in
many developing nations, still such needs have not been met that people suffer
from diseases in daily basis. Linden said,
the threat of disease is heightened by urban
pollution ... But Karachi makes do with a central
sewer system not significantly improved since 1962.
The city provides thirty percent less water than
needed, forcing the poor to drink from untreated
supplies often contaminated with hepatitis virus 7
Not only in the countries with low economical standard, but people in the
leading nation will also face a disastrous scene of unemployment in the future if
we continued to increase our population. Pretty soon, more people will loose
occupations in the leading and developing nations, that "the world must create
4 Tristram Coffin "Earth, The crowded Planet," Environmental Ethics, ed. Lois P.Pojman (Boston:
Jone and Bartlett, 1994) 246
5 Tristram Coffin 1994:245
• Eugene Linden 1993: 30
7 Eugene Linden 1993: 30
9
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600 million new jobs to accommodate the population growth"8 Today, about
thirty percent of the college graduates are unemployed or under employed in
The United States. Furthermore, according to Sagoff,
The UNFPA estimates atht there are now a half
billion prople in developing countries who are
unemployed or underemployed--a number that is
equivalent to the entire work force of the industialized
countries. To accommodate their growing
populations, developing countries must create some
thirty million new jobs everyyear just to maintain
current employment levels. 9
10
The obstacles in obtaining implementation of family planning and
workable policy is the low standard of economical position that must be
recovered by the developing Nation. With cooperation and money makers
taking over the resources of the poor, the circulation of wealth revolves only
around just the few rich people. Although rain forests are cut down for housing
by the local dwellers due to scarcity of land, overpopulation is not the only
causes of the loss of trees in the rain forests. The main problem lies on the
hands of the people who control economy, along with massive flow of
population. Plumwood and Routley said,
According to official figures issued in Brazil for the
years 1966- 1975; the state colonization program
involving peasants cleared 17.6 percent of the total
area deforested, whereas deforestation by largescale
cattle raising projects (3,865,271 ha) and the
highway construction program of the Brazilian
8 David C. Korten When Cooperations Rule the World (California: Barret-Koehler, 1995) 107
• Mark Sago ff ''The Urban Explosion" The Wilson Quarterly 1994: 70
Gustavus Student Repository
government (3,975,000ha) accounted for more than
sixty percent of the total. 10
11
Today, only a fifth of us are living in abundance of food, luxury, and
shelter. First world monopoly has ruled the entire world with large corporations
winning the game of economy. According to Korten,
the twenty percent of the world's people who live in
the world's wealthiest countries receive 82.7 percent
of the world's income; only 1.4 percent of the word's
income goes to the twenty percent who live in the
world's poorest countries ... the average income of the
twenty percent of people living in the wealthiest
countries was about thirty times that of the twenty
percent living in the poorest countries.
People of Third World mostly children, are used by companies to produce
goods, such as shoes for the people in the leading nation to wear. Furthermore
they only receive about one percent of the actual value of the. products they are
making. Inequalities among the rich and poor has been created making great
gaps between the quality of their lives. The leading nations have captured
most of the resources available leaving the dwellers under the roof of poverty
without food and living spaces. Wouldn't the expansion of more population
create more dreadful scene of people without basic needs?
10 Val Plumwood and Richard Routley 'World Rain Forest Destruction--The Social and Economic
Factors" Environmental Ethics ed. Louis P. Pojman (Boston. Jane and Bartlett, 1994) 461
11
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12
There are various reasons to the rapid growth of the population. First of
all, high birth rate is seen in the countries of the developing nations. Moffet
said,
population growth is occurring in regions of the world
least able to respond to the demand for food,
housing, education, and employment opportunities
that it will create. Ninety-five percent of world
population growth will occur in the developing world.
As it was mentioned earlier, low economical standard that creates incapability
for the countries to provide needs for the people to accommodate illness and
their living. How do such controversies create high birth rates in the countries of
the developing nations? In some African countries, and Latin American
countries, people are willing to reproduce more children for their own security.
Especially in agricultural society production of man power leads to their income.
The average birth to a woman in most African regions are five to six. 1 1
When there are more risks of death among young children, there are
need for the people to give births to more children. The overall mortality rate for
children amounts to sixty six percent in the developing nation, whereas in the
developed countries, the mortality rate for children are eleven percent.12 In
south Asia, many children and women die during delivery. According to
Anderson and Moore, "Surviving childbirth is itself an achievement in South
11 Thomas M. McDavitt World Population Profile:1996 (US Agency fo rlnternational
Development:1996)A-31
12 Thomas M. McDavitt, 1996: A-26
12
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13
Asia for both mother and baby," that "one of every eighteen women" die during
delivery and "one of every ten babies" also die during then.13
Such high risks of death, along with the parents' hope for security,
population is increasing higher and higher in the developing countries.
Some other reasons for the higher birth rate in such countries is because
large amount of their population are people aged under fifteen. For instance in
sub-Saharan Africa, "as much as a quarter of the population is aged between
fifteen and twenty-five." Furthermore, "averaging thirty-nine percent" of the
people in developing nations are aged under fifteen, and "in Kenya fifty percent"
are under fifteen. If there are more people under fifteen years of age, that
means more people are soon going to become child bearing age thus
increasing its population.
I believe that this increase will continue in the developing nations with
incredible speed unless allocation of economy are made fairly by the leading
nations. The crucial system created by cooperation has gone out of its way that
there is no longer a way to halt its driving force. With such obstacles, the only
way to control our outrageous population expansion is to work alternatively
keeping the poverty rate at minimal stage.
The United Nations has taken measures to control population growth by
accommodating the needs of the developing nations in regards to its
development and human rights. They have worked to give alternative help to
provide medical care and development focusing on enhancement of women's
13 John Ward Anderson and Molly Moore "The Burden of Womanhood" The Washington Post
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status. Despite their magnificent works and funding, there are some points in
their history that prevented them to become more effective in controlling
population. Today it is questionable if The United Nations is effectively
contributing to reduction of population.
National Weekly Edition March 1993:6
14
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15
INTERNATIONAL FAMILY PLANNING PROGRAM: THE UNITED
NATIONS
The United Nations have created numerous sectors and organizations
dealing with population control. Their works have focused on accommodating
the growing numbers of poor, food shortage, and lack of medical care in the
developing world, by providing them with needs. They have settled with the
idea that the major cause of high birth rate is created with the lower standard of
the economy in the developing nations that they must first overcome. Then,
eventually, family planning system will able to be fixed into countries like India,
countries of Africa, Middle East, and other Asian countries. During the 1960's
when the trend of population control and family planning has risen, the United
Nations approach was set in terms of establishing development and the
betterment of lives in order to control population in the Developing Nation.
Johnson said,
While current fertility trends in the more developed
countries might provide some indications as to the
future course of fertility in the developing countries, it
was the course of the western countries' fertility in the
nineteenth century that was usually used to explain
current fertility trends in the less dev
How to Control Society_ Behaviorist Principles as Applied to the Literature of Totalitarian Dictatorships
No full textBoth totalitarian dictatorships and the science of behavioral psychology have an intriguing aspect in common: they focus on issues of control. Dictators seek control over their subjects, while behaviorism can be applied to achieve control over the behavior of others. This topic is significant because control and its opposite, freedom, are intimate aspects of every government.
In the course of this paper, I will first examine the tenets of behaviorism and then delve into the definition of a totalitarian dictatorship. That definition will be used to match the characteristics of dictatorships with those of regimes presented in works of literature, thus making the diagnosis that the fictional regimes presented in George Orwell's 1984, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, and B.F. Skinner's Walden Two all represent totalitarian dictatorships. I will look at these from the behaviorist perspective and examine the following questions: What were these dictatorships like? What do they tell us about totalitarian dictatorships? What behaviors were the government encouraging or discouraging in these novels? What methods of reinforcement were used? Would those methods work?How to Control Society:
Behaviorist Principles as Applied to the Literature of Totalitarian Dictatorships
Maren Kathyrn Henry
P099
May 24, 1997
Gustavus Student Repository
Both totalitarian dictatorships and the science of behavioral psychology have an
intriguing aspect in common: they focus on issues of control. Dictators seek control
over their subjects, while behaviorism can be applied to achieve control over the
behavior of others. This topic is significant because control and its opposite, freedom,
are intimate aspects of every government.
In the course of this paper, I will first examine the tenets of behaviorism and then
delve into the definition of a totalitarian dictatorship. That definition will be used to
match the characteristics of dictatorships with those of regimes presented in works of
literature, thus making the diagnosis that the fictional regimes presented in George
Orwell's 1984, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World, and B.F. Skinner's Walden Two all
represent totalitarian dictatorships. I will look at these from the behaviorist perspective
and examine the following questions: What were these dictatorships like? What do
they tell us about totalitarian dictatorships? What behaviors were the government
encouraging or discouraging in these novels? What methods of reinforcement were
used? Would those methods work?
I will begin by examining the behaviorist perspective. Behaviorism is an
orientation in psychology that examines only measurable behavior such as a response
by an organism following a stimulus. Leaming is defined as a change in behavior
(Zimbardo 303). To adopt a behaviorist perspective, certain key principles need to
used. An underlying assumption of behaviorism is that if a person's history of learned
behavior as well as specific situational factors were summed together, the behaviorist
could predict what a person would do in the situation. This would mean that there are
two ways to affect a person's response to a situation: first, by having in the past guided
~1~
Gustavus Student Repository
that person's learning and second, by adjusting the situational factors. Following this
line of thought, one of the first behaviorist psychologist, John B. Watson, once claimed
that if he were given a dozen healthy infants,
" ... well-formed and in my own specified world to bring them up in ... I'll
guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any type
of specialist I might select-doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant, chief, and yes,
even beggarman and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants,
tendencies, abilities, vocations and race of his ancestors (Watson, 1930, p.
104)."
What guides our history of learning is a vital question, then, since it greatly
impacts our behavior. Classical conditioning, operant conditioning and observational
learning are three ways in which responses can be learnt. Classical conditioning
consists of the formation of an association between two stimuli. It was first defined by
Ivan Pavlov in his famous salivating dogs experiment. Pavlov knew that the
unconditioned stimulus of food caused an unconditioned response of salivating in dogs.
He found out that when a bell was rung immediately before the food was presented,
the dogs would soon begin to salivate at the sound of the bell. Soon, the dogs would
salivate whenever a bell was rung, regardless of whether food followed the ringing.
The sound of the bell had become a conditioned stimulus that provoked the
conditioned response of salivation. A main strength or limitation, depending on the
objective, of classical conditioning is that it involves responses such as salivation, heart
rate or fear that are not consciously controlled.
B.F. Skinner, a prominent behaviorist defined operant conditioning as distinct
from classical conditioning. Operant conditioning can be likened to natural selection of
behavior (46) and is based on the connection between a stimulus and the response to
that stimulus. This is according to Edward L. Thorndike's earlier law of effect, which
stated that behaviors that receive positive consequences will increase; likewise,
behaviors with negative consequences will decrease. It takes three forms: positive
reinforcement, negative reinforcement or punishment. Reinforcement, positive or
Gustavus Student Repository
negative, means that a behavior is more likely to reoccur because of the outcome that it
met. Positive reinforcement occurs when a behavior is reinforced with a reward that
makes the behavior more likely to be repeated in the future. For example, giving
brownies to those who come to class may make them more likely to return. Negative
reinforcement reinforces a behavior by removing some negative stimulus. For
example, if an electric shock were turned off when a rat pushed a lever, that rat is more
likely to repeat that lever-pressing behavior. Another example of negative
reinforcement is the relief of discomfort of hunger when food is eaten. Punishment is
when a behavior leads to a negative response that lessens the likelihood of the behavior
reocc4rring, such as being spanked for stealing a cookie. When a behavior ceases to be
reinforced, extinction of that behavior occurs. If a behavior was partially reinforced
rather than continually reinforced, it is more resistant to extinction.
When a behavior is nearly always reinforced, the person exhibiting the behavior
may report the subjective feeling of confidence. Likewise, if a behavior is not
reinforced, the person may report frustration. Although this feeling is very real to the
person, it is of interest to the behaviorist only in terms of the underlying and
consequencive behaviors. For example, a frustrated person may attempt a new
behavior such as attacking the system. To Skinner, these subjective feelings are
realizations of the probability of reinforcement due to the person's actions and are
therefore not meaningful in and of themselves but are merely a corollary to the
reinforcement and behavior cycle.
In a situation where nothing one does affects the outcome or brings
reinforcement, learned helplessness occurs. Learned helplessness, as defined by Martin
Seligman, involves apathy and inactivity, similar to depression. If a possibility of escape
opens up, a learned helpless person will not take it.
There are four possible reinforcement schedules: fixed interval, variable interval,
fixed ratio and variable ratio. Fixed interval refers to a determined period of time, such
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'
when a test occurs every three weeks. Variable interval is when reinforcement occurs
after undetermined periods of time. An example is if tests were to occur randomly
throughout the semester. Fixed ratio is when reinforcement is achieved after a set
number of responses, such as if each student earned a day off after attending class ten
times in a row. Variable ratio would be if a student earned a day off after attending
class a variable, unknown number of times. Variable ratios are the most motivating,
which is why casinos set slot machines to pay off at a variable ratio of reinforcement.
Skinner continually stressed the importance of the environment and its cues. An
environmental cue is a stimulus from the environment that prompts a person to
respond in a specific way. For example, a ringing phone usually cues the response of
picking up the receiver and saying, "Hello?" Operant responses such as this one differ
from classically-conditioned responses because they are not elicited unconsciously by
the stimuli; rather, the probability that an operant response will reoccur is modified by
the consequences of the response. Behaviorism is thus limited to probabilistic
prediction, which leads to the control of action. In order to predict, human behavior
must be seen as lawful.
In this viewpoint, each individual draws his or her identity from the repertoire of
behaviors that he or she accumulates. Individual differences in behavior are a result of
each person's unique learning history (Nietzel, Bernstein and Milich, 42). No individual
is the true initiator of action, because the contingencies of survival, contingencies of
reinforcement and social forces are always at work. These contingencies and social
forces control the individual's behavior.
Social contingencies played a large role in Skinner's behaviorism. He saw
concepts such as morality and justice as too abstract of terms.
"The behavior we call moral or just is a product of special kinds of
social contingencies arranged by governments, religions, economic
systems and ethical groups. We need to analyze those contingencies if we
are to build a world in which people behave morally and justly, and a first
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step in that direction is to dismiss morality and justice as personal
possessions (244)."
Although the institutions control the individual, the individual can countercontrol.
Countercontrol includes behaviors such as rebelling, attacking, and organizing. If
controlling behavior is not met with countercontrol, mistreatment can result. Some
populations are more susceptible to control and mistreatment than others, because they
lack the means to countercontrol. These populations include prisoners, youth,
developmentally disabled and the psychotic. Fortunately, countercontrol is only one of
three reasons why people should not hurt other people, according to Skinner. The
other two are that hurting any person reduces the chances of species survival and that
to hurt another is to hurt yourself, because you lose out on the interaction with that
person and may incur the discipline of social institutions or other individuals.
Interestingly, unlike punishment, positive reinforcement does not breed
countercontrol. If a government wished to get money from citizens, for example, it
could set up a lottery system. Since this would be a form of positive reinforcement, it
would likely meet less resistance behaviors than the more punishing method of
taxation (198).
Skinner saw the language of rights and responsibilities as a clear-cut example of
control and countercontrol behaviors. Responsibilities are the attempt of institutions to
control the individual. Assertion of rights is the countercontrol, such as the Bill of
Rights which is meant to keep a check on the government. Skinner did not see control
as an inherently positive or negative behavior, for in his perspective, "human behavior
is always controlled (201)." A 'good' society, then, would be one in which a person is
"generously and consistently reinforced and therefore 'fulfills himself' by acquiring and
exhibiting the most successful behavior of which he is capable (204)." In contrast, a sick
society would be one in which contingencies produced conflicting behaviors in a
person, failed to generate strong and effective behavior or successful social behavior
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and supplied infrequent reinforcement (204). The good society, in comparison to the
sick one, would have more control over its members. Other aspects that he saw as
important in a good society were that no individual could acquire vast power and with
it benefit himself at the expense of others and that all individuals would give attention
to the future of the culture.
Observational learning is a third form of learning that is similar to operant
conditioning. A person learns by watching another person perform a behavior who is
either reinforced, not reinforced or punished for that behavior. The outcome for the
other person greatly affects whether the first person will attempt the behavior.
Examining behaviorist clinical treatment is relevant to the topic of behaviorism in
totalitarian dictatorships because both involve the applied use of behaviorism to affect
another's behavior. Behaviorist clinical treatment aims at modifying maladaptive
behavior of the clients. A clinician must examine the relationship between the client's
behavior and its consequences. For example, a client with a phobia of elevators would
avoid them. Each time she encountered an elevator she would experiences intense
anxiety. Her subsequent behavior of taking the stairs would relieve that anxiety, and
therefore be negatively reinforcing. A maladaptive behavior such as this one is gained
through the same processes as other learning. Like other behaviors, it can be unlearnt.
Specific methods of the clinician include the following. Systematic desensitization has
the client practice relaxation while the phobic stimuli are either imagined or displayed.
Exposure involves bringing the client to the presence of the phobic stimuli and keeping
her there until her anxiety response quiets down. Social skills training aims to teach
how to express oneself, eliminate cognitive obstacles such as automatic thoughts and
increase assertiveness by presenting possible social behaviors and responses. Modeling
is another therapeutic technique, in which the clinician models the behavior the client is
to learn. A version therapy involves classically conditioning the client to connect a
negative stimulus, such as a horrible odor, with a formerly pleasant stimulus, such as
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alcohol consumption. Contingency management involves time-outs, contracts, token
economies, response cost, and the shaping of behavior, which is the rewarding of
successively closer approximations of the desired behavior.
Finally, rational-emotive therapy, developed by Albert Ellis, is a cognitivebehaviorist
approach. Cognitive-behaviorism is a subsect of behaviorism which treats
cognitions as mental behavior. RET aims to increase the rationality of patients
cognitions, because patient's problems are seen as arising not from external stress but
from the irrationality of their cognitions. Through RET, clinicians aim to "persuade
clients to give up the irrational ideas with which they indoctrinate themselves into
misery (320)." Clinicians using RET are confrontational with their clients and do not
often take a client's statement at face value.
Now let us tum to the discussion of the characteristics of totalitarian
dictatorships. For the purposes of this paper, totalitarian dictatorships are to be
considered a novel type of government, with significant differences from mere
autocracies or despotisms. The definition of totalitarian dictatorship consists of the
following six characteristics, as put forth by Friedrich and Brzezinski (1964). First, there
is an ideology that covers all the vital aspects of man's existence and is intended to lead
to a perfect state of being. Second, a totalitarian dictatorship consists of a single party
led by one man. A system of terror abounds in which terroristic police are directed
against the enemies within. The press, radio and television are government controlled,
thus constituting a communications monopoly. A weapons monopoly and a centrally
directed economy are two final components.
In an examination of these characteristics, I will start with the dictator. His main
function is to "interpret authoritatively the doctrines upon which the movement rests
(33)." The dictator has nearly absolute power. He is ascendant over all others in a
hierarchical chain of command. His appeal to the masses is based on his claimed status
as the executor of history (42). Although charisma has been offered as a reoccurring
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feature of dictators, it is not always present. Stalin, for example, was not particularly
charismatic. The dictator is identified with the people so that his voice is regarded as the
voice of the people. Because the adulation of the dictator occurs to a high extent, a
serious problem of succession arises upon his death. A vacuum of power usually exists
around the dictator, so there is no clear successor. After an intense internal struggle in
the Party, sometimes of considerable length, a new leader arises.
This leads to another common characteristic among totalitarian dictatorships, the
Party. The Party consists of a small percentage of the population, perhaps 5-10%, the
core of whom are "passionately and unquestionably dedicated to the ideology and
prepared to assist in every way in promoting its general acceptance (22)." According to
Max Weber's definition, the party is a stably organized group with the objective of
securing or maintaining for its leaders the control of the governritent, and with a
secondary objective of achieving for its members benefits through said control (45-6).
Being that it is a small group, it is therefore elitist; belonging is an honor and expulsion
is a threat. Purges occasionally cut deadwood out. To stay in good standing, Party
members are often socially required to participate in special propagandizing campaigns.
Overall, the Party is hierarchical, with the inner core closer to the dictator than the outer
core. The Party appears to be a necessary adjunct to the dictator, in order to have a
chain of command subservient to the dictator's authoritarian commands. Because Party
members are fanatical, the dictator's commands go unquestioned.
Both the dictator and the Party are intimately involved in the ideology.
Ideologies are "action related 'systems' of ideas (88)." • They generally include a plan for
reforming society and a background of why and in what way society needs reforming.
A special characteristic of a totalitarian ideology is that it calls for the total destruction
and reconstruction of a society, often justifying violence as the only means. A utopia is
envisioned; the reconstruction of the society is intended to establish that utopia. Other
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aspects of an ideology are the symbols used to represent it, the stereotyped portrayal
of the enemy and the myths that essentially legitimize those in power.
In order to pass on the ideology to the next generation, the youth are
indoctrinated through the classroom and youth organizations. Teachers often succeed
in causing the young to identify their future with that of the regime (67). Schools are
characterized by large amounts of propaganda, heavy discipline and perhaps even a
falsified version of the past, as was put out in Soviet Russia (152).
Terror, a second means of spreading ideology, is also used to carry out the will
of the dictator. Terror can produce conformity and obedience in citizens, although it
also results in pervasive anxiety and insecurity. Through secret police, purges, torture
and concentration camps, terror keeps the populace under control. Why is terror
necessary? First, it provides control for the dictator over the masses and even the Party
members. Second, it is used to bring change. The end goal of the dictatorship is a
world in which "human life and the nature of social existence are to be profoundly
altered (162)." Most humans are resistant to change, which makes terror a necessary
prod. Third, terror creates unanimity, in that everyone agrees with the ideology and
the actions of the Party. This unanimity is beneficial to the government because it can
be used to distinguish between normal people and undesirables. The normal people
will be part of the unanimity; the misfits and traitors will be outside it and can be
liquidated.
Much of the terror focuses on the search and destruction of the specific internal
enemies which each dictatorship identifies. Prisoners are taken with the official claim
that they are to be reeducated. When a political prisoner is brought in, the captors
effectively wear down the prisoner both physically and mentally. The list of methods is
endless: sleeplessness, coldness, starvation, endless questioning, and torture are only
the physical side. Leading the prisoner to question his own judgment, memory and
motives, demonstrating the futility of resistance and brainwashing the prisoner are the
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psychological side (192). These methods lead to confessions of questionable validity
from the prisoners. The confessions are held out to the public, sometimes as a part of a
show trial, to serve an educational function (195). The prisoner may end up at a
concentration camp, which is claimed to be used redemptively to enable the prisoner to
be useful to society, despite the fact that so many die in these camps. Camps provide
free labor and are a means to remove undesired people from society. They also serve
as a threat to keep others in line.
Propaganda works hand in iron hand with terror. The monopoly of all mass
communications allows totalitarian dictatorships to disseminate the official party line.
No criticisms or unsanctioned comments are allowed in newspapers, television shows
or radio broadcasts. In combination with wiretap
The School of the Americas
No full textWhen I set out to complete this paper on the School of the Americas I had but one goal, to find the truth. Through thorough research, exploration of both sides of the issue regarding the School of the Americas was conducted. Both factions outwardly oppose the other and vehemently argue for their side. Being cautious to propaganda, I felt that if nothing else, I could present each side of the story. However, throughout my research I have come to one conclusion, the School of the Americas is an inherently bad institution that provides nothing but terroristic tendencies for its graduates.THE SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS
The Authors Intentions
INTRODUCTION
FOREIGN POLICY
UNITED STATES INFLUENCE ON LATIN AMERICA
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MONROE DOCTRINE'S INFLUENCE ON U.S. / LATIN AMERICAN RELATIONS7
SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS 8
HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS
MANUALS AND COVER-UPS
CONCLUSION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX A
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THE SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS
The Authors Intentions
When I set out to complete this paper on the School of
the Americas I had but one goal, to find the truth. Through
thorough research, exploration of both sides of the issue
regarding the School of the Americas was conducted. Both
factions outwardly oppose the other and vehemently argue for
their side. Being cautious to propaganda, I felt that if
nothing else, I could present each side of the story.
However, throughout my research I have come to one
conclusion, the School of the Americas is a inherently bad
institution that provides nothing but terroristic tendencies
for its graduates.
Furthermore, the cover-ups of the United States
Government in regards to course information, the purposes of
the SOA, and their blatant disregard to maintain and uphold
written policy is inexcusable, Fascist, and appalling.
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INTRODUCTION
"World War II was the "good war". After that conflict,
most Americans believed that U.S. institutions in the world
were noble -- the U.S. was the punisher of aggression and a
warrior for freedom. This image was for generations of
Americans the measure by which they judged their country in
world affairs. The war in Vietnam ended the illusion that
America was always on the "right side". Today, America' s
image as a defender of democracy and justice has been further
eroded by the School of the Americas, which trains Latin
American and Caribbean military officers and soldiers to
subvert democracy and kill hope in their own countries (Third
World Traveler 2) ."
FOREIGN POLICY
Foreign policy has always been a topic of great interest
in the United States of America. Over the years the United
States has invested enormous amounts of money in countries
that our government felt was in need of a helping hand.
However, the results of our helping hand has been debated.
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Often times our help comes for the wrong reasons at the wrong
time or for the wrong side.
The fact of the matter is that the U. S. government does
not understand culture. Every country has its own unique
cultures and policies that for the most part work towards the
best interest of their people. Enforcing our culture and our
morals on other countries usually results in the reverse
effect than was hoped for.
Over the years U.S. foreign policy has gone through
several phases in my opinion.
1) Open and outward disapproval
2) Economic restrictions
3) Diplomacy
4) Training other governments militaries in our
militaries tactics
5) Military action
While the order of our foreign policy measures does not
always fllow the above order perfectly, it does seem to fit
the mold rather well. Some examples include the Jewish
holocaust in which we disapproved of the Germans, tried
restrictions, supported the other side, and then finally we
started in with military action. While the intentions were
good the action took place a little too late. Vietnam is
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another example in which we tried disapproval, placed them
under restrictions, tried diplomacy, trained the oppositions
military, and when none of the above worked we stepped in
with our military.
Wesson contends that there are three stages of foreign
policy. 1) Military, 2) Economic, and 3) cultural. He
believes that military is the final and perhaps most
dangerous means of policy available to super powers looking
to dictate influence in a region. However, indirect military
influence has a much greater effect. Case-in-point, the
United States has developed close relations with most Latin
American countries armed forces (excluding Cuba) through
military sales and assistance, training programs in the
countries concerned, and education of foreign officers in
U. S. institutions. These types of indirect military
assistance promotes respect for the producers of equipment,
acceptance of U. S. ideas and doctrines, and friendships with
Americans and positive feelings for our country (Wesson, 3) . "
The economic policy influence, according to Wesson is a
broader more complex form of influence. The fact that the
United States is the largest market for and supplier of
nearly all Latin American countries is of the utmost
importance. Latin Americans are forced into a corner, their
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economies are based solely on the U.S., both a buyer and
seller in today' s international economy (Wesson, 4, 5).
Whatever order our policies took, it is obvious that
sometimes we make mistakes. My intention is not to dispute
every foreign policy action the United States has taken,
rather I intend to prove that in the case of Latin America
the United States has become a Fascist dictator.
UNITED STATES INFLUENCE ON LATIN AMERICA
The United States is a economic and military power, no
one can dispute that. Countries all around the world depend
on us for assistance and guidance. According to Wesson, "it
is commonly inferred either from expectations, as one assumes
that obviously superior strength means influence and results.
Although, only when influence is backed by overwhelming force
and willingness to use it is this influence effective
(Wesson, 6) . "
However, even with the knowledge that this influence
could be used and therefore could be effective, hidden
agendas within the U.S. government has brought about serious
implications with regard to Latin American countries. U. S.
influence in Latin America, has led Latin American
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governments to the brink of tyranny. Forced elections,
training foreign militaries, and making Latin American
countries puppets at our disposal, has succeeded in
destroying the foundations of what we were originally trying
to promote, democracy.
MONROE DOCTRINE'S INFLUENCE ON U.S. I LATIN AMERICAN
RELATIONS
Starting perhaps with the Monroe Doctrine in 1823,
President Monroe stated that European powers would no longer
be able to colonize the American continents and should not
interfere with the newly independent Spanish American
republics (Encarta Encyclopedia) .
The Monroe Doctrine was more less, a fence around the
Latin American region placed by the United States to maintain
a preserve for the United States. The Doctrine stated
boldly, the United States "would consider any attempt on
their European counterparts to extend their system to any
portions of the hemisphere, as a dangerous to our peace and
safety (Wesson 7) ." For the most part the doctrine has
succeeded. Regardless of what the original purpose was it
has led to U.S. intervention that should and could of been
avoided.
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SCHOOL OF THE AMERICAS
One of the most disturbing instances of U.S. policies
with Latin America is the School of The Americas (SOA) .
Founded in 1946, the SOA was initially located in Panama. In
1984, the school was moved to Fort Benning Georgia, under the
terms of the Panama Canal Treaty (Third World Traveler 2) .
The SOA is a U.S. funded training facility that trains
Latin American solders U.S. military tactics, such as
psychological warfare, counterinsurgency, interrogation
techniques, and infantry and commando tactics. According to
officials, "the SOA is a bilingual military educational
institution which, since its inception, has maintained its
mission to provide doctrinally sound, relevant military
training and education of the nations of Latin America;
promote democratic values and respect for human rights; and
foster cooperation among multinational military forces
(USARSA Overview) . "
Since 1946 the SOA has graduated over 60, 000 students
from Latin American countries. These countries include
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica,
Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala,
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Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and
Venezuela (Third World Traveler 2) .
HUMAN RIGH TS VIOLA TIONS
In the past decade the SOA has gained public attention,
and come under intense scrutiny for human rights violations
by many of its graduates. In 1991, the SOA adopted human
rights courses which are now mandatory for SOA students (GOA
Report on the SOA) . Since its inception in 1946, the SOA has
trained some of the worst human rights violators in Latin
America and the world for that matter (see appendix A for
Notorious School of the Americas Graduates) .
Students at the SOA receive technical instructions, in
fields that officials say are in line with U. S. Army
policies. So then the question must be asked, why have so
many SOA graduates gone on to become human rights violators?
There are several schools of thought in regard to this
question.
1) "When the students return home to their counties,
graduates of the SOA hold a rather unique and peculiar view
of their countrymen. They look upon priests, social workers,
journalists, and liberal intellectuals, not as assets to
their societies, but as dangerous subversives, working to
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undermine the system that keeps these soldiers, army
officers, and their sponsors in power (Third World Traveler
2) . "
2) That the students selected for training at the SOA
are the best their country has to offer. This training along
with improper instruction leaves graduates of the SOA feeling
as though they are untouchable, and destined for leadership.
All of these factors can leave the individual attempting to
attaining power by any means necessary.
3) The training at the SOA advocates brutal training
methods including murder, torture, and extortion.
MANUALS AND CO VER-UPS
Whatever the case may be the manuals and training at the
SOA have been found to promote the exact opposite effect that
the SOA is said to instill in it' s graduates, democratic
values, respect for human rights, and to foster cooperation
among multinational military forces (Mission Statement of the
SOA) .
In 1992, in response to public out-cry regarding human
rights violations by SOA graduates, the United States issued
a review of the SOA and the training methods. The review
found what protesters had been saying for years, that the
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United States condones SOA graduates to violate human rights
(Third World Traveler 1) . The DoD reported that manuals used
at the SOA from 1982-1991 contained language and statements
in violation of legal, regulatory or policy prohibitions (DoD
Report on the SOA) .
Some notable excerpts from manuals
"The employee' s value could be increased by means of arrests,
executions or pacification taking care not to expose the
employee as the information source (DoD Summary of SOA
Manuals Found to Contain "incorrect" Instructions) . "
"Threats should not be made unless they can be carried out
and the employee realizes that such threats could be carried
out (DoD Summary of SOA Manuals Found to Contain "incorrect"
Instructions) . "
"Another function of CI agents is recommending CI targets for
neutralizing. The CI targets can include personalities,
installations, organizations, documents and materials. A CI
target is someone or something that could be included in the
above categories and could be hostile or not ( DoD Summary of
SOA Manuals Found to Contain "incorrect" Instructions) .
"The CI agent could cause the arrest of the employee' s
parents, imprison the employee or give him a beating as part
of the placement plan of said employee in the guerrilla
organization (DoD Summary of SOA Manuals Found to Contain
"incorrect" Instructions) . "
"If the agent suspects that he could have difficulty in
separating an employee, that the separation is to his
advantage. That could convince the employee that he has been
compromised by the guerrillas. That continuing working for
the government could result in serious consequences for the
employee and his family. If the employee does not believe
this story, other measures could be taken to convince him
placing anonymous telegrams or sending anonymous letters.
Many other techniques could be used which are only limited by
the agent' s imagination. "
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"The CI agent must offer presents and compensation for
information leading to the arrest, capture or death of
guerrillas (DoD Summary of SOA Manuals Found to Contain
"incorrect" Instructions) . "
The government maintains that it was unaware that such
violations of human rights was printed in the manuals.
According to the DoD investigation, findings showed that
"neither the Army element at USSOUTHCOM nor the faculty at
USASOA followed the Army policy for the doctrinal approval of
the manuals. This process requires that all instructional
materials be developed or reviewed by the Army intelligence
school. Furthermore, no English-language versions of the
manuals"were ever prepared." The government places the
blame on "Army military intelligence officers in Panama that
compiled the manuals from lesson plans used in an military
intelligence course at SOA since 1982. The officers assumed
that the information in the lesson plans reflected current
and authoritative doctrine and, therefore, sought no
additional approval either from USSOUTHCOM or the Army (DoD
report on the SOA) .
In response to these findings the DoD stated "one of the
SON s major priorities is the emphasis on adherence to human
rights policies by Latin American armed forces. Obviously,
the offensive and objectionable material in the manuals
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contradicts this policy, undermines U.S. credibility, and
could result in significant embarrassment (DoD Report on the
SOA) . "
Instead of confessing that these problems took place and
continue to exist, the DoD thought it is better to collect
all remaining copies of the manuals and associated
instructional materials and have them destroyed.
With this in mind the DoD stated that "we could find no
evidence that this was a deliberate and orchestrated attempt
to violate DoD or Army policies (DoD Report on the SOA) ."
Therefore, the DoD is stating rather boldly, that both
the DoD and the United States Army condone human right
abuses.
It seems contradictory to me, that the U.S. still
maintains that it was, and is, training these individuals at
the SOA, in accordance with doctrinally sound, relevant
military education and training. Yet, in order to place the
blame elsewhere, they admit that the teaching practices at
the SOA were unknown due to the language in which the manuals
were written.
Although the manuals were not released to the public
until 1993, there was evidence as far back as 1960 that the
practices at the SOA were improper and not in compliance with
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U. S. and U.N. human rights policies. A Senate committee
investigating alleged abuses of human rights by the Brazilian
military found that the U. S. provided training that teaches
Latin American military personnel how to control their
nations' citizens. In response to inquires regarding the
SOA, General Fish said that the "critics were misinformed"
and "misguided" : "We ... examine the curricula carefully to
ensure that it meets the very highest standards of American
democratic principals. We are not teaching ideology. We are
teaching technical skills. " Nevertheless, despite General
Fish' s comments, his successor General Ernest Graves, found
it necessary to eliminate twenty-one questionable courses
from the various schools curricula in 1977. General Graves
still maintained like his predecessor, that the remaining
courses were technical courses (Schoultz, 232-233) .
While these denials were coming out in full force, the
DoD, released a list of courses offered at the schools. The
49 page list was compiled of ridiculous course offerings, for
example, Advanced aerospace medical training for El Salvador.
In 1969 Miles Wolphin discovered that the syllabus for a
course titled "Automotive Maintenance Officer" included
instruction in "fallacies of the communist theory, communist
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front organizations in Latin America, and communism vs.
democracy (Schoultz 233) . "
So much for technical training. Unfortunately, cases
such as these are the norm not the exception for the U. S.
government. Blatant denials are easier then re-stating
policy. Secretary of Defense, William S. Cohen, recently
said: "We have ensured that the SOA is an effective
transmitter of our values to the military leadership of the
region (Comments on USARSA) ."
When push comes to shove the supporters of the SOA, have
few replies. Congressman Sanford Bishop (D-Ga) had this to
say:
1) "Though a few former SOA students have, unfortunately,
been involved in human rights violations, not one violation
has ever been linked in any way to SOA training. In numerous
independent governmental investigations of the School, no
witness has ever offered sworn testimony that inappropriate
tactics were actually taught at the school (Comments on
USARSA) ."
2) In response to an article by Mary A. Fischer "Teaching
Torture", the ethical Congressman had this to say:
"Guatemalan General Hector Granmajo (who Fischer repeatedly
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cited in the article) was not a SOA graduate, and never even
attended the school (Comments on USASA) ."
What a web we weave when we don' t investigate things
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such as these. To start with, the ethical CongressmanSfirst
statement, the manuals at the school did in fact instruct
students to attain information by any means necessary
including, threatening, torturing, and killing. In regards to
his statement that no witness has ever offered sworn
testimony about inappropriate tactics at the school, the
manuals are the books and the foundation of the training at
the SOA. The students are required to read and study these
manuals and they are then tested on the material. This is
the most common practice of teaching known to man.
Regardless, sworn testimony? Has anyone ever been asked to
give sworn testimony?
As for statement number 2. General Hector Gramajo was
never a student at the SOA. However research that I did
found that from 1980-1991 he was the architect of genocidal
policies which essentially legalized military atrocity in
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Guatemala (Notorious Guatemalan School of the Americas). So
what is his connection to the SOA? General Gramajo, was a
guest speaker in 1991 at the SON s graduation ceremonies. The
commencement speaker, a position reserved for highly
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respected individuals. He was found guilty by default of
numerous war crimes in a U. S. court six weeks later. Is this
obvious enough yet?
CONCLUSION
In the years since it' s inception, the SOA has in my
mind provided nothing but negative results for both the U.S.
and Latin America. It only seems right for the U. S. to close
down the SOA and all of the other schools like it. In
today' s framework, the SOA has no purpose. It started to
preserve democracy in the region. It is clear that it has
not had any effect on the democratization of Latin America.
Regardless of it' s effect or purpose, the SOA was and is a
embarrassment to the United States and those who have fought
to preserve what SOA is said to promote, democracy.
what Americans seem to miss is that it is a false
conviction and an empty hope to believe that we are insulated
from such things happening to citizens within these borders.
If history teaches us anything, it is that whatever policies
a government exports in order to accomplish its will in
foreign nations, will eventually be used against its own
population if that government determines that its people
present a sufficient threat to its agenda. History and
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Defense Department Summary of SOA Manuals Found to Contain
ftincorrect" Instructions, 1996, location:
http: //www. parascope. com_
Haugaard, Lisa. Torture 101. in the US School of the
Americas, Third World Traveler. 1996. Location:
http: //www.infoasis.com/people/stevetwt/US_ThirdWorld/torture
101 SOA.html Cited as (Third World Traveler 1) .
School of the Americas: School of Assassins. USA. Third World
Traveler. 1997. Location:
http: //www. infoasis. com/people/stevetwt/US ThirdWorld/SOA. htm
1. Cited as (Third World Traveler 2) .
DoD Report on the School of the Americas, 1992, location:
http: //www.parascope.com
USARSA Overview. 1998, Location:
(http: //www.benning.army. mil/usarsa/overview/overview.htm) .
Wesson, Robert U. S. Influence In Latin America In The 1980s.
1982, Praeger Publishers, New York.
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Schoultz, Lars. Human Rights and United States Policy toward
Latin America. 1981, Princeton university Press, New Jersey.
Comments on USARSA, 1998, Location:
http: //www.benning. army.mil/usarsa/quotes/quotes. htm
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APPENDIX A
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Information researched by Vicky Imerman.
SOA W Home (Send email to SOA WJ (Human Rights in Argentina]
(Complete list of Argentine SOA Students and Instructors] (SOA Graduates]
Gustavus Student Re