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Collective Security Regimes in a Post Cold War Environment

Author: Laursen John
Publication venue
Publication date: 19/02/2026
Field of study

Neo-realism has left a lasting impact on international relations and this impact can not be ignored. The realist perceptions of the international structure can still be used to predict nation-state behavior but now that the Cold War is over we must realize that nation-states are not acting in the same system. These same neo-realist principles that theorists have used to degrade collective security regimes in the past, now can and must be used to show how collective security will flourish around the world.Collective Security Regimes in a Post Cold War Environment John Laursen Senior Political Science Thesis Professor Norm Walbek May 16, 2001 Gustavus Student Repository Introduction Since the collapse of the Cold War Europe's strategic landscape has been transformed. The Warsaw Pact has been disbanded. NATO is struggling to define a role for itself; the threat that it was built to resist no longer exists. Europe is now trying to confront the difficult task of erecting new collective security structures. A vigorous debate has emerged within political science circles, and two broad schools of thought have emerged. On one end there are the pessimists, pointing to the waning of the Cold War and the end of bi-polarity as a reason the more fractious multipolar Europe will reject collective security. The optimists on the other hand, have welcomed the end of the East vs. West paradigm and contend that this lack of superpower hegemony over Europe will allow for collective security to flourish. The pessimists, throughout its brief history, have used neo-realist premonitions and are represented by many of the neo-realist writers in today's political science journals, such as Waltz and Mearsheimer.1 Optimists of collective security regimes often have used many different theories to support their argument and just as many names to title them, but they all concur on the viability of these regimes. While optimists clearly differ on the neo-realists' view of the outcome of collective security they often fail to take into account the theoretical power of neo-realist principles. Neo-realism has provided, arguably, the best political interpretation, on a world scale during the Cold War period. But as said above the Cold War is over and neo-realism has to reevaluate its role 1 While many articles have been written on the demise of collective security regimes Mearsheimer's ''The False Promise oflnternational Institutions," International Security, Winter 1994/95 (Vol. 19, No. 3) and Kenneth Waltz's ''Theory oflnternational Politics." New York. Random House, 1979 offer an in depth look at the neo-realist view of collective security. 1 Gustavus Student Repository in international relations theory. One of these reevaluations is in the role that neo-realism will play in collective security regimes. In the past, theorists, to predict the demise of collective security, have called upon the basic principles of neo-realism. I will contend in this paper that the basic principles of neo-realism still exist and still play vital roles in international relations, but their roles in the demise of collective security have been greatly exaggerated. The realist principles, which have long predicted the fall of collective security regimes, can actually hold the key to sustaining these regimes. The world has fundamentally changed, the bi-polarity is no longer the dominating pattern in the international struggles of Europe. This small change in the structure of the region will have far reaching implications in the arena of international theory. The idea of multi-polarity allows for new relationships to take place and the significance of these relationships to be much larger. How these inter-state relationships will be explained and their interactions described. These new relationships will offer instances for collective security cooperation more numerous than ever before. In the definition of neo-realist principles the fear of the unknown is stressed as one of the dominating factors governing nation-states actions. Neo-realists point to this fear as one of the circumstances that prevent states from joining a collective security regime. Yet, as I will point out this fear of the unknown will more often than not sustain a nation-states adherence to a collective security regime. In the final part of the paper I will detail the current military situation of the world and outline why the pure destructiveness of weapons prevent cheating in collective security regimes and thus perpetuate their existence. 2 Gustavus Student Repository Neo-realism has left a lasting impact on international relations and this impact can not be ignored. The realist perceptions of the international structure can still be used to predict nation-state behavior but now that the Cold War is over we must realize that nation-states are not acting in the same system. These same neo-realist principles that theorists have used to degrade collective security regimes in the past, now can and must be used to show how collective security will flourish around the world. 3 Gustavus Student Repository Collective Security Before we can understand the role neo-realist principles play in a collective security regime, we must understand how theorists describe a collective security agreement. A minimum adherence to the collective security ideal requires states both to renounce the unilateral use of force for their own ends, and come to the aid of other states that are the targets of aggression. Thus, force is sanctioned as a means to preserve the system and to punish those that would harm it, but force is not to be used for selfinterested gain. Underlying these requirements are the principles of deterrence and of universality. The principle of deterrence is no different for both collective security proponents and realist theorists. Peace is preserved when potential aggressor states realize that there will be no gain from the use of force. An attempt to initiate the use of force against another state will be met by the immediate formation of reactionary force of states acting in defense of the nation-state that is the target of the aggression. This reactionary force will possess a superior measure of power, so the aggressor will be doomed to defeat. Collective security makes a much more robust deterrence to conflict by making sure that any nation-state that chooses to aggress will be met with force that is not just equal but overwhelming to its own. Knowing the power of this reactionary force, no aggression will be undertaken. In this definition of collective security a bundle of three related assumptions must be in place in order for a regime to take place. The first is that all nation-states in the regime will agree as to which state is the aggressor in a conflict. The second is that all 4 Gustavus Student Repository will oppose the aggression. Collective security rests on the notion of all against one.2 Finally, all members have the flexibility necessary to join in active opposition to the aggressor.3 The implementation of this collective security theory has run the gamut of international endeavors. Throughout history everything from regimented institutions to ad hoc agreements have been gathered under the broad definition of collective security. Within the last two centuries collective security attempts have taken center stage, especially in the continent of Europe where the greatest conflicts of human existence have taken place. Realized examples have taken the form of the Concert of Europe, which helped prevent a great power war from 1815 to 1845, to the great power centralization of the United Nations Security Council and the web of defense created by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. So as you can see these organizations vary as to number of members, geographic scope, and the nature of commitment to collective action. Yet, there still exists a grandiose idea of perfect collective security. This ideal collective security has often been described as the participation of all states in the world involving legally binding and codified commitment by all members. "The scheme is collective in the fullest sense; it purports to provide security for all states, by the action of all states, against all states which might challenge the existing order by the arbitrary unleashing of their power."4 This ideal view requires a high level of shared interests, almost to the point where inter-state war and power politics would be eliminated. This 2 Kupchan, Charles, and Clifford Kupchan. " Concerts, Collective Security, and Europe," International Security, Summer 1991 (Vol. 16, No. 1) 3 This description of collective security was given by, Cusack, Thomas and Richard Stoll. "Collective Security and State Survival in the Interstate System," International Studies Quanerly, March 1994 (Vol. 38, No.l) 4 This ideal vision of collective security is offered by Inis Claude. Claude, Inis. Power and International Relations, New York: Random House, 1962. p. 110 5 Gustavus Student Repository extreme level of cooperation has never been reached so the nation-states have engaged in efforts that range from very restricted limited regimes to extensive agreements covering many different aspects of security. Despite the difficulty in defining the many different collective security regimes their intentions remain the same and that is the preponderance of collective force over an aggressor. Now in order to determine how neo-realist principles have been used in the past to discredit collective security institutions and how they will now be used to perpetuate them one must first understand how neo-realism works. 6 Gustavus Student Repository Neo-Realism Neo-realist political thought has dominated international relations theory since the demise of the League of Nations shortly before the onset of World War II. The Cold War, while challenging neo-realists to adapt many of their notions, strengthened the overall logic of neo-realism. Neo-realism is called by many theorists as structural realism, due the fact that the emphasis is placed upon the structure of the system that the states operate in. Despite the differences in classic realism and neo-realism I will use the term interchangeably for the rest of the paper. To understand why realists foresee a very limited role for collective security regimes in international politics one must understand what defines the realist's point of view. Realism is understood by many theorists to have 5 underlying principles that separate it from the rest of political theory.5 These principles are equated with the neorealist thought which focus more on the structural aspects of international relations, while classic realism identified more with the individual and human nature. These structural principles take the eternally disputed view of human nature out of the equation allowing for nation-state actions to be predicted without human emotions playing a role. The first of these principles is that the international system is anarchical. This does not mean that there is only chaos or extensive discord, but means more that there is not a central authoritative body. The idea of sovereignty has lied within the confines of nation-states ever since the Treaty of Westphalia. This label of sovereignty implies that the nation-state is the controller of its own destiny and there is no higher governing body that will take away that control. The principle of anarchy reaffirms this notion of sovereignty since 5 The following 5 principles have been promoted by John J. Mearsheimer in Mearsheimer, John. "The False Promise oflnternational Institutions," International Security, Winter 1994/95 (Vol. 19, No. 3) 7 Gustavus Student Repository there is no higher body than a nation-state their sovereignty is unopposed. The second principle states that all nation-states possess some military offensive power, which gives them the wherewithal to damage or possibly destroy another state. Under pure realist thought every state contains this power, even with the absence of conventional military weapons. In the most extreme sense another state may still threaten another others by using their own population armed with just their own hands. While this is a highly unlikely scenario realist thought states that nations must take this into account to protect their security. The third principle states that nation-states can never be certain about the intentions of other nation-states. Even if a state is fairly confident about the perceived intentions of another state the intentions are not static and can change quickly. Thus, a benign state one day can be a malicious state the next. Relating this principle back to the assumption of military power a state must disregard all intentions and focus on one's security. Since intentions are not known states can not pursue activities that fall outside the protection of their own security. Expanding on this thought is that the basic motive of all states is their own survival. The final and most important principle in realist thought is that nation-states are viewed as a collective whole and all of their actions are pursued because they are rational beings. Since states are rational beings their actions can be predicted based upon the set of conditions they are presented with. This allows for theorist to draw predictions on states behavior. The conditions outlined above will bring about certain reactions from the nationstate actors and these actions are perceived to be universal since the conditions of the system that states act in are universal. The first behavioral assumption that can be extrapolated from the environment that states exist in is that nation-states fear each other. 8 Gustavus Student Repository The fear stems from lack of knowledge of intentions and the realization that states possess offensive military power. This fear inhibits a states desire to trust one another and thus realist pose that very little cooperation takes place and the cooperation that is initiated remains a constant struggle to perpetuate. The second behavioral assumption is that nation-states aim to guarantee their own survival through all of their actions. This is implied above, but to elaborate, from a realist perspective every endeavor that a nationstate embarks upon is prompted by a desire to secure its own survival. This idea is often extended to economic and even so-called humanitarian endeavors by many strong neorealists. The final assumption, which I will be focusing the first part of this critique upon, is the behavioral assumption that nation-states in the international system aim to maximize their relative power positions over other nation-states.6 6 These behavioral assumptions are generally accepted by many of the structural realists line of thought, but they are explicitly detailed by John Mearsheimer in, ''The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security, Winter 1994/95 (Vol. 19, No, 3) 9 Gustavus Student Repository Relative Gains Seeking There are many disputed factors that create an ideological conflict between realist proponents and supporters of collective security regimes. One of these ideological divides is the issue of relative gains versus absolute gains. Relative gains vs. absolute gains seeking can be described by the simple analogy of a group of people eating a pizza. The pizza has a limited number of slices. While everybody in the group gets their own slice of pizza some members receive more than one. If a member of the group was a pure relative gains adherent then he would have suffered a relative loss compared to the individuals that received more than one piece. This relative loss may threaten his or her security as the group members that received more pizza may now theoretically convert the extra food into energy and thus compete with the others. An absolute gain adherent would propose the notion that the entire group received some pizza, thus all members, ignoring the inequalities between group members received a benefit. 7 While this is very simple approach to the complex power struggles that occur in international relations it embodies the fundamental difference that separates seekers of absolute gains and seekers of relative gams. As stated above, realists propose that nation-states seek to enhance their relative power positions against other nation-states. To do this they would only choose to embark on cooperative measures that offer them a relative gain advantage in the outcome. This follows the fifth principle of realism, in that nation-states are rational unitary actors. Charles Glasser mentions that in structural realism states are believed to try to maximize their relative power, which creates a zero-sum situation. This situation usually prevents 7 Leitch, Richard. Personal Interview Feb, 24"' 200 I. Gustavus Student Repository any cooperation from happening.8 The idea of a zero-sum situation must be expanded on for it will prove vital later in showing how the logic of its deterrence is obsolete. In a zero-sum system when one state gains the other state will lose and thus the overall gains for the system is zero. Since states are concerned about possible threats to security they use this zero-sum idea when debating to engage in cooperative measures. If the state sees a loss occurring then a cooperative measure will not occur since no state, being a rational actor will act against its own interest. Then states would only engage in cooperation unless the relative power split was equal, and in the world of international relations this very rarely happens. Kenneth Waltz summarizes this perspective well: "When faced with the possibility of cooperating for mutual gain, states that feel insecure must ask how the gain will be divided. They are compelled to ask not "Will both of us gain?" but "Who will gain more?" If an expected gain is to be divided say in the ratio of two to one, one state may use its disproportionate gain to implement a policy intended to damage or destroy the other. Even the prospect of large absolute gains for both parties does not elicit their cooperation so long as each fears how the other will use its increased capabilities.9 · So why are we seeing an increase of cooperation in the world, and why are states explicitly seeking an increase in the collective security cooperation? It is obvious that pure relative gains do not provide a sufficient critique of the proponents claim for collective security cooperation. "Only in the very special case of the two-state interaction, with high concern for relative gains and near disregard for absolute gains, is the realist case compelling."10 This description accurately portrays the international security dynamic that existed in Europe for the 50 years following World War II. There was essentially only a two-state interaction, the United States and the 8 Classer, Charles. "Realist as Optimists," International Security, Winter 1994/95 (Vol. 19, No. 3) 9 Waltz, Kenneth, Theory oflnternational Politics. New York: Random House, 1979. p 105 10 Snidal, Duncan. "Relative Gains and the Pattern of International Cooperation," American Political Science Review, September 1991. (Vol. 85, No, 3) 11 Gustavus Student Repository Soviet Union. Both of these states had an extremely high concern for relative gains. While cooperation did exist in this period under the auspices of such institutions as the North American Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact, these organizations were viewed more as reflections of the superpowers concern for relative gains among themselves than general cooperative endeavors. Realism offered a very effective tool for explaining the lack of cooperation between the spheres of influence controlled by the super-powers. The type of relative gain seeking that was employed during the Cold War inhibited cooperation in two ways. The first way cooperation was inhibited has already been stated earlier in this paper and despite the risk of being repetitive this needs to be clarified for better understanding. When states employ relative gain seeking tactics they limit the range of viable cooperative agreements because states will not accept deals that provide disproportionately greater benefits to others.1 1 This is very easy to understand if states are only focusing on relative gains. If state x was looking to enter into a cooperative effort with state y and statex's gains were significantly larger than state y's gains, state y would not participate. This is equation of the interaction of state x and state y, is a model example of the prisoner's dilemma. The prisoner's dilemma is often used as a model to describe the lack of cooperation between states that operate within the security dilemma. The dilemma exists because the two states involved do not understand each other's intentions and thus act only to protect their own security disregarding absolute gains garnered from cooperation. 11 Grieco, Joseph. Cooperation Among Nations: Europe, America, and N o n -Tariff Barriers to Trade, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1990. 12 Gustavus Student Repository The second way that relative gains seeking inhibits international cooperation, is namely by changing states' incentives.12 This second aspect of relative gains seeking effectively incorporates the first since both are concerned with security. When Waltz argues that that states do not cooperate when other states will gain more than them and threaten their security he is arguing that states trade the short-term absolute gains from cooperation, for the idea that the relative gains will result in a gain of security in the long run. Thus, states focus primarily on long-term personal gains, which becomes their primary incentive. The question that one must

Re-imagining Our Domains: A Feminist Critique of the Art and Porn Worlds

Author: Greer Tori
Publication venue
Publication date: 27/02/2026
Field of study

According to the Guerrilla Girls, 80% of women in art galleries and museums are "nudes" and ask the rhetorical question of whether or not this is the only way for women to get into the art world. By examining the context that surrounds these paintings, it becomes possible to see nudes as a predecessor to pornography. Radical feminists, such as Andrea Dworkin and Catherine A. MacKinnon, espouse the idea that pornography is detrimental to society, due to the negative effects that it has on women, and thus needs to be abolished and made illegal. If pornography is made illegal, does it then follow that male-constructed nude artwork and other erotic materials also need to be banned? If so, does that take away from the idea that women can be sexual beings as well as men? By examining the ideas of Drucilla Cornell, it becomes possible to see not only how and why nude portrayals of women are important to art history, but also how they, along with pornography, are an important aspect for the imaginary domain, which mandates that each person is recognized as individuated, sexual, and capable of creating their own being. This is not to say, however, that the images in both the art world and pornographic circle are not problematic in the present state of affairs. Yet the reason that they are problematic is due to the fact that women and other "subversive" sexuate beings' viewpoints are not as represented as the white, straight, male's viewpoint predominantly is. Without room to tell their own story, women (and other groups) become objectified and made out to be human beings with no moral equity. This paper will examine how the male story/imaginary domain has continually been played out through nude paintings and pornography and is problematic when on its own. Yet if juxtaposed with the images of others' imaginary domain, the implications are far less damaging and can, in fact, be freeing. It is only if the imaginary domain is put into practice and protected, however, that this freedom can be achieved.Re-imagining Our Domains: A Feminist Critique of the Art and Porn Worlds Tori Greer May 23, 2003 Professor Jill Locke 1 Gustavus Student Repository I. Preface Table of Contents II. The Art World and Its Complex Controversies III. Pornographic Perceptions N. Looking Towards a New Reality in the Imaginary Domain V. Where Do We Go Now? • Appendix A: Guerrilla Girls Poster Appendix B: David Appendix C: The Birth of Venus Appendix D: Man in a Polyester Suit Appendix E: Guerilla Girls Poster Appendix F: Playboy attachment Appendix G: Playboy attachment Appendix H: Guerilla Girls Poster Appendix I: Olympia 2 Gustavus Student Repository Preface Every day, men and women are confronted with images of what femininity looks like. These images appear in magazines, TV shows, billboards, and women who conform to the feminine ideals. Yet there is a contradiction inherent to femininity in that it has not been created by the female mind, rather it has been historically male constructed in an effort to assert power over women. This power structure can be seen in many realms of our everyday existence, but two areas where it particularly stands out is within the art and pornography spheres. According to the Guerrilla Girls, 80% of women in art galleries and museums are "nudes" and ask the rhetorical question of whether or not this is the only way for women to get into the art world. By examining the context that surrounds these paintings, it . becomes possible to see nudes as a predecessor to pornography. Radical feminists, such as Andrea Dworkin and Catherine A. MacKinnon, espouse the idea that pornography is detrimental to society, due to the negative effects that it has on women, and thus needs to be abolished and made illegal. If pornography is made illegal, does it then follow that male-constructed nude artwork and other erotic materials also need to be banned? If so, does that take away from the idea that women can be sexual beings as well as men? By examining the ideas of Drucilla Cornell, it becomes possible to see not only how and why nude portrayals of women are important to art history, but also how they, along with pornography, are an important aspect for the imaginary domain, which mandates that each person is recognized as individuated, sexual, and capable of creating their own being. This is not to say, however, that the images in both the art world and pornographic circle are not problematic in the present state of affairs. Yet the reason that 3 Gustavus Student Repository they are problematic is due to the fact that women and other "subversive" sexuate beings' viewpoints are not as represented as the white, straight, male's viewpoint predominantly is. Without room to tell their own story, women (and other groups) become objectified and made out to be human beings with no moral equity. This paper will examine how the male story/imaginary domain has continually been played out through nude paintings and pornography and is problematic when on its own. Yet if juxtaposed with the images of others' imaginary domain, the implications are far less damaging and can, in fact, be freeing. It is only if the imaginary domain is put into practice and protected, however, that this freedom can be achieved. 4 Gustavus Student Repository Chapter I: The Art World and Its Complex Controversies Lecia and I did earn nickels selling peeks at Mother's nudist cartoons from her New Yorker anthology. (We saved the art books for the kids who could cough up as much as a quarter for a long stare at a Bosch painting with lots of skinny demons and some largebreasted matron being poked at with sticks.) Mary Karr, The Liar's Club: A Memoir In 1985, The Guerrilla Girls first began their crusade as the "Conscience of the Art World." Their mission was to expose the male-oriented ways of the art world, which they did effectively by hanging posters through the SoHo district in New York City. One poster brought to light that 85% of women in museums are portrayed as objectified nudes. The poster went on to ask if this is the only ( emphasis added) way for women to be accepted into the artistic world, since women represent only 5% of artists displayed.1 Some might accredit these disheartening facts to the idea that women are simply not artists. However, women have been creating their own works of art throughout history. Along with their posters, the Guerrilla Girls have written books that expose sexism within the art world. One book states: The truth is that, despite prejudice, there have been lots of women artists throughout Western history. From ancient Greece and Rome there are accounts of women painters who earned more than their male counterparts. In the Middle Ages, nuns made tapestries and illuminated manuscripts. In the Renaissance, daughters were trained to help in their fathers' ateliers; some went on to have careers of their own. In the 17th and 18th centuries, women excelled at portraiture and broke new ground in the scientific observation of plants and animals. In the 19th century, women cross-dressed for success or lived in exile, far enough from home to behave as they pleased. In the 20th century, the ranks of white women artists and women artists of color swelled. These artists were part of every 20th century "ism" and started a few of their own, too.2 Thus there have been women that have broken the standard male mold and were able to come into their own vis-a-vis their imagination. Yet there no female artists in the New 1 See Appendix A 2 The Guerrilla Girls. The Guerrilla Girls Bedside Companion to the History of Western An. Penguin Books, New York. 1998. p. 8 5 Gustavus Student Repository York Met and other well-known museums. Or even in smaller, less known museums. The white male viewpoint has been and continues to be the authoritative power when it comes to determining what the public is entitled to see as art, and thus the artwork that is valued is reflective of those who choose it. When the male ideal is the only thing seen as art, it becomes foreseeable why there are so many nude portrayals of women. Throughout Western history, there has been a dichotomous relationship between males and females particularly when dealing with the categories of sex and gender. This can lead into hazardous ways of thinking and a spill over into the rest of society-particularly within male artistic expression. John Berger, in his article entitled "Ways of Seeing", poignantly shows how women can be transformed from a human into a sexual object by the brush and stroke of a male artist. Berger first presents the idea that women and men have differing presences within society. This stems from the notion that a man is more powerful depending on his size, with the pretense being that his size will influence the amount of control that he has over others. A woman's presence "expresses her own attitude to herself, and defines what can and cannot be done to her." 3 Everything about a woman's presence, including her clothing, opinions, hair, etc., contributes to how she will be perceived by society. Berger writes "[T]o be born a woman has been to be born, within an allotted and confined space, into the keeping of men."4 Every action that a woman takes part in has hidden meaning, whereas men's actions do not take on multiple meanings. The example of throwing a glass onto the floor is used by Berger to show that if a woman were to do so, it would be taken to mean that she would expect to throw or be thrown around in a violent manner if 3 John Berger, ''Ways of Seeing" in Jaggar, Alison, ed. Living with Contradictions: Controversies in Feminist Social Ethics. Westview Press, Boulder, CO. 1994. p. 189 4 Ibid. p. 190 6 Gustavus Student Repository someone is angry within a relational context. If a man does this in tum, it only means that he is angry and wanted something to throw.5 It follows that: Men act and women appear. Men look at women. Women watch themselves being looked at. This determines not only most relationships between men and women but also the relation of women to themselves. The surveyor of woman in herself is male: the surve6ed female. Thus she turns herself into an object-and most particularly a sight. Within this context, women have no other choice but to be the surveyed female and thus it comes across that women have historically been objectified. This notion particularly comes out when looking at images of the female body in nude paintings, which presently is one of the only ways for women to work their way into the art world. Berger charges that within traditional Western nude paintings "there remains the implication that the subject ( a woman) is aware of being seen by a spectator: She is not as naked as she is. She is as naked as the spectator sees her."7 It is this viewing by the spectator/artist, as well as the awareness of being viewed by the subject, that transforms one from merely being a naked being in a piece of art to a nude. Berger cites Kenneth Clark, author of The Nude, as asserting that a nude is not a naked body as the central figure, but is the artist conveying his/her "way of seeing."8 Yet Berger maintains that a nude is something entirely different from Clark's conception. The nude is a representation of "lived sexuality" wherein To be naked is to be oneself. To be nude is to be seen naked by others and yet not recognized for oneself [emphasis added]. A naked body has to be seen as an object in order to become a nude. (The sight of it as an object stimulates the use of it as an object.) Nakedness reveals itself. Nudity is placed on display.9 5Ibid, p. 190 6 Ibid, p. 190 7 Ibid, p. 191 8 Ibid, p. 194 9 Ibid, p. 194 7 Gustavus Student Repository Thus it does not strike the viewer as surprising that women are depicted in relation to the male artist who is perceiving and recording her image. It also appears that the woman who is being immortalized is only there because the male artist is, even if there is another male present within the portrayal. In a painting where there is or isn't another man, there is always the notion that "the figures have assumed their nudity. But he, by definition, is a stranger-with his clothes still on."10 Berger concludes by arguing that while there are exceptions to the above, they serve a specific purpose of commemorating the relationship that existed between the model and painter. This results in the idea that the spectator of today cannot "deceive himself into believing that she is naked for him."11 These same ideas of males as spectators, while women are deemed the spectated sex can still be seen in contemporary society, this can be seen by comparing male and female nudes and then imagining the character as the opposite sex and applying Berger's theories to contemporary social settings. When one sees a portrait (or another from of art) of a naked woman and man, there is often a comparable difference between how they hold their bodies. This can be noted by examining the famous statue of David by Michelangelo and the painted figure of Venus in Adolphe-William Bouguereau's The Birth of Venus.1 2 David is portrayed as a muscular man, whom one can assume would be able to exude great strength. He is standing legs shoulder-width apart, with one arm at his side and the other bringing an apple to his mouth. When looking at this piece of art, one does not notice so much that he is naked, but rather that he is a mighty man, capable of great feats of power. If this 10 Ibid, p. 195 11 Ibid, p. 197 12 See Appendices B and C. 8 Gustavus Student Repository statue is juxtaposed to Bouguereau's painting, a strong difference comes across to the eye of the beholder. Venus, rather than standing towards the artist/viewer, is shying her face into her arm, which is holding her hair up, in conjunction with the other hand. This then has the effect of baring her breasts to anyone that catches sight of her. Her legs are also close together, which assigns the thought that she is modest and pure. Bouguereau also portrays her with her eyes shut, which continues to enforce the idea that not only is she pure, but she does not enjoy being looked at, but realizes that it is a part of who she is. Today both of these artworks have been transformed into miniaturized magnets and have proven to be quite popular in their time, which seems to say that society still buys into this idea of man being for man and woman being for man. Yet there has also been recent controversy over how men are depicted in art, particularly in the case of the late Robert Mapplethorpe. Mapplethorpe's portrayal of men deviates from the typical vision of men that is seen in other works of art in that they are objectified in much the same way as nude visions of women, which has been attributed to the fact that he was gay. Kobena Mercer first criticizes his photographs of black male nudes from a feminist viewpoint and indicates that there are many parallels between Mapplethorpe's work and the traditional female nude. Ultimately, though, Mercer rejects this stance in favor of an understanding of his artistic license, due to his opening of new artistic doors-much like the painters of the nude female. In these pieces of art, which were published in Mapplethorpe's The Black Book, images of black men were prominently displayed as merely sexual objects. Mercer writes: [I]t was important to draw critical attention to the almost pornographic flamboyance with which Mapplethorpe, whose trademark is cool irony, seemed to 9 Gustavus Student Repository perpetuate the racist stereotype that, essentially, the black man is nothing more than a penis. 13 Mercer relates that as a black, gay male these images were extremely disturbing, because they seem to inherently make black men into "things" and essentially suppress the potential of moral equality. Much like the dichotomous relationship between controlling masculinity and passive femininity, Mapplethorpe creates "the black/white duality" in the same way through his photographs.14 In this sense, what is represented in Mapplethorpe's photographs is a 'look', or a certain 'way of looking', in which the pictures reveal more about the absent and invisible white male photographer who actively controls the gaze than they do about the black men whose beautiful bodies we see depicted in his photographs. 15 It is this 'look' which seems to most objectify his black models, as they are often times presented as mere parts. Mercer cites the example of Man in a Polyester Suit as how the body becomes divided into parts, therefore denouncing the idea that the black man is a moral equal to his white photographer. 16 Within this picture, there is no headshot, but rather just a body covered by a suit with black hands and a black penis exposed.17 As many of Mapplethorpe's photos consist of this imagery, Mercer deduces that despite outside evidence showing to the contrary, Mapplethorpe insists on the idea that black men are sexual beings only and consistently have large penises.18 Despite all of this, Mercer eventually is led to the conclusion that Mapplethorpe's art is not pornographic in nature or racist. 13 Mercer, Kobena. "Just Looking for Trouble: Robert Mapplethorpe and Fantasies of Race." In Cornell, Drucilla, ed. Feminism and Pornography. Oxford University Press: Oxford. 2000. p. 463 14 Ibid, p. 465 15 Ibid, p. 465 16 See Appendix D It should also be noted that the man in the picture was Mapplethorpe's gay lover, but was closeted and did not wish his family to know. 17 Ibid, p. 465 18 Ibid, p. 467 10 Gustavus Student Repository Mercer duly recognizes and notes that Mapplethorpe said the following regarding his decision to photograph black men: At some point I started photographing black men. It was an area that hadn't been explored intensively. If you went through the history of nude male photography, there were very few black subjects. I found that I could take ictures of black men that were so subtle, and the form was so photographical. 9 Thus, it was Mapplethorpe's imaginative desire to explore another area of art that had previously been invisible that motivated him to photograph as he did, rather than keeping intact racist notions. Mercer also notes that it was also the changing political climate to a censoring atmosphere that helped him to see that perhaps what Mapplethorpe had to offer was not so bad after all-and he is certainly not alone in his opinion. Many art critics hail Mapplethorpe for retaining a formalist style and seldom use the word obscenity to describe his work. 20 In fact, Janet Kardon, curator of the Institute of Contemporary Art in Philadelphia-which is where the controversy originated-said of the show: There is drama in each photograph; edges are used as the perimeters of a proscenium, with subjects strategically sited within those boundaries and caught at a moment of absolute stasis. Most sitters are portrayed frontally, aligned with the camera lens, in direct eye contact with the photographer and, in turn, the viewer. Nudes generally assume classical poses. This is the language of formalism, a perspective that emphasizes the form over and above the issues of content or social context. 2 1 Mapplethorpe also escapes the traps of the unary photograph, which according to Dustin Kidd, is the photograph which captures something as it is and nothing more. 22 Photographs that are of journalistic nature, as well as pornographic (but not the erotic), 19 Ibid, p. 471 20 Kidd, Dustin. "Mapplethorpe and the New Obscenity." Afterimage, March-April 2003 v30 i5 p6 (2) p. 1 of MN-Minitex Statewide Database Access Program printout 21 Ibid, Dustin, p. 1-2 of printout 22 Ibid, p. 2 of printout 11 Gustavus Student Repository are typically categorized as unary. Mapplethorpe escapes both unary photography and pornography by shifting his focus from genitalia, to things such as the material of the clothing that adorns his clothed models. Thus on many accounts, Mapplethorpe serves to define the boundaries between pornographic and erotic art. 23 Yet by some this still fails to fit into what is deemed art, particularly for Senator Jesse Helms. In 1989, Mapplethorpe's art received national attention when it received National Endowment for the Arts (NBA) funding, which allowed "Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment" to appear in the Institute of Contemporary Art in Philadelphia.24 This showing received attention when it reached the city of Washington D.C. (which was not to be funded by the NBA), after successfully being shown without controversy in the cities of Philadelphia and Chicago. 25 Washington D.C. was a hotbed for controversy at this time, due to Senator Helms leading a campaign against the NBA for funding the artwork of Andres Serrano (Serrano is most known for his "Piss Christ" artpiece ). 26 Thus Christina Orr-Cahall, the director of the Corcoran, where the exhibit was to take place, cancelled the exhibit' s showing. Orr-Cahall made her decision based around the idea of avoiding unnecessary controversy, which was "not because of any shared sentiment with Jesse Helms, but rather as a strategic defense against Helms."27 Following the cancellation, there were protests from enraged art viewers, who projected slides of Mapplethorpe's work onto the Corcoran. The protests led to a mass media event 23 Ibid, p. 2 of printout 24 Man in a Polyester Suit is one of the pieces in this show. 25 Ibid, p. 4 of printout 26 The Guerrilla Girls also took action against Jesse Helms by producing a poster. See Appendix E. 27 Ibid, p. 5 of printout 12 Gustavus Student Repository and the condemnation of Mapplethorpe's "obscene" work as synonymous with everything that has gone wrong with the art world. 28 Within this debate lies the issue of gender and how it should be portrayed. It is

Justice Delayed: The Influence of Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics in the Case of Medgar Evers

Author: Boyd Heather
Publication venue
Publication date: 23/01/2026
Field of study

Medgar Evers was the first casualty experienced in Mississippi during the civil rights battle waged throughout the 1960s and beyond. Evers was an NAACP field secretary viciously gunned down in his own driveway, in front of his children as the rest of the nation absorbed President John F. Kennedy's speech regarding the need for more equality and civil rights legislation that had been given earlier the same night. The "he" that Dylan refers to throughout this song is Byron de la Beckwith, an alcoholic, segregationist fertilizer salesman from the Mississippi River valley delta. Beckwith was the man accused of Evers' assassination, tried twice in 1964 and again in 1994, and Dylan's observations about Beckwith's true nature may be more astute than they seem.Justice Delayed: The Influence of Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics in the Case of Medgar Evers Heather Boyd Senior Thesis: Gustavus Adolphus College Dr. Chris Gilbert December, 1998 Gustavus Student Repository Justice Delayed: The Influence of Mississippi Gubernatorial Politics in the Case of Medgar Evers Table Of Contents ♦ Introduction ..................................................................................... 1 ♦ Chapter One: The State of Mississippi in 1963 • The State of Race Relations ........................................................... .4 • State Statistics and Rankings .......................................................... 7 • Composition of the Mississippi Legislature ........................................ 11 ♦ Chapter Two: The Assassination of Medgar Evers • MedgarEvers: A Brief Biography ................................................... 15 • Details of the Assassination .......................................................... 17 • Public Reactions ........................................................................ 20 • Suspects and Trials .................................................................... 23 ♦ Chapter Three: Changes in the Mississippi Legislature, 1980s and 1990s • State Statistics and Rankings ......................................................... 28 • Key New Legislators ................................................................... 31 ♦ Chapter Four: The Retrial of the Evers Assassination Case • Impetus to a Third Trial ............................................................... 34 • Constitutional Issues and Evidentiary Difficulties ................................ 38 • The Third Trial.. ...................................................................... .42 ♦ Conclusion ................................................................................... .45 ♦ Figures ......................................................................................... .47 ♦ Bibliography .................................................................................. 49 Gustavus Student Repository ~ Introduction ~ Perhaps folk music legend Bob Dylan was more accurate than many would believe when he wrote the lyrics to his 1960s ballad Only A Pawn In Their Game. The content of his message is completely clear from even the most superficial reading of his lyrics. He opens: "A bullet from the back of a bush took Medgar Evers' blood. A finger fired the trigger to his name. A handle hid out in the dark A hand set the spark Two eyes took the aim Behind a man's brain But he can't be blamed He's only a pawn in their game." 1 Medgar Evers was the first casualty experienced in Mississippi during the civil rights battle waged throughout the 1960s and beyond. Evers was an NAACP field secretary viciously gunned down in his own driveway, in front of his children as the rest of the nation absorbed President John F. Kennedy's speech regarding the need for more equality and civil rights legislation that had been given earlier the same night. The "he" that Dylan refers to throughout this song is Byron de la Beckwith, an alcoholic, segregationist fertilizer salesman from the Mississippi River valley delta. Beckwith was the man accused of Evers' assassination, tried twice in 1964 and again in 1994, and Dylan's observations about Beckwith's true nature may be more astute than they seem. There is no longer any debate surrounding the question as to whether Beckwith actually was the gunman who took Evers' life. The jury in 1994 delivered the conviction that his widow and many civil rights activists had waited for for more than thirty years in a final affirmation of Beckwith's guilt. What is still highly debatable is the true cause behind the difference in verdicts delivered by juries distanced by more than three decades. Why was the Evers case resurrected and retried when many of the original parties concerned were long since deceased? How is it that the state of Mississippi found a justifiable reason to bring an ailing 85-year-old man before a jury for the third time regarding the same crime? In essence, what was the impetus and motivation behind the Bob Dylan, Only A Pawn In Their Game (Warner Bros. Inc., 1964) Available: http://orad.dent.kyushu-u.ac.jp/dylan.onlypawn.html. 1 Gustavus Student Repository manner in which this case was dealt? It is too naYve to assume that this case was merely one in which conviction was finally found on account of evidentiary differences. In fact, when prosecutors in the 1990s decided to re-investigate the Evers case, their main concern was that many witnesses were deceased, evidence lost, and even the original trial transcripts had somehow disappeared. Circumstances were not exactly hospitable to a third trial. This being so, why did this trial take place? If the evidence was strong enough to win a conviction more than thirty years after the fact, why was it not strong enough less than a year after the murder occurred? It is obvious that the answers to these questions lie not in the sole examination of the trials themselves. The atmosphere surrounding each trial must be examined, and once this is done, the answers to all of these questions seem to fall quite well into one generalized answer. The influence of the Mississippi legislature, in particular the Governors during both time periods, was profound in the eventual outcome of each individual trial. This legislative branch, which is theoretically supposed to be separated from the judiciary, had much to do with the verdicts rendered. The personal views and political stances of the Governors of Mississippi in 1964 and 1994 pervaded the agenda and the general sense of politics during these extremely distinct eras. Ultimately, what occurred in Mississippi in regard to the Medgar Evers case were verdicts of influence. During all of these trials, the Governors stood to gain quite a bit politically with the deliverance of a particular outcome in this trial, so each worked very diligently, if discreetly at times, to assure that this political opportunity would not be squandered. Through the examination of Mississippi's statistical standings relative to other states in the nation and political rhetoric which surrounded each gubernatorial race during these specific time periods, the influence of gubernatorial politics upon this case becomes increasingly obvious. Perhaps as an interesting bit of prophecy, Bob Dylan speaks to the fate that lie ahead for Byron de la Beckwith in his twilight years. "Today, Medgar Evers was buried from the bullet he caught. They lowered him down as a king. But when the shadowy sun sets on the one That fired the gun He'll see by his grave On the stone that remains 2 Gustavus Student Repository Carved next to his name His epitaph plain: Only a pawn in their game. "2 Not to diminish the degree of culpability which Beckwith must take for his own personal actions, but there was much more at work during these trials than just the consideration of evidence against this particular defendant. The Mississippi governors did, indeed, assure that not only Beckwith, but the Evers trial as a whole, was a crucial pawn in their game of political maneuvering and success. 2 Dylan. 3 Gustavus Student Repository ~ Chapter One: The State Of Mississippi in 1963 ~ The State of Race Relations The state of Mississippi in the 1960s is supposed to be nearly incomprehensible to those who were not able to experience the atmosphere for themselves. In order to believe the descriptions and the details that many people give about this period in time, it is almost as if the literary technique of suspended disbelief must be applied. It is truly amazing that race relations could ever take on the characteristics that they did in Mississippi just before the civil right movement began and was in its earliest stages. Reading memories from countless Mississippi citizens of the time is the only way that one begins to truly absorb the fact that this is not fiction; it is the brutal truth enacted in all of its stunning detail. Understanding this seemingly fictional atmosphere of complete oppression and fear is key to establishing the basis from which the rest of the Medgar Evers story unfolds. Without a clear understanding of the racial and social atmosphere legislators, in particular the Mississippi governor, had to operate within, the effects of their involvement would be much more difficult to pinpoint. Once the student places themselves into the mindset of Mississippi citizens of the time and understands how their society was structured, the ramifications of obvious gubernatorial involvement are striking. The Evers case provides, perhaps, the most easily proven example of gubernatorial involvement in the judiciary available. When news reporters from the 1960s reported on events taking place within Mississippi, it is almost as if they are attempting description of a foreign land. "Northerners who were concerned with [race relations] felt, when they visited Mississippi, that they had strayed into another time, another country,' New York Times reporter and columnist Anthony Lewis wrote in the mid-1 960s .... Writers arrived half-looking for a strange, foreign land right there on American soil .... Mississippi came to be seen as the dark mirror, America's worst se!f."3 Many of these common perceptions of Mississippi offering the worst of America came from the relay of stories of just what happened to those who dared oppose the segregated status quo. Stories in particular of the Mississippian idea of justice were notorious throughout the nation. These stories are 3 Adam Nossiter, Of Long Memory: Mississippi and the Murder ofMedgar Evers (New York: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1994) 71. 4 Gustavus Student Repository not distanced by much from those of the cotton plantation owners severely whipping their impudent slaves. James Silver in his highly revolutionary and controversial work, Mississippi: The Closed Society describes several of the most well-known episodes associated with the Mississippi sense of justice that would soon deal with the accused assassin of the nation's first slain civil rights organizer. As a mere sampling of these examples that are all too easily found: "On August 13, 1955, Negro Lamar Smith, who had been 'messing around' in politics, was shot to death at midday in front of a courthouse. Three whites, indicted for murder, were never brought to trial. Judge Brady gave the reason: no white man would testify against another for the murder of a black man .... In federal court, a sheriff testified that he had indeed beaten a [black man], a voter registration worker, in the Rankin County courthouse ... .'I hit him as many times as I could .. .if he hadn't run, I'd have kept on hitting him.'"4 These are two of the most palatable examples that historical reports have to offer. Others include severe physical punishment to the point of deformity or death and the infliction of mental anguish so great that torturous does not even begin to form an adequate description. Interestingly, once James Silver published this particular work, in which he repeatedly emphasized the idea of Mississippi as a closed, totalitarian society made him one of the first political exiles of the civil rights movement. Although Silver was primarily a historian, not an activist, when he was quoted in interviews for his newly published work as saying, "The Mississippian who prides himself on his individuality, in reality lives in a climate where nonconformity is forbidden, where the white man is not free, where he does not dare to express a deviating opinion without looking over his shoulder,"5 he led himself to live the same fate he described. From that moment on, Silver was no longer welcome within the Mississippi community he had called home, and he was forced by constant threats to his physical safety to leave the state entirely. 4 James W. Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1964) 91. 5 Nossiter 73. 5 Gustavus Student Repository I i This atmosphere of complete oppression for the black Mississippi community and any sympathizers is that which sets the stage for one of the most interesting judicial cases to come out of the civil rights movement as a whole. Taking into account the police brutality, the virtually unchecked actions of the white supremacists and the idea that even a historian who dares to speak a new interpretation of the state of Mississippi affairs being driven from his home, it does, indeed, seem as if this action occurred in another country foreign to the idea of personal equality, or even more simply, personal humanity. 6 Gustavus Student Repository State Statistics and Rankings The unbelievable state of Mississippi race relations during the 1960s does not, by itself form the entire picture of the atmosphere within which the state legislature and Governor had to maneuver. Mississippi, considered in its entirety as a state, has held a dubious position in US politics for decades. Renowned southern political scientist and statistician, V.O. Key, in publishing his results of voting and polling analysis made the observation that even "Southerners, with their eye for distinction, place Mississippi in a class by itself. "6 North Carolinians and Virginians in particular regard their neighbor as "a backward culture, with a ruling class both unskilled and neglectful of its duties. And every other southern state finds some reason to fall back on the soul-satisfying exclamation, Thank God for Mississippi'"7 because Mississippi's constant lagging makes all states appear advanced by comparison. Although Key wrote his observations in the late 1940s, his comments are completely applicable to the atmosphere of the state surrounding the assassination of civil rights leader Medgar Evers. The state of Mississippi was every bit as miserable surrounding the assassination as it was when Key wrote: "Mississippi politics is a politics of frustration not only because of the race question; its politics distills down to oratory also because the state is miserably poor. The gap between the rich and poor is wide, but as a whole the state is so poor that a welfare politics can only become a politics of fulmination and little more. "8 An examination of the statistics surrounding the state of Mississippi during the 1960s confirms that Mississippi was, indeed, miserable and that the politics surrounding the trial of Evers' accused assassin was little more than rhetoric due to the lack of resources to produce tangible improvements for the state. There are quite a few basic statistics that illustrate the full picture of the state of Mississippi during the 1960s era of civil rights tumult. Figure One presents a tabular layout of key state statistics, but several must necessarily be discussed in order to present fully the atmosphere which produced a Governor who felt he could assert his presence into judicial matters. Race relations in the state at that time provide only a partial picture 6 V.O. Key Southern Politicians in State and Nation (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1950) 229. 7 Key 229. 8 Key 230. 7 Gustavus Student Repository of this atmosphere, and statistical analysis must be used in order to fill in the blanks that pure history leaves. This figure was composed as a compilation of information presented in Statistical Abstracts covering various applicable years, and the categories chosen for comparison are those whose discussion lends the most credence to shaping a full picture of what Mississippi was and is still. The statistics from 1963 and 1964, the year of Evers' assassination and the year of his accused assassin's first two trials, are especially relevant to the discussion of the state of affairs with which state legislators at the time had to contend. As far as total population is concerned, the numbers for Mississippi in 1963-64 put the state in the approximate middle of the US states in regard to sheer numbers of people. 2.248 million people called Mississippi their home in 1963 and with a slight increase in this number (to 2.29 million) in 1964, the state retained its ranking as the 29th largest state in the union.9 These figures by themselves are fairly unremarkable, but what is intriguing is the further exploration of these statistics to the examination of the population by color and net migration that occurred within each race during this period. The 1963 census provided the information for both editions of the Statistical Abstract and it stated that the white population did, indeed, outnumber the black population by approximately 300,000 people. 10 It is not surprising that the whites maintained a majority within the state, but this margin is much smaller than one would expect given the attitudes projected in state news and politics. The "white majority" is usually touted as such an overwhelming superior population, that examination of the actual numbers dispels the myth that the majority that ran Mississippi politics was overwhelming and unquestionable. The other part of the deeper investigation into the population statistics for Mississippi in these crucial years that yields useful results is the examination of net migration patterns by race. According to the same 1963 national census, between the years of 1950-1960, there was a total migration of -9.3% by the state's white population, while during the same period, the black population experienced a net migration total of 9 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States 1963 and 1964 editions (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1963 and 1964) pp. 9 and 1 I. 10 U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1964 (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1964) 27. 8 Gustavus Student Repository -32.7%.11 The overwhelming amount of births as compared to deaths can account for the fact that the overall level of population during these years did not drop as drastically as the migration statistics suggest they would. These huge negative trends in net migration, however, paint a very interesting picture for the state of Mississippi during these years. So many blacks were finding the economic and socially atmospheric conditions so revolting that they were choosing to leave the area entirely rather than deal with the consequences of living in such a society. The wretched state of the Mississippi economy of the period can be explored through the perusal of statistics from the era as well. Public school expenditures during the period from 1963 to 1964 were just around the one million dollar mark, while its per pupil expenditures were only slightly above $200 annually. 12 These numbers made Mississippi the state that spent the least amount of money of public education in the entire country, a rank of 50th which it would retain for more than three decades. With such a low amount of governmental investment in the improvement of the state through education and the legislature's strong stance against educational integration, the picture of Mississippi during this time frame becomes even more dismal. Not only was the black population experiencing racial oppression, but its main avenue toward equality, that of education, was severely underfunded by that state government. Teacher pay was the lowest in the nation as well, giving the educated little reason to venture into this state in the hopes of bettering the situation. A final set of statistics which seems to complete the dismal picture of Mississippi's affairs during the 1960s is the number of necessary professionals whose presence stabilizes even the most rural societies. Physicians, for example, only numbered 1,686 total in 1963 and even one less (1,685) the following year. In terms of per populace numbers, that amounts to one doctor for every 77 people in 1963 ( a national rank of 48th ) and one for every 76 in 1964 (a rank of 49th nationally).13 In a state where basic medical care, in addition to educational and governmental outlets were nearly II U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1963 (Washington D.C.: GPO, 1963) 39. 12 U.S. Bureau of the Census 1963, 115. 13 U.S. Bureau of the Census 1964, 124. U.S. Bureau of the Census 1963, 74. U.S. Bureau of the Census 1964, 69. 9 Gustavus Student Repository impossible for blacks to obtain, the legislature was maintaining its stalwart stance that the state of the state was perfectly fine. The era of white supremacy was just past its pinnacle, yet southern politicians were still standing in the doorway of the schoolhouse that could lead the black population to a much more equal standing. 10 Gustavus Student Repository Composition of the Mississippi Legislature "For people looking in from the outside, the place had a kind of lunatic edge. Mississippi's repression appeared too incompetent for the state to qualify in any sort of totalitarian big league. The state's authorities were using a blunderbuss to shoot birdshot at the world, and they we

Visitor Visas and U.S. Policy_ Explaining B-2 Visa Trends

Author: Nelson Rebecca L.
Publication venue
Publication date: 27/01/2026
Field of study

The United States welcomed over six million visitors from six regions of the world in 1996 (Dept. of State, 23-28). They entered the U.S. under a B-2 visa, which is a nonimmigrant visa allowing travel in the United States. These visitors went through an extensive application and interview process with U.S. consular officers before they were granted B-2 visas. In these interviews, final decisions were based on the officer's judgement or opinion of whether or not the applicant is intending to remain in the U.S. indefinitely. Because the decision is based on an individual's perception, some embassies grant more B-2 visas than others do. For example, El Salvador grants more B-2 visas per capita than its Latin neighbor Venezuela (Dept. of State, 112-126 and The Economist Book of Vital World Statistics, 14-15). In this study, I analyze why some embassies in certain countries grant more B-2 visas than those in other countries.Visitor Visas and U.S. Policy: Explaining B-2 Visa Trends Rebecca L. Nelson Pf. Chris Gilbert Fall, 1998 Gustavus Student Repository Table of contents CHAPTER 1 U.S. POLICY AND B-2 VISAS: WHO GETS THE VISAS? 3 CHAPTER 2 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE B-2 VISA 9 CHAPTER 3 CORRELATIONS: POLTICAL STABILITY. SOCIAL WELFARE. & U.S. RELATIONS 19 CATEGORY 1: POLITICAL STABILITY POLITICAL STABILITY CORRELATION 1 POLITICAL STABILITY CORRELATION 2 POLITICAL STABILITY CORRELATION 3 CATEGORY 2: SOCIAL WELFARE SOCIAL WELFARE CORRELATION 1 SOCIAL WELFARE CORRELATION 2 SOCIAL WELFARE CORRELATION 3 SOCIAL WELFARE CORRELATION 4 CATEGORY 3: RELATIONS WITH THE U.S. U.S. RELATIONS CORRELATION 1 U.S. RELATIONS CORRELATION 2 U.S. RELATIONS CORRELATION 3A U.S. RELATIONS CORRELATION 3B U.S. RELATIONS CORRELATION 3C RESULTS OF CORRELATIONS CHAPTER 4 REGRESSIONS: U.S. RELATIONS REGRESSION-1 REGRESSION-2 REGRESSION-3 REGRESSION-4 REGRESSION-5 20 21 21 22 23 24 25 27 28 29 30 31 32 32 33 34 36 37 38 38 39 41 CHAPTER 5 ELITISM AND INDNIDUALIZED POLICYMAKING: WHAT WILL HAPPEN NEXT? 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY 48 2 Gustavus Student Repository CHAPTER 1 U.S. Policy and B-2 Visas: Who Gets the Visas? The United States welcomed over six million visitors from six regions of the world in 1996 (Dept. of State, 23-28). They entered the U.S. under a B-2 visa, which is a nonimmigrant visa allowing travel in the United States. These visitors went through an extensive application and interview process with U.S. consular officers before they were granted B-2 visas. In these interviews, final decisions were based on the officer's judgement or opinion of whether or not the applicant is intending to remain in the U.S. indefinitely. Because the decision is based on an individual's perception, some embassies grant more B-2 visas than others do. For example, El Salvador grants more B- 2 visas per capita than its latin neighbor Venezuela (Dept. of State, 112-126 and The Economist Book of Vital World Statistics, 14-15). In this study, I analyze why some embassies in certain countries grant more B-2 visas than those in other countries. Of those who apply but do not receive B-2 visas, the majority is denied under section 214 (b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act. In 1996, 79% of nonimmigrant visa denials fell under Section 214(b) (Department of State, 147). According to section 214 (b), applicants must provide physical evidence that they are not intending immigrants. Evidence includes documentation of financial, family, or social ties to one's home country. Some countries do not have documentation of finances, ownership, births, etc., which puts more burden on the applicant to prove that he will return to his home country. The final decision is based, therefore, almost completely on the interviewing officer's 3 Gustavus Student Repository perception of the applicant in person. The officer decides, based on his or her personal view, if the applicant is being truthful and if he appears to be honest when he says that he will indeed return to his home country. Because there is no established standard that defines "sufficient" or "insufficient" evidence, the interviewing officer has leeway to grant or decline B-2 applications based on his personal perception of the applicant. Those who are granted B-2 visas vary among individual countries as much as it does among interviewing officers. The leeway given to interviewing officers is a factor in the degree of variance, since officers are individuals coming into each interview with varying viewpoints. However, the degree of variance among countries forms a trend in the number of B-2 visas granted per capita in some countries in comparison to others in the same region who are of similar economic standing. In Sri Lanka, for example, more than 15% of every 1000 people are granted B-2 visas, in spite of the low economic standing of Sri Lanka's population. The proportion of B-2 visas granted in Indonesia is considerably less. Less than 0.01 % per 1000 people are granted visas in Indonesia, although the people in Indonesia have similar economic situations as those in Sri Lanka and, thus, have equal economic ties as Sri Lanka in B-2 applications (Dept. of State, 112- 126 and The Economist book of Vital World Statistics, 14-15). I intend, therefore, to explore why these differences occur. There are three possible explanations for trends in B-2 visa approvals. The first is that applicants from poorer countries may find it more difficult to overcome the burden of providing evidence of ties to their home country, such as birth certificates and financial documents, because such documents are not kept in that country. They would be unable to demonstrate to an interviewing officer that they do not intend to remain in the United States. However, we 4 Gustavus Student Repository have seen with Sri Lanka and Indonesia, both relatively poor countries in Asia with equal degrees of difficulty finding physical evidence, the proportion of B-2 visas granted varies. Therefore, there must be another explanation for the inconsistency of B-2 approvals. Another possible explanation is that foreign policy affects B-2 visas. Enacted law does not define foreign policy such as this; rather policy is expressed through consular activities, such as visa decisions. These policies are highlighted and understood through trends in visa decisions. Expected policy would be that B-2 visas are granted in countries (or to citizens of those countries) who have strong relations with the U.S. Relations in this sense could be political, economic, or historical. This explanation of B-2 visa decisions states that the strength of relations with the U.S. affects visa decisions. Another type of policy defined by visa trends is shaped by consular leniency towards applicants of countries that are politically unstable or that have low social welfare. This hypothesis suggests that interviewing officers grant B-2 visas to applicants from unstable or poorer countries to help applicants "escape." An example of possible effects of political stability or social welfare on B-2 visa decisions can be seen in the numbers of visas being approved in El Salvador and Sri Lanka. Both El Salvador and Sri Lanka have suffered political instability in recent years and both are granted high numbers of B-2 visas per capita, especially considering the economic conditions in each country which should, according to Section 214 (b), prevent their residents from receiving them. In these cases, political instability may affect interviewing officers' decisions. Both countries also experience considerable poverty and a low standard of living. That is to say, social welfare may also be a factor in visa decisions in El Salvador 5 Gustavus Student Repository and Sri Lanka, and determining if political stability or social welfare affect decisions will be observed later. Either way, it is evident that the Department of State and consular officer will overlook a lack of evidence in the B-2 application so that the applicant is given a chance to "escape," even though the applicant may intend to stay in the United States beyond the intended "visit." In addition to political stability, U.S. foreign relations appear to affect visa decisions. The degree of congeniality between a country and the United States affects the number of B-2 visas granted in addition to political stability or social welfare. For example, relations have been poor in recent years between the United States and Columbia. The number of B-2 visas granted in Columbia, on a proportionate scale, is one sixth that of those granted in Honduras, and one hundredth of those granted in Brazil. In Brazil and Honduras, where relations with the U.S. are stronger, the proportions of B-2 visas granted are considerably higher, in spite of the similar economic conditions in Brazil, Honduras, and Columbia. Citizens of Iraq also find it more difficult to receive B- 2 visas compared to its neighbors Jordan and Lebanon, where Iraq is proportionately granted less than 6% of B-2 visas granted in each Jordan and Lebanon (Dept. of State, 112-126 and The Economist Book of Vital World Statistics, 14-15). Therefore, a clear hypothesis states that political and economic relations with the United States also affect the number of B-2 visas granted in a country. In this study, I analyze the trends of B-2 visas granted in 1996. I expect to find three factors that shape B-2 visa policy: U.S. relations and two types of internal problems -political instability and social welfare - that may persuade the U.S. to aid in the escape of refugees. I determine how these characteristics affect B-2 visa approvals by measuring 6 Gustavus Student Repository the strength of relation between visa decisions and the variables that represent political stability, social welfare, or U.S. relations. Specifically, I use a proportion number of B-2 visas granted, relative to population, of 101 countries. The countries used are selected based on their inclusion in Department of State publications as well as the amount of information available on their political stability, welfare conditions, and relations with the U.S. Statistical analysis is used to measure correlation between a variable, such as years of military rule (political stability) and the number of B-2 visas granted proportionate to population. For example, if a negative correlation exists between political stability and number of visas granted, one can conclude that the more unstable a country is, the more likely interviewing officers are to approve B-2 visa applications in that country, regardless of an applicant's evidence of ties to that country. This type of analysis is conducted with variables representing each political stability, welfare, and U.S. relations. The statistical analysis aspect of this study completes a roadmap of research that will be presented in the following chapters. To best understand how U.S. policy affects B-2 visa applications, I have divided this paper into three sections: the explanatory introduction, research and findings, and analysis of results. Chapter 2 is an introduction to the B-2 visa. Details of U.S. law and application review are addressed in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 consists of correlations between independent variables and B-2 visa decisions. In Chapter 4, I use regressions to analyze the most significant variables found in Chapter 3. These regressions measure the effects of variables when observed interdependent of other factor. The final chapter, Chapter 5, explores how these trends shape U.S. policy and the application of the elite theory model. This chapter also applies the results to what may happen in visa decisions in the future. 7 Gustavus Student Repository This study investigates inconsistencies in B-2 visa decisions as it attempts to answer the question: If Section 214(b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act requires the same criteria for applicants in all countries, why are visas granted more often in some countries than in others? We will see how political and social conditions and U.S. relations affect the decisions made in U.S. embassies worldwide. We will see that an applicant's B-2 visa application may be decided based not on the evidence he provides to overcome the demands of Section 2 l 4(b ), but rather based on political and economic conditions of the applicant's country. 8 Gustavus Student Repository CHAPTER2 An Introduction to the B-2 Visa Every alien shall be presumed to be an immigrant until he establishes to the satisfaction of the consular officer, at the time of application for a visa, and the immigration officers, at the time of application for admission, that he is entitled to a nonimmigrant status under section lOl(a)(IS) (Immigration and Nationality Act, 1996). The term "immigrant" means every alien except an alien who is within one of the following classes of nonimmigrant aliens ... an alien ... having residence in a foreign country which he has no intention of abandoning and who is visiting the United States temporarily for business or temporarily for pleasure (Section lOl(a)(IS), Immigration and Nationality Act, 1996). Section 214(b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act states that to enter the United States temporarily for the purpose of travel or pleasure one must obtain a B-2 visa. The main requirement is that the person intending to visit the United States must do just that: visit. Those who receive B-2 visas have a maximum stay of one year. With this in mind, the applicant cannot be an intending immigrant. In other words, a B-2 visa is not a visa to live in the United States, rather it is a visa for those wishing to visit the United States for a temporary amount of time who will return to their home country after their stay in the U.S. To prevent intending immigrants from entering the United States illegally through a B-2 visa, U.S. law requires that B-2 applicants overcome an assumption that they are an intending immigrant. They are assumed guilty until they prove their innocence with documentation of ties to their home country. As one interviewing officer explains, the arrow initially points to "reject," and the applicant must tum the arrow to "accept" by demonstrating that he intends to return to his home country after a temporary visit in the U.S. (Steve Newhouse, personal interview). 9 Gustavus Student Repository U.S. law does not state what an applicant must to do to overcome the assumption that he or she is an immigrant. Rather, the law gives the authority of interpretation to the interviewing officers reviewing applications. Precedent suggests that evidence of ties to the home country is sufficient proof that the applicant does not intend to remain in the United States. For example, if an applicant's family, friends, job, money, and investments are all in his home country, then the applicant is not likely to abandon them. Traditionally, consular officers accept evidence of these ties as sufficient proof. On the other hand, if the applicant is unemployed, poor, and his family lives in the United States, he will likely want to stay in the United States with his family and where he would find a better paying job. Therefore, general criteria suggested by U.S. law are that the applicant should provide evidence of ties to the home country, such as finances, a stable job, family, friends, membership in organizations, or previous trips where the applicant has returned home after a brief stay abroad. U.S. law suggests criteria but evidence of ties to the home country is not specific about which or how much is sufficient. The vagueness of U.S. law causes varying views on what is sufficient evidence results. What one interviewing officer feels is sufficient proof may be very different from another's. When interviewing officers review applications and evidence provided by an applicant, each perceives evidence differently. One may feel that a stable job and close family is sufficient while another may require that the applicant have a stable job, family, and investments or money saved before a visa is granted. Even precedent implied in U.S. law is vague in its suggestion of sufficient evidence. For example, there is no definition of a "stable" job or if "family" means Gustavus Student Repository parents, children, siblings, extended family, etc. The Immigration and Nationality Act does not define what composes a "close" family nor does it suggest how an applicant might prove that he will want to return to this family. There is no guideline for officers saying how much money invested is considered to be enough to want to return to, or little enough to be willing to abandon it in order to get into the United States. All is a matter of individual perspective and personal judgement. Each interviewing officer, and therefore each embassy, has a considerable amount of leeway to personally decide which applicants can visit the United States and those who cannot. Appeals on seemingly unfair decisions demonstrate the difficulty of understanding the evidence expected to satisfy Section 214(b). An applicant who is denied a visa has difficulty appealing because he cannot say that he did meet the requirements since the requirements themselves are vague. The law states that the burden of determining sufficient evidence is on the interviewing officer, not on law. An applicant cannot prove in an appeal that his documentation of family, job, and finances was sufficient because even though precedent may suggest it sufficient, the officer may fell that it is not. For example, an interviewing officer from the U.S. Embassy in San Salvador, El Salvador may find that

6,000 savings is sufficient evidence of financial ties while another interviewing officer in the same embassy says that

6,000 is not sufficient savings to demonstrate ties. When it comes to B-2 visas, there are no set standards. Perhaps, then, other issues besides evidence of ties come into play in visa decisions. Perhaps an applicant's nationality will affect the chances of approval. The vagueness of the Immigration and Nationality Act certainly allow for selectiveness on the part of consular officers, and it would explain trends in B-2 visa approvals. After all, two 11 Gustavus Student Repository countries whose citizens have similar job stability, quality of life, income, family life, and political stability should be able to provide evidence of the same standard. Yet, citizens of one country are consistently denied visas more than others. To understand this phenomenon, one must look to the individual officers and what has shaped their patterns in decision making. One avenue of analysis is the Guide for the Inspection and Processing of Citizens and Aliens by Officers Designated as Immigration Officers, which offers no assistance to consular officers in determining how much evidence is sufficient in a B-2 application. The Guide does offer assistance in general application review process, however. It states that "It is useful when question applicants for entry to ask first: 'of what country are you a citizen?' The answer to that question will help you to slant other questions, would they be necessary" (2). In other words, in a guide published by the U.S. Justice Department, it states that the nationality of an applicant is important in deciding visa applications. This shows that immigration law is not consistent for people of all countries. It demonstrates that the U.S. government may select from which country it will accept immigrants and non-immigrants and from which countries it will not. Steve Newhouse, Vice Consul and interviewing officer of the U.S. Embassy in Madrid, Spain, feels that embassies and interviewing officers across the board remain consistent, for the most part, and that the standards of requirements set by precedent do not reflect a favoring of certain nationalities. However, when asked if nationality is a factor in final decisions on B-2 visa applications, he says that nationality does matter "to a degree." Applicants, he explains, from two different countries technically begin on equal standing. The entire decision is based on the evidence provided by the applicant in 12 Gustavus Student Repository the interview. In certain circumstances, though, when the nationality in question is one that has traditionally had poor relations with the United States, he hesitates. Newhouse says that, with a country such as Algeria, he will expect more ties and more evidence from applicants than he would with applicants from another country. Politics, Newhouse explains, "does come into play in some instances." He believes that the law is intentionally vague for this reason (personal interview). Asad Talbukar, a Bangladesh citizen who is a permanent resident in Madrid, applied for a B-2 visa at the U.S. Embassy in which Newhouse is Vice Consul. Asad was denied visas in l995, 1996, and 1998 under Section 214(b). According to Newhouse, Asad did not overcome the assumption that he was intending to abandon his residence in Madrid to live as an illegal immigrant in the U.S. By Newhouse's standards, sufficient evidence consists of evidence of residence in Spain, such as owning a home or a long term lease; evidence of ties to family or friends, taking into account the location of the family; evidence of previous travel where the applicant has returned to his residence; evidence of stability and income of a job; and an occupation that is not a labor in demand in the U.S., such as nannies and domestic service. Additional helpful evidence could include documentation of travel plans, an itinerary or specific travel destinations, and how the trip will be funded (personal interview). Based on the standards set by Newhouse in Madrid, Asad should have been granted a B-2 visa. When he applied in 1996, Asad was planning to attend a Lions convention

The Industrialized Environment of the United States and Canada

Author: Chiers Ryan M.
Publication venue
Publication date: 27/01/2026
Field of study

The focus of this paper is to show that humans are responsible for the majority of pollution problems that are destroying the environment. We need to become aware and realize we have to be accountable for our actions. It isn't too late to change the way we live and treat the place we call home, the environment, EARTH!THE INDUSTRIALIZED ENVIRONMENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA By Ryan M. Chies Political Science 99 Gustavus Adolphus College May 10, 1999 Gustavus Student Repository -) ; ) Gustavus Student Repository PREFACE When choosing classes for my first semester at Gustavus Adolphus College, we were required as first year students to choose one class from a preselected list called the FTS (First Term Seminar) classes. I looked through the list of classes and my eyes were drawn to a class titled 'Environment in Cultures'. I took the class and from that point on I was very interested in issues involving the environment. Over the four years I have been at Gustavus I have focused almost every paper, if at all possible, towards environmental issues. What I have come to realize is that we, as humans, do effect the environment that surrounds us. We are capable of destroying ancient rainforests, polluting our water sources to the point they catch on fire, dumping toxic chemicals into the ground making the land unlivable and pumping tons of hazardous gases into the air that are destroying the ozone layer. The focus of this paper is to show that humans are responsible for the majority of pollution problems that are destroying the environment. We need to become aware and realize we have to be accountable for our actions. It isn't too late to change the way we live and treat the place we call home, the environment, EARTH! I want to thank my parents first and foremost for teaching me to respect not only our fellow human' s but the environment that surrounds us. I also want to thank all the professors I have had over the four years at Gustavus Adolphus College, you have all given me something I can take away once I graduate, knowledge. -ii- Gustavus Student Repository Gustavus Student Repository LIST OF TABLES Table/Figure .............................................................................................................. ................. Page I. Percentage of Pollution Contributors .......................................... ...................................... 9 2. The EPA Budget: 1970-99 ............................................................................................... 11 3. The EPA Work Force: 1970-99 ....................................................................................... 11 4. Public Willingness to Pay For Environmental Protection ............................................... 12 5. Resource Profile: Environment Canada ............................ ............................................... 20 6. Resource Profile: Science and Technology ..................................................................... 21 7. Resource Summary: Reduction of Global and Cross-Border Environmental Risks ....... 28 -IV- ( __ . l_. Gustavus Student Repository Gustavus Student Repository -2- depositories in their local community, but everyone wants to enjoy the material benefits related to both. Think of it from an international perspective, any given state or country is potentially both a victim of environmentally unsound practices carried on outside its borders and an exporter of environmental troubles to others. This is why we have to look at how the United States and Canada address domestic and cross border pollution problems. Both countries have to evaluate where these environmental problems stem from. By looking at each countries environmental policies and problems, it will lead us to those answers. I believe industry is responsible for the majority of cross border pollution problems and also influences domestic and intergovernmental environmental polices of both the United States and Canada. Ifwe continue to act as ifit is not our problem, these environmental issues will increase both in number and severity. Before we know it, our drinking water, the air we breath, the land we live on, leading will be totally contaminated, leading us down the road to the extinction of all living things. It doesn't have to be this way, that is why we need to become aware and accountable for our actions. In this paper I will tell you what is presently being done, why industry is a major factor in environmental problems, and how we need to change so that we can preserve this brilliant planet Earth. ' I i...: Gustavus Student Repository -3- CHAPTER II Environmental Issues It is important that you first understand what environmental problems are. Second, what types of environmental pollution are we looking at and finally locate where these environmental problems stem from. Environmental problems are (1) complex, involving dense networks of physical, biological and social causation's; (2) technical: understanding often demands a high degree of scientific and/or social scientific sophistication; and (3) surrounded by uncertainty: we don't know enough ( and in many cases it may be impossible in principle) to predict outcomes reliably. Each of these attributes imposes challenges on those called upon to make decisions on environmental matters (Lafferty and Meadowcroft 4 ). Environmental problems have always been present, they just haven't been studied in great depths or addressed. That is the most significant environmental problem, negligence. There are two interrelated types of problems here. First, as physical phenomena, environmental problems have manifestations which cross human social and territorial boundaries. Second, the patterns of behavior which lead human beings to damage the environment may be related to chains of social causation which cross established regional and national boundaries (Ibid.,p.5). Both of these interrelated problems help explain how industry is accountable for the majority of cross border environmental pollution problems between the United States and Canada. The "chains of social causation," is industry . The chains being our Gustavus Student Repository -4- dependency on industrialism which causes society to act in ways which are harmful to the environment. Industry is so ingrained in our society we over look the harm it causes to the environment and are blinded by materialistic ideals. It also points us in the direction which shows how industry influences domestic and intergovernmental policies the United States and Canada have. Both issues pose problems for existing governmental domains. Like I said earlier, no one wants environmentally dangerous production processes or depositories in their back yards, but everyone wants to enjoy the material benefits related to both. Environmental problems are typically experienced as external constraints which frustrate established expectations and which require an adjustment to existing social practices. They threaten a pre-existing structure of entitlements and raise questions about distributive justice (Ibid.,p.6). While the idea that a cleaner environment will benefit everyone - that environmental polices are what's best for both rich and poor, industrialists and consumers - is attractive, in reality environmental problems touch different groups in different ways. Industrialists and consumers look at it this way, any policy designed to deal with an environmental problem will have costs; costs that must be paid by someone. In a world were industrialism and consumerism is such a priority, to provide goods and make a profit, seem to over shadow environmental concerns. This notion lies squarely with the American philosophy of private enterprise and is seldom challenged. In fact, it represents the main tenets of utilitarianism's "greatest good for the greatest number" philosophy from which the early conservationist derived their notions of long term efficiency of natural resource use. "The difference is that businessmen and market -place economists argue that the strength of a nation's economy is measured by the profits garnered by < .. Gustavus Student Repository -5- the most efficient firm, unhampered by government regulation. Only with a truly free market will the 'greatest good serve the greatest number" (Petulla 71 ). Environmental concerns are not really factored into the free market industrialist equation, therefore not a priority. Another problem is that there seems to be little compromise. Industry and environmentalists have not been able to agree on environmental goals, means or standards. Business interests generally value environmental considerations far less than environmentalist. Simply because environmental policy questions are answered politically, does not guarantee those policies will be implemented in the millions of places where pollution is generated. For example, the federal government establishes rules and regulations regarding pollution, but states and localities are responsible for the enforcement priorities. Industry might decide to stonewall the agencies or do the utter minimum until they can get the standards changed. In the face of uncertainty, industry and government stall until a more favorable political climate prevails. (lbid.,p.7). A problem does exist between public worry about the effects of environmental pollution and scientific knowledge of the effects. The data is incomplete, risk estimates are largely a matter of guess work, and the regulations are hammered out in an emotionally charged climate. The government has not been able to decide how much data is required to set a standard. Industry wants certitude, which doesn't exist! Environmental groups argue the uncertainty should favor safety and attack regulators for delaying implementation (lbid.,64). With all these conflicts, it makes it difficult to make any progress towards dealing with these issues. Gustavus Student Repository -6- CHAPTER III The United States and the Environment As the United States underwent industrialization and grew virtually unchecked from the end of the Civil War up through the 1960's, manufacturing plants, energy facilities and petrochemical factories were built whenever and where ever business deemed it profitable. Air and water were treated as free goods, land for expansion was relatively cheap, and wastes were easily disposed of. Scant attention was paid to the non-replaceability of the energy and material feed stocks that fueled the industrial order. Faith was placed instead in technological innovation and substitution. Eventually when oil ran low, it would be replaced by nuclear energy, when the trees were all gone we would switch to synthetic plastics and so on. Technological optimism remained paramount until the dawn of the environmental age (Mazamanian and Morell 236). The pollution caused by any one business was seldom significant enough or scientifically ( or legally) documented enough to cause alarm and provoke action. The consequence by mid century was that many of America's streams and rivers became open sewers; the air over major cities was polluted; and liquid and solid industrial wastes were routinely poured on the land to evaporate and percolate away, dumped into landfills, or pumped deep into the earth (Vig and Kraft236). ( · \ ( Gustavus Student Repository -7- The United States is easily the most gluttonous member of the world community, which presents the issues of the environment most sharply. Each year, the United States produces five tons of carbon dioxide per person, which is five times the world average. Much of the United States production comes from automobile emissions- there is one car for every I. 8 Americans, and controls for these emissions became less and less efficient through the 1980's. Meanwhile, investments in mass transportation systems and cleaner fuel teclmologies were cut back radically, there by ensuring that cars would remain the dominate form of transportation in the United States at a time when their damage to the global environment was becoming better and more widely understood (Miller 222). Industry had catapulted the United States to the top of the worlds leading economic power list and we loved it. This is why industry is able to influence some of the environmental policies that the United States has. Addressing Environmental Problems The United States addresses environmental issues through the Environmental Protection Agency. The EPA is the main federally funded environmental agency. "The mission of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is to protect human health and to safeguard the natural environment, air, water, and land upon which life depends" (Environmental Protection Agency Budget Report, 1999). . -j ') • l Gustavus Student Repository -8- EPA's purpose is to ensure that: • All Americans are protected from significant risks to human health and the environment where they live, learn, and work. • National efforts to reduce environmental risk are based on the best available scientific information. • Federal laws protecting human health and the environment are enforced fairly and effectively. • Environmental protection is an integral consideration in U.S. policies concerning natural resources, human health, economic growth, energy, transportation, agriculture, industry, and international trade, and these factors are similarly considered in establishing environmental policy. • Environmental protection contributes to making our communities and ecosystems diverse, sustainable and economically productive. • The United States plays a leadership role in working with other nations to protect the global environment (Ibid). I.. l. Gustavus Student Repository -9- Figure 1: Percentage of Pollution Ccntribulers. □ 65% • 6% • 9% llll 3% II 17% Figure 1 (U.S. EPA, Environmental Progress and Challenges, Washington D.C.: EPA, 1988, 46.) shows the major contributors of pollutants to the environment in the U.S. The EPA has developed a series of strategic, long term goals in its Strategic Plan. These goals, together with the underlying principles that will be used to achieve them, define the Agency's planning, budgeting, analysis, and accountability process. The first goal is that the air in every American community will be safe and healthy to breathe. Reducing air pollution will also protect the environment, resulting in many benefits, such as restoring life in damaged ecosystems and reducing health risks to those whose subsistence depends directly on the ecosystem. The next focuses on clean and safe drinking water. All Americans will have drinking water that is clean and safe to drink. Effective protection of America's rivers, lakes, wetlands, aquifers, coastal and ocean waters will sustain fish, plants, and wildlife, as well as recreational, subsistence, and economic activities. Another Gustavus Student Repository -10- goal of the EPA is in preventing pollution and reducing risk in communities, homes, workplaces and ecosystems. Pollution prevention and risk management strategies are aimed at costeffectively eliminating, reducing or minimizing emissions and contamination will result in cleaner and safer environments in which all Americans can reside, work and enjoy life. The EPA will safeguard ecosystems and promote the health of natural communities that are integral to the quality of life in this nation. The last goal I want to address is how the EPA plans for the reduction of global and cross border environmental risks. The United States will lead other nations in successful, multilateral efforts to reduce significant risks to human health and ecosystems for climate change, stratospheric ozone depletion, and other hazards of international concern (lbid). The EPA has a few guiding principals on how it deals with the environment, but I will address only one. When dealing with environmental issues the EPA will choose common sense, cost-effective solutions. Because a safer, healthier environment goes hand in hand with a robust economy, we will fulfill EPA' s goals, "using common sense approaches that consider benefits and costs and seek the most COST EFFECTIVE ways to integrate our efforts with those aimed at economic growth. We will work to increase environmental stewardship and accountability and get better environmental protection at a REASONABLE COST by incorporating successful innovations into the daily operations of environmental programs" (lbid). The reason I highlighted COST EFFECTIVE and REASONABLE COST is because this is how the United States looks at the environment. We will only clean up the mess if it is cost effective, if not we will just have to let it be. I am being a bit sarcastic, but the underlying point is still valid, that the United States values our economic standing over environmental well being. l ' C l '-- Gustavus Student Repository -11- Politics and the Public 7E+09 6E+D9 SE+D9 4E+09 3E+09 2E+09 Figl6& 2: The EPA Budg&t:1970-99 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 Figure 3: The EPA Wor1dorce:1970-88 1 E+09 ---V '.Jf 0-IL------ - ------< 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 1999 a=----- -----< 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 1999 0 EPABUDGET 0 EPA WORKFORCE Figure 2 and Figure 3 (EPA Budget Authority, EPA Budget Division) will help explain policy shifts and ideological shifts following elections, which play large roles in the implementation of environmental policy regulations. At the EPA, from 1975 ro 1985, the work load doubled because of new laws regulating hazardous wastes, pesticides and toxic substances. Yet after the Regan administration took office, the operating budget was cut 35 percent, back to 1975 levels(Petulla 65). The most devastating impact of the Regan administration budget cutting was the set back of money for environmental research. During the Regan administration other agency, including the EPA, lost millions of dollars, which went instead to the military. The military then used the extra funds for defense related research and defense contracts to different industries (Ibid., 64). Gustavus Student Repository l - 12- I can only speculate, but this to me shows how industry can influence governmental policies. If federal funds, which are allocated to different federal agencies are cut, and then transferred to the military, who then uses the funds for governmental contracts to nongovernmental organizations (industry), this to me shows some sort of influence to governmental policies. One possible reason Regan was elected during that time period was because environmental issues weren't addressed and not considered by the public to be a high priority issue. Figure 4 (New York Times/ CBS News poll, 1989) represents a repeating question often posed since 1970, asking a representative sample of the American public whether it agreed with the statement: "Protecting the environment is so important that requirements and standards cannot be too high, and continuing environmental improvements must be made regardless the cost." Figure 4 Public WDl!ngness to Pay tor Environmental Prctectlon 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%+- --- ----< 1981 1982 1983 1986 1988 1989 0 % of American Public Agree ■ % of American Public Disagree Gustavus Student Repository -13- Almost 80percent of the respondents agreed with this assertion while 14 percent disagreed. By comparison, only 45 percent of the respondents had agreed to the same assertion in 1981 and about 65 percent agreed in 1986 (Rosenbaum 25). This chart shows from the early 80's to the late 80's an increase in environmental concern. Americans started to learn more about the threats of environmental pollution and realized more was needed to be done. When comparing figure 2, 3 and 4, there is an upward movement in all categories. This reflects the constant changing views of the public and its influence on policy. Moving away from the Reagan administration period to the Clinton administration, we see change as well. By electing President Clinton and Vice President Al Gore it was evident people's supportiveness for the environment. Gore is known as a strong environmental advocate, one who clearly sees environmental protection as a component of security; people criticize the Reagan and Bush administrations for its lack of leadership when dealing with environmental issues. Environmental Protection Agency Action and Enforcement Perhaps more than anything else, air pollution interacts directly and consistently with us. All land creatures breathe gases and materials suspended in the air. By the same token, trees, grasses and other plant species carpeting the earth are equally dependent on clean air. We all have a stake in the quality of our air. This is why the Environmental Protection Agency passed several laws relating to the environment which helped create a climate of change in the United States. With the passage of the Clean Air Act (CAA) in 1970 and the Clean Water Act in 1972, these signaled our nation's intent to address pollution. The overall goal of the Clean Air Act I . ..; i..· Gustavus Student Repository -14- Amendments is to reduce the pollutants in our air by 56 billion pounds a year- 224 pounds for every man, woman, and child- when the law is fully phased in by the year 2005. The new law builds on the strengths of the Clean Air Acts of 1970 and 1977 and the environmental lessons learned over the past twenty years. As the provisions of the new laws are implemented, we will be breathing cleaner air every year ( EPA, "Air and Radiation"6). The Clean Air Act Amendments also look beyond the U.S. to reduce acid rain and address loss of stratospheric ozone. Sulfur dioxide emissions from power plants are a major source of acid rain. Under a new two phase system, these emissions will be cut in half by the year 2000. Power plants will be issued

Relations Between Voting Behavior and Talk Radio

Author: Feyder Alex
Publication venue
Publication date: 27/01/2026
Field of study

Since talk radio really started to explode in the late 1980's, many people have seen it as a necessary means of obtaining and digesting their political facts and ideas. People like Rush Limbaugh, G. Gordon Liddy, Don Imus, and Jerry Falwell have cast their views over our airwaves. There even exists enough room for aging rockers like Ted Nugent to espouse their agendas to the public. Except for Don Imus, all of the aforementioned talk radio hosts throw a conservative slant to their shows and agendas. People who do not listen talk radio often have hard time understanding how there even could be an audience for some of these radio personalities. The question naturally arises, how much, if any, do these hosts of politically orientated talk radio have on the public at large? Are they viewed as entertainment, or do people take them as seriously as if they Jesus were speaking the word of the bible right there in front of them.Senior Political Science Thesis Relations Between Voting Behavior and Talk Radio Alex Feyder P099-Professor Chris Gilbert May 14, 1999 "'t'"· . Gustavus Student Repository Citizens of the United States of America are guaranteed many rights under the constitution. Unfortunately some of these rights are not applied equally to all citizens, for example, some people are still persecuted for their religious beliefs even though this is a supposedly 'protected right' by the constitution. People are able to receive occupations because of the color or their skin, the way in which they speak or by some other specific trait that does not possess the 'true' American style. But one of the great equalizers in the United States is voting. As long as the participant is 18 years of age, people may exercise their right to vote. Voting is what makes up much of the substance of this paper. The following variables that appear are representations of national exit polls, condensed in the program SYSTAT, that were done during the 1994 elections. All the variables, which .... will all be defined and explained later, have been compared with talk radio. When people listen to talk radio, people traditionally think of conservative persons on the air, since they dominate the talk radio scene, so that is what will be considered in the paper. Secondly the variables will be defined as they are encountered except for talk radio which appears as the column variable in all the variables except for the final one union membership, but that will be defined later. The variable talk radio is defined by the t • Gustavus Student Repository following, the "0" means that the particular person being asked the questions in the national exit polls does not listen to talk radio, and the variable "l" means that the person does listen to talk radio. Since talk radio really started to explode in the late 1980's, many people have seen it as a necessary means of obtaining and digesting their political facts and ideas. People like Rush Limbaugh, G. Gordon Liddy, Don Imus, and Jerry Falwell have cast their views over our airwaves. There even exists enough room for aging rockers like Ted Nugent to espouse their agendas to the public. Except for Don Imus, all of the aforementioned talk radio hosts throw a conservative slant to their shows and agendas. People who do not listen talk radio often have hard time understanding how there even could be an audience for some of these radio personalities. The question naturally arises, {\'.,...."""""--". . how much, if any, do these hosts of politically orientated talk radio have on the public at large? Are they viewed as entertainment, or do people take them as seriously as if they Jesus were speaking the word of the bible right there in front of them. What then is the possibility of the influence of talk radio? From the evidence that is provided from the variables it does show that there is substantial proof that talk radio can influence the way in which people vote. Analysis of other variables compared with talk radio shows the strong i111luence that talk radio is mainly a tool of the politically conservative minded. This paper will show through the extensive investigation of all the variables combined with talk radio that there is a strong correlation between talk radio and how people think politically, and how it affects how people vote. Column percents SENATVOT (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) (O=Do not listen) (l=listen to talk radio) Gustavus Student Repository 0 1 Total N +-----------------+ DEM 1149.106 36.544 I 47.769 3169 REP 2148.026 60.765 I 49.382 3276 +--------+ Total 100.000 100.000 N 5928 706 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 6634 Value 43.625 df 3.000 Prob 0.000 The first set of variables that will be examined is talk radio versus how people voted for the senate in 1994 using the number "l" as a representation of democrat and the number "2" as the representation for republican. Some interesting points arise after analyzing this correlation. For example, of the people who listen to talk radio there is a difference of 24% between people who voted for republican and people who voted for democrat, with the republicans carrying 60.765% and the democrats receiving only 36.544% of the talk show listeners' votes, according to the exit poll. Another point that also supports the argument of talk radio being influential is that 12.5% more of the population was likely to vote for the republican side (60.765%) that listened to talk radio than those who did not listen to talk radio, 48.026%. Conversely, the exact opposite happened for democrats; the saihe 12.5% of the population who did not listen to talk radio voted democratic, 49.106%, as opposed to 36.544% who did listen voted democratic. A possible idea that appears from these statistics is that people who vote for republicans could be influenced by what they hear on talk radio, and consequently there appears a greater percentage along those lines. The near 50/50 split along the lines of non-listeners who voted 49.106% for democrats and 48.026% for republicans is quite Gustavus Student Repository interesting. Common opinion of what this variable initially indicated is that the nonlisteners would be much stronger in the democratic vote area. Column percents GOVVOT (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-----------+ 1 140.596 27.258 j 39.260 2473 2154.393 66.403 j 55.596 3502 +-----------------+ Total 100.000 100.000 N 5668 631 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 6299 Value 43.108 df Prob 4.000 0.000 How people voted for their particular state governor in 1994 is the next variable that was analyzed with talk radio. The variables are represented by the following: "l" signifies democrat vote and "2" signifies a republican vote for governor. This variable showed even stronger signs of more influence by talk radio on the republican voters. For example 66.403% of the people who listen to talk radio voted republican, which is 6 percentage points higher than jt was for the vote for the senate. On the other end of the spectrum, 27 .258% of the people who listened to talk radio voted democratic. The one aspect that makes these variables contradictory to the ones of the senate vote comes when it applies to people who did not listen to talk radio and they voted. In the senate vote the people who did not listen to talk radio were evenly split on their vote between republican and democrat, 48.026% to 49.106% respectively, but this is in sharp contrast to the governor vote. Of the people who did not listen to talk radio, 54.393% voted republican Gustavus Student Repository as opposed to 40.596% democrat. What caused such a sharp distinction between the two? Column percents HOUSEVOT (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-----------+ 1 j47.205 34.615 j 45.934 4734 2 j50.842 63.750 j 52.144 5374 +-----------------+ Total 100.000 100.000 N 9266 1040 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 10306 Value 62.637 df 2.000 Prob 0.000 The vote for the House of Representatives in 1994 bears similarities to both the ways the senate and the governor variables appeared. Like the first two variables "l" means democratic vote and "2" represents a republican vote. First, for the house vote 63.750% of the people who listen to talk radio voted republican as opposed to 34.615% who voted democrat. The non-listener variable to talk radio was a mix of the senate and governor vote. In the senate ti1re existed on! y 1 percentage point difference in favor democrats on the way that they voted, but in the governor vote there exists a 14 percentage point difference in favor of republicans. In the variables for house vote there is roughly a 3.5 percentage point difference in the favor of republicans (50.842%) to democrats (47.2405%) in the area of non-listener. Gustavus Student Repository Overall, these variables senate vote, governor vote, and house vote all show some interesting consistencies that cannot be ignored. For all of the variables there is an overwhelming favor in republican voting amongst people who listen to talk radio. But another interesting fact that arises from these three variables is for people who do not listen to talk radio that there are still strong showings of people still voting along the republican lines. Only in the variable of SENATVOT do people who do not listen to talk radio vote more for democrats, but only by one percentage point. All the others have republicans receiving a higher percentage of the votes. These variables all show a strong possibility that talk radio can have a definite influence on how people vote. But the curious fact is people who do not listen to talk radio still seem to vote along republican lines. One reason for this apparent discrepancy can be analyzed through the context in which these exit polls were taken. The year was 1994, and this was the year of the 'republican revolution' of congress. For the first time in nearly forty years the republicans were able to take control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. What could be happening in these variables is a backlash of the people at the disgust of the job that Bill Clinton was doing up until that point. Further conclusions may become clearer when looking at how people voted in 1992. ·-.,, Column percents VOTE92 (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-- Clinton 1 144.429 32.084 I 43.152 4562 Bush 2137.075 48.355 I 38.243 4043 Perot 3113.600 15.722 I 13.820 1461 Other 4 I 1.129 0.731 I 1.088 115 No Vote 5 I 3.767 3.108 I 3.698 391 ---------------+ Gustavus Student Repository Total 100.000 100.000 N 9478 1094 100.000 10572 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square Value 73.041 df 4.000 Prob 0.000 The variable of how people voted in 1992 against talk radio can provide some insight into the consistencies behind people's vote. So far it has appeared that the republicans are the ones most influenced by the effects of talk radio. This variable is coded with the row variables being l =Bill Clinton, 2=George Bush, 3=Ross Perot, 4=Someone Else, 5=Did Not Vote. Solely looking at the race between Clinton and Bush, some of the same themes appear again. For listeners of talk radio there exists a 16 percentage point gap between those who voted for Bush, republican, (48.355%) and those who voted Clinton democratic, (32.084% ). Compare this with the way non-listeners voted in the election of 1992 and the gap shrinks significantly between the republican and democrat votes with the democrats possessing 44.429% of the vote as opposed to 37 .075% of the vote for republicans. The variable of VOTE92 as compared with the first three variables of .-.:S, HOUSEVOT, GOVVOT, and SENATVOT goes to strengthen the idea that in 1994 people were not happy with the way that Bill Clinton was running the country. In the 1992 variable, the people who do not listen to talk radio overwhelmingly voted for Clinton, by a margin of nearly 12 percentage points. As for the people who voted for Bush there was an 11 percentage point difference in favor of the people who listened to talk radio. This variable seems to follow much more closely the idea of people who Gustavus Student Repository listen to talk radio tend to be more conservative, therefore people who do not listen to talk radio tend to be more liberal. The puzzle that is talk radio is now starting to have a much clearer picture. Column percents SEX (rows) byTALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-----------+ 1 J47.446 54.827 J 48.171 5385 2 J52.554 45.173 J 51.829 5794 +---------+ Total 100.000 100.000 N 10081 1098 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 11179 Value 21.608 df 1.000 Prob 0.000 The variables of sex, whether the participant is male of female, does provide some information, but not as much that would have been anticipated. For example, men are constituted by the number 1 in the rows, females being the number 2. The most surprising aspect of this variable is that under the non-listener area there exists only a five-point gap between men (47.446%) and women (52.827%). The gap is much larger 4 when comes to listeners with the men holding a 9.5% edge, 54.827% to 45.173%. A pattern is starting to emerge as who the stereotypical listener might be, and this variable has added fuel to the fire by pointing out that men are much more likely to listen to talk radio than women are. Men are traditionally more conservative than women and thus listening to talk radio in greater numbers would make sense. Again, this variable of SEX appears to show what has consistently been shown with the other variables. Men tend to Gustavus Student Repository ' ' . be more conservative than women, and this variable shows that, because men were much more likely to listen to talk radio than women. Column percents BILLAPP (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-----------------+ 1148.131 31.402 I 46.393 4778 2151.869 68.598 I 53.607 5521 +-----------------+ Total 100.000 100.000 N 9229 1070 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 10299 Value 107.897 df Prob 1.000 0.000 The next variable that appears is approval of Bill Clinton. The variable is defined as the number "l" meaning the person approves of the job that President Clinton is doing and the number "2" represents a disapproving vote of the job that Clinton is doing office. As with what has been consistent in the other variables of people who listen to talk radio Clinton has a poor showing amongst listeners, there exists a 37% difference in the approvals. Of listeners, 68.598% have a disapproving job of the work that Clinton has -. done in office as compared with 31.402% of talk radio listeners who believe that Clinton is doing a satisfactory job in office. The surprising vote comes with non-listeners of talk radio, over half also believe that Clinton is doing a poor job in office (51.869% ). Clinton only receives 48.131 % of an approval rating with non-listeners. This variable is somewhat surprising because most non-listeners have leaned more towards the liberal Gustavus Student Repository side of issues and this variable is direct contrast to how the non-listeners believe, but the gap of disapproval is even stronger for listeners. The variable of BIILAPP will also help to clarify the picture if we look at it in conjunction with the SENATVOT, HOUSEVOT, GOVVOT, and VOTE92 . Again this variable supports the argument that people were not happy with Bill Clinton because even of the people that did not listen to talk radio, they still gave Clinton a disapproval rating 51.869% to 48.131 %. This type of information correlates directly of the findings in the first three variables of SENATVOT, HOUSEVOT, and GOVVOT. It also contradicts the findings in VOTE92, which would help to support the findings that people were fed up Clinton in 1994 and also as much as people may not want to believe it that talk radio may also influence the way in which people believe and vote. Column percents FINANSIT (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-------------+ 1 127.266 22.698 I 26.340 1425 2122.119 21.621 I 23.235 1251 3150.614 49.681 I 50.425 2728 +--------+ Total N 100.000 100.000 4313 1097 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 5410 Value 18.473 df 2.000 Prob 0.000 The variable for financial situation (FINANSIT) versus talk radio does not deliver the proof that talk radio sways people in any general direction. For the variables of Gustavus Student Repository financial situation the number "1" represents the person being better off financially, "2" represents worse off financially and "3" represents the same financial standing. For listeners and non-listeners there is a flip-flop of the percentages in how people feel. There is only a five-percentage point difference between listeners and non-listeners who feel they are better off or worse off in their financial standing. 27 .266% of non-listeners believed they are better off financially now than in the past, as opposed to 22.698% who do not listen to talk radio and believed they were not financially better off. Essentially the opposite was true with listeners, 22.698% believed they were better off financially and 27 .621 % believed they were worse off. As for people who feel their financial situation is the same there is roughly a 50/50 split between listeners (49.681 %) and nonlisteners (50.614%). This variable did not produce the results that could have been predicted, for example that people who listened to talk radio could possibly have been predicted to have a much higher value for a worse financial situation. Column percents USARIGHT (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N +-----------------+ 1 142.979 30.950 I 40 .. 611 2193 2157.021 69.050 I 59.389 3207 Total 100.000 100.000 N 4337 1063 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 5400 Value 51.219 df 1.000 Prob 0.000 Gustavus Student Repository The variable of US ARIGHT has the following definition, the number" l" says whether people believe the US is going in the right direction and the number "2" says whether people believe the US is going in the wrong direction. What is exactly is the "right direction, wrong direction" is something that is open to lots of interpretation, it is an extremely vague variable, but some important points can be drawn from it nonetheless. It could be concluded that people who tend to be more on the conservative side of issues would believe that the country is headed in the wrong direction, and for listeners of talk radio it seems to support that statement. An overwhelming 69.050% of the people polled who listen to talk radio believe that the United States is headed in the wrong direction, whereas only 30.950% of listeners believe we are headed in the right direction. But a not so surprising fact is encountered with non-listeners. The variables show that of non listeners a disproportional number believe the country is heading in the wrong direction (57 .021 % ) as compared with only 42.979% of the people who do not listen to talk radio believing the country is heading in the right direction. The idea that the timing of this poll, being the year 1994, has anything to do with how people feel about the given variables is again strengthened by the variable USARIGHT. 'This variable proves the point that has been made throughout this paper. There is an substantial difference of non-listeners, 14%, believing that the country is headed in the wrong direction. This would sit well with what has been said about variables SENATVOT, HOUSEVOT, GOVVOT, and would contrast directly with what was said in the variable of VOTE92. Of course, from what has been seen there exists a tremendous gap of listeners of talk Gustavus Student Repository radio and what direction they believe the country is going. They believe the country going in the wrong direction and the gap between the two is 38 percentage points. Column percents TRUSTGOV (rows) by TALKRAD (columns) 0 1 Total N 11 2.494 1.828 I 2.365 133 2124.112 11.459 I 22.866 1286 3 165.453 69.470 I 66.234 3725 4 I 1.881 11.243 I 8.535 480 +-----------------+ Total 100.000 100.000 N 4530 1094 Test statistic Pearson Chi-square 100.000 5624 Value 32.842 df 3.000 Prob 0.000 The above variable refers to how often people trust the government with the numbers indicating the following: " l " just about always, "2" most of the time, "3" only some of the time, "4" never. Some of the themes that appear are people who do not listen to talk radio appear to be more,_trusting of government even though the numbers are not overwhelming. For instance, 24.172% of the people who do not listen to talk radio say they trust the government "most of the time." The interesting area of this variable is the fact that 65.453% of non-listeners of talk radio and 69.470% of listeners of talk radio both say that they only trust the government "only some of the time." Again, it is evident the level of disenchantment that exists with the group of politicians that were holding office in 1994. Gustavus Student Repository It can lie hypothesized that people who do not always trust the government would be the same ones who would listen to talk radio. These would be the same people who do not approve of the job that Bill Clinton was doing in office at the time of this poll. According to this variable of the people who listen to talk radio, 69% of them listen trust the government some of the time, which is close to non-listeners at 65%. But the people who trust the government most of the time, 24% do not listen to talk radio, as opposed to I 7 .5%. This variable does not correlate as well as the other variables that have been already analyzed. Using what has been discovered in variables such as SENATVOT, HOUSEVOT, and GOVVOT, it would be thought that the people who trust the government most of the time would have their percentages lower for non-listeners. People who do not listen to talk radio would be unsatisfied with what Clinton

We Japanese People_ In Japan, national pride and unity have significantly powered its redevelopment following World War II

Author: Staloch Jeanne M.
Publication venue
Publication date: 29/01/2026
Field of study

This paper investigates the importance of traditional cultural and religious beliefs on Post World War II Japanese Society and their desire for economic and social renaissance. The Japanese society was emerging from a military defeat and occupation of a foreign invader in the late 1940's. Their resurrection can be signified by the religious and cultural beliefs of the Japanese society. The historical significance of the Shinto and Buddhist teachings, as well as the Japanese infrastructure has significantly affected the social, business, and cultural interactions of the Japanese life. By looking at the mentality of the Japanese people as a whole and then centralizing it to their mentality following World War II, one can clearly see a correlation between the Japanese culture and their strive towards betterment."We Japanese People": In Japan, national pride and unity have significantly powered its redevelopment following World War II. Did the importance of traditional cultural and religious beliefs on Post World War II Japanese Society inspire a desire for economic and social renaissance? Written by: Jeanne M. Staloch Gustavus Student Repository I. Introduction Table of Contents: II. Culture and Community in Japan III. Religion in Japan IV. Integrated Aspects of Post World War II Japanese Society V. International Relations Trends in Post War Japan VI. Kaizen: The Economic Miracle VII. Conclusion VIII. Figure 1. 1 z PAGE -2 Gustavus Student Repository I. Introduction Between the 6th and 8th century, Buddhism and Shintoism were introduced into Japanese culture. During the warring years, up to, and including, World War II, Shinto doctrine developed a specially created Shinto office, which sought to inspire Japanese people with a nationalistic fervor. Shintoism was the state religion and the Emperor was regarded as God. This state Shintoism was dismantled by the allied occupation, in 1945, and the post war constitution included a clause separating religion from the state. Buddhism has been a dominant religious, cultural, and social force in most of Asia. Yet, the doctrines of these religions remain the fabric of the Japanese daily life, work practices, and the government. "The Japanese in general are inclined to search for the Absolute within the phenomenal world or in what is actual. Among all the natures that are given and real, the most immediate to man is the nature of man. So, as one of the most prominent features of traditional Japanese ways of thinking, we may point to an emphasis on the love of human beings. This may be described as the naturalistic view of life." (Moore, 1967: 144.) This characteristic is commonly seen in Shintoists as well as Buddhists. Japan's religious tradition continues to be one of the primary characteristics of Japanese society; identifiable by substantial concentration of religion throughout every aspect of Japanese life. The unique culture of the Japanese people, their religious practices, the homogeneous nature and the philosophy, which guides them, strongly influences them, not only in daily life, but in international business as well. However there is a fundamental and underlying national mentality which is predominated by the practice and beliefs of modern Shintoism and Buddhism which gives the Japanese this character. This paper investigates the importance of traditional cultural and religious beliefs on Post World War II Japanese Society and their desire for economic and social z PAGE -3 Gustavus Student Repository renaissance. The Japanese society was emerging from a military defeat and occupation of a foreign invader in the late 1940's. Their resurrection can be signified by the religious and cultural beliefs of the Japanese society. The historical significance of the Shinto and Buddhist teachings, as well as the Japanese infrastructure has significantly affected the social, business, and cultural interactions of the Japanese life. By looking at the mentality of the Japanese people as a whole and then centralizing it to their mentality following World War II, one can clearly see a correlation between the Japanese culture and their strive towards betterment. The terms traditional cultural and religious beliefs can be defined as beliefs that are honored in one nation that makes their culture, and customs unique. There has been much confusion as to how the Japanese were able to powerfully and quickly reemerge after the blunder of World War II. The answer simply lies in the mystical mentality and cultural work ethics that lie deep below the simple Japanese person. An in-depth analysis and research was taken to justify this statement. By looking at the basic culture and community of Japan one can see that their daily lives intermingle with religious doctrines and practices. With the symbols over their 'mom and pop' shops, to the large corporation theme song sang at the beginning of each day, the presence of a religious power is present within the daily lives of the Japanese people. Another aspect of the Japanese people that pushes them to become a better nation for the nation, not for the individual, is the basic doctrine followed in the Shinto and Buddhist religions. Upon investigation, one can see that these two religions of Japan emphasize an ultra-nationalistic mentality and an attitude of unselfishness. The intermingling of the Shinto and Buddhist faith's, on the Japanese person, leads to a comprehension of the message of "We, Japanese People", instead of "I, Myself'. Post World War II Japanese society developed many aspects after the war. For example, their business practices were more focused, their managerial forces strengthened, and a general desire for reconstruction and power surged from every z PAGE -4 Gustavus Student Repository person.. The Japanese individual was hard working, and strong minded when it came to the matter of reconstruction of their nation. They also formed many International Relations trends during the Post War era. For example, the Japanese improved their economic standing, there were major agricultural and industrial shifts, and their desire for the power to import and export their goods to the entire world became their strongest desire. One can see the reconstruction of a devastated nation into a powerful nation as a miracle. The Japanese developed a mentality of Kaizen, improvement, which people believe, was the cause of their 'economic miracle'. Throughout the aforementioned aspects of the Japanese person and culture, one can clearly see that the road they traveled was down trodden and there was a mystical power which drove the Japanese to strive and push to 'catch-up' to the rest of the world. zPAGE -5 Gustavus Student Repository II. Culture and Community in Japan The Western world ponders the question of how it is possible for 125 million people to live harmoniously in Japan. The Shinto and Buddhist influences can be seen and felt everywhere within the Japanese neighborhoods, or Chokai. From the local Shinto shrines, the neighborhood Buddhist temples with cemeteries, the local police box, or Kohan, to the elaborate religious festivals; the feeling of "We Japanese People" dominates the Japanese daily life. Prominently located in every neighborhood in Tokyo are the "Kobans", the police boxes or buildings. 24 hours a day, local law enforcement officers stand on the comer and watch over their assigned areas. All inhabitants of the Chokai are registered at the Kohan, Japanese and foreigners alike. The families are secure because they are being watched over, protected. "We", takes care of "me". "Several writers have discussed the Japanese concept of self. Some have suggested that the self as a isolable entity is nonexistent, since Japanese people are always defining themselves in reference to other people, or to some group." (Hendry, 1989: 49.) The reasoning behind this phenomenon is that 'individualism' and 'individuality' have been seen as a form of 'democracy' and other values held by westernized cultures. This language can also be seen in the 1947 drafting of the Japanese Constitution in which the Japanese words translated individualism as selfishness. (Hendry, 1989: 49.) Crime is extremely low. Local burglary or vandalism is rare because everyone is known and accounted for. Traffic is heavy, the streets are congested, uniformed children skip down the street on their way to school, but there is a sense of calm and peace in the crowded city. Apartments and offices have been built around the local Shinto shrine. Often neighborhoods are owned by the Shinto Hierarchy and rented out to their inhabitants. Few Japanese own their apartments or homes. Salarymen often live in company owned apartments, their rent subsidized by their employer, who in turn arrange for the spiritual z PAGE -6 Gustavus Student Repository care of the employees through the local Buddhist priest. "Ideally, employees develop within such a framework throughout their working lives, and see their own interests coinciding with those of the company ... the official view 'devotion to duty, perfected through greater self-discipline ... leads to ... an improved state of personal freedom and a sense of joy focused on fulfillment in one's work.' There are echo's of Zen Buddhism here, and this is a part of general Japanese concern with the development and strengthening of the 'spirit' (seishin)." (Hendry, 1989: 138.) The Shinto shrines are centers for local celebration of festivals and holidays. Coexisting harmoniously with the neighborhood, Shinto shrines will be found alongside Buddhist temples. Small compact cemeteries marked with family named tombstones and tall wooden stakes with the deceased death names can be observed. Families honor their dead at monthly and yearly intervals with visits to the temple monks, carrying monetary offerings and beer or sake that is placed at the foot of the tombstone. Local school children can be seen picnicking in the cemeteries and during the fall weekend holidays, companies sponsor games and picnics on the temple grounds. The living intermingle with the dead in complete comfort. There is constant respect for the space and rights of the Japanese people. All available space seems to be utilized in the building of homes, apartments and office buildings. Demolition of an existing building and the process of rebuilding are undertaken with care and respect, not just for the sake of the environment, but for the sake of the harmony of the Japanese way. Completion of a new building is also a time of celebration in the local Chokai. As the building frame is completed, a symbol of the presence of the Kami is placed at the center of a ridge pole, and rice cakes, sweets and rice wine are passed out to the workers and neighbors. (Ono, 1962: 84) Japan emerged from World War II defeated militarily, severely damaged by bombing, and occupied by a foreign invader for the first time in history. Even before Japan decided to surrender unconditionally to the Allies in Augnst 1945, the United z PAGE -7 Gustavus Student Repository States had decided that the occupation would be under American control. (Livingston, 1973: 3.) However, the Japanese people of course welcomed freedom and independence after the occupation. The government headed by the Liberal Democratic Party negotiated a peace agreement, but they decided to oppose it because it "tied Japan to the 'imperialist' United States." (Khoo, 1977: 957.) The introduction of "new faiths" to replace the old is a reflection of a deeper feeling in Japanese life. Since 1945, the Japanese people have been trying to find a new sense of national identity and purpose. The Japanese people do not want world esteem only for their economic achievements, but also want to be thought of as a powerful world force, and they want to exercise the political influence that is a part of such a role. There has been a resurgence of pride in the nation after World War II, although the Japanese have continued to rely on the "protective umbrella" of American military power. (Kublin, 1969: 200 - 201.) This therefore ignited a sense of nationalism within the Japanese people to rebuild their country as they could, which lead to each person working for their country and having a sense of "We Japanese People." The individual seeks to gain recognition of the work group, and is embarrassed and humbled if singled out for recognition. Underlying the obvious influence of Shinto reliance on the gifts and protection of the Kami is the Modern Age Shogunates, the "Zaibatsu groups", or trading groups. (DeMente, 1987: 72.) These represent the richest companies in the world, are on top of the business structure, government activities and are the ultimate protector of the Japanese way of life. Changes in cultural, economic and political attitudes and behavior of the Japanese during the 1980's were profound. One of the most important factors precipitating these changes was the travel industry. During the 1980's one half of the entire population of Japan traveled abroad. Also, the number of Japanese business people living abroad increased significantly. Therefore, there was an increase in the "internationalization" of the country. (DeMente, 1987: 1.) z PAGE -8 Gustavus Student Repository Led by such giants as Sumitomo, Mitsui, Fuji and Furukawa, the Shogunates in fact dictate to MITI ( Ministry of International Trade and Industry) how and where the national technologies and resources will be applied, which company will be given the leadership and how the business strategy will be drawn out. This too fits well with the Shinto governance, even if it seems completely foreign to outsiders. "Perhaps more than within large companies, relations between employees may be based on the oyabun/kobun principle, and there is also more likelihood that employment will be gained in the first place through recommendation." (Hendry, 1989: 139.) The oyabun/kobun, or parent-part/child-part, principle is based on the idea of giving loyalty to one in exchange for kindness. This is expected in various pairs of relationships such as teacher/pupil bond, master/apprentice, and employer/employee. (Hendry, 1989: 35.) Here, under the helpful guidance of the Kami, the "We" are cared for. The community is protected, full employment guaranteed national prosperity is achieved and the culture, which emerged from the gods, can continue in harmony. This societal understanding of "We" helped in the development and resurgence of Japan after the Second World War. Without their mentality set on building the nation for the nation, instead of building the nation for the individual, the strong and dominating force of Japan would not have succeed. zPAGE -9 Gustavus Student Repository III. Religion in Japan Shinto religion has been and still is the predominant faith of the Japanese people, 90% of the population consider themselves to be Shinto. The tenants of this strange religion has not dramatically changed in centuries, and, because there was no written language in Japan until the 8th century the records of the exact origin will never be known. What is clear is that many of the ancient rituals and rites are in existence today and help to shape the culture of the Japanese people. "According to the Kojiki, the Kami of the Center of Heaven appeared first and then the Kami of Birth and Growth." (Ono, 1962: 4) Thus begins the story of one of the worlds earliest and perhaps most obscure religions, Shintoism. The history of Shinto, its fundamental philosophy and its practice is at the very heart of the Japanese people. Their heritage is based on ancient teachings and traditions. Izanagi-no-mikoto and Izanami-nomikoto, are the Creators. They descended from the High Plain of Heaven and gave birth to the Great Eight Islands (Japan). This is a religion built and based solely on and for the people of an isolated Island Nation. In addition these great two also gave birth to the many Kami, the gods of the earth, and all things which are created. Shinto in fact means "Faith in Kami". All things which are created, living matter, animals, plants, trees, rocks, air, water, rain, virtually everything is a part of the Kami spirit. Three of the most important Kami were the Sun Goddess (Amaterasuomi Kami) the Kami of the High Plains of Heaven, her brother, (Susanoonomikoto ), who was in charge of the earth, and the Moon goddess (Tsukiyominomikoto) was the Kami of the realm of darkness. The Grandson of the Sun Goddess descended to rule Japan. And, until the final end of the Second World War in Japan, the emperor of Japan remained a Deity. (Hendry, 1989: 105.) z PAGE -10 Gustavus Student Repository In Shinto all life exists in communion and in accord with the mind of the Kami, which afford the devout constant protection. (Ono, 1962: 50) Daily life is regarded as "Service to the Kami", that is, an matsuri, a term generally associated with only gala occasions and elaborate processions, but which has its deeper meaning of service and worship. Shinto rites and ceremonies commemorate life; ordinary daily life as well as major events in the life of the individual, community, work and nation. There is within the community a heavy emphasis on rituals and moral standards but very little stress placed on life after death. Death is a process which, while a natural part of living, is not related to the Kami, nor is the absence of a belief in an after life considered to be important. Worship is done in small Chokai (neighborhood) shrines, shrines at home, roadside and public shrines. The faithful recite prayers and offer small gifts of cakes, flowers and occasionally personal items. In addition, these Shinto rites and ceremonies are intended to ward off or ameliorate any misfortune and secure or augment the co-operation of the Kami in promoting the happiness and peace of the individual and the society as well. All ceremonies, except the simple act of worship performed by an individual before a shrine involve four elements: purification (harai), an offering (shinswen) prayer (norito) and a symbolic feast (naorai). So deeply faithful are the Japanese that the shrines, the matsuri and the Kami themselves become community property. Man is a child of the Kami. He also is inherently good. Man is dependent for his continued existence on both nature and society. He cannot live in isolation. At the insistence of the Kami he owes much to his present family, his community and the nation. (Ono, 1962: 103) Shinto is inextricably interwoven with the fabric of Japanese customs and ways of thinking. So much so, that his fortune, his future and his happiness are dependent upon his participation with the community in the ritual honor of the local Kami. In modem Shinto practice there is no fixed and unalterable moral code. Good and evil are relative terms. The meaning and value of an action depends on its circumstances, z PAGE -11 Gustavus Student Repository motives, purpose, time, place and belief in the intention. A man's heart must be sincere; his conduct must be courteous and proper. The Kami, due directly because they are fundamentally a part of the origin of Japan itself, are viewed as the spiritual embodiment of the people themselves. This fact presents two remarkable consequences. First, the Ultra-nationalistic fervor, seen as extremely prejudiced by the outside world, and second, the concept of "We Japanese People". If you are not with us, then you are against us. No matter who you are, you can always be treated politely, you will be treated with respect, but you will never be a part of "We Japanese People." (Ono, 1962: 106.) However, the occupation of the Japanese by the Allied Forces put a strain on many of the Japanese rights, in the Post-Surrender Directive of August 29, 1945, it stated that, "Freedom of religious worship shall be proclaimed promptly on occupation. At the same time it should be made plain to the Japanese that ultranationalistic and militaristic organizations and movements will not be permitted to hide behind the cloak ofreligion." (Livingston, 1973: 10-11.) However, months later on January 4, 1946, an article was written for the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1946, stating that, " ... The mandates for freedom of speech, press, and assembly, abolition of thought control, universal suffrage, dissolution of the zaibatsu, agrarian reform, collective bargaining by labor, disestablishment of Shinto, demilitarization of education - all are now on the record." (Livingston, 1973: 14.) Another facet of religious beliefs in Japan can be seen through their "other" religion, Buddhism. In describing Japanese Buddhism, the expression "state religion" and "guardian religion" are often used, but it is important to know that, when a nation is still in its formative stages, the meanings of these terms are quite different from what we might understand them to be. Japanese Buddhism is a complex faith. It is a religion brought from abroad, and it's a source of material and worldly blessings. "The post war religions promised the healing of sickness and the abolition of poverty in return for oblation reveal the basic attitude which made the Japanese worship the Buddha for the zPAGE -12 Gustavus Student Repository sake or worldly blessings. This was not a trait of the primitive religious consciousness of the Japanese alone. " (Moore, 1967: 9). The Daibutsu Buddha, an 11.4-meter bronze statue, stands in Kamakura, Japan. The statue's restful expression reflects the Buddhist ideal of detachment from all desires and worldly things. Yearly, 15 million Japanese visit the Buddha and the nearby Hachiman Shrine and Hase Kannon Temple. 75% of the Japanese population practice Buddhism while also embracing the Shinto religion. The Buddhist monks assist the families with mat

KCLVA: Knowledge-enhanced Contrastive Learning and View-specific Attention for Chest X-ray Report Generation

Author: Zhu J.
Lu P.
Publication venue: Springer Nature
Publication date: 01/01/2026
Field of study

In clinical scenarios, radiologists analyse multiple chest X-ray (CXR) images from various view positions to identify diseases and abnormalities. To replicate the diagnostic approach of experienced radiologists, we propose an encoder-decoder-based CXR report generation architecture, KCLVA, which leverages the Unified Medical Language System (UMLS) to extract view-specific information from diagnostic reports, focusing on posteroanterior, anteroposterior, and lateral views. This extracted information facilitates view-specific attention (VA) mechanisms and is subsequently used to construct a similarity matrix that enables many-to-many contrastive learning. In the encoder, we employ a knowledge distillation architecture to guide the learning of the student model by freezing the teacher model. Within the student text encoder, the VA mechanism is utilised to automatically assign higher weights to tokens corresponding to a specific view in diagnostic reports based on the view position of the CXR, while assigning lower weights to other tokens. The image and text features are then integrated using contrastive learning. In the decoder, a transformer-based backbone architecture is employed to decode the encoder output and generate a medical diagnosis report. This strategy leverages UMLS to extract view-specific information, employs VA to adjust token weights, and utilises many-to-many contrastive learning through a weighted contrastive loss. Together, these components enable our model to closely simulate the diagnostic process of professional radiologists. Consequently, our method achieves significant improvements of 0.185 on METEOR and 0.078 on ROUGE compared to previous approaches

Verification of Multi-Model Stochastic Systems

Author: Calinescu RADU CONSTANTIN
GERASIMOU SIMOS
Getir Yaman Sinem
VAZQUEZ FLORES Gricel
Bassett Micah
Publication venue: IEEE
Publication date: 17/04/2026
Field of study

Given its ability to analyse stochastic models ranging from discrete and continuous-time Markov chains to Markov decision processes and stochastic games, probabilistic model checking (PMC) is widely used to verify system dependability and performance properties. However, modelling the behaviour of, and verifying these properties for many software-intensive systems requires the joint analysis of multiple interdependent stochastic models of different types, which existing PMC techniques and tools cannot handle. To address this limitation, we introduce a tool-supported UniversaL stochasTIc Modelling, verificAtion and synThEsis (ULTIMATE) framework that supports the representation, verification and synthesis of heterogeneous multi-model stochastic systems with complex model interdependencies. Through its unique integration of multiple PMC paradigms, and underpinned by a novel verification method for handling model interdependencies, ULTIMATE unifies—for the first time—the modelling of probabilistic and nondeterministic uncertainty, discrete and continuous time, partial observability, and the use of both Bayesian and frequentist inference to exploit domain knowledge and data about the modelled system and its context. A comprehensive suite of case studies and experiments confirm the generality and effectiveness of our novel verification framework

Candida albicans cells lacking AP‐2 have defective hyphae and are avirulent despite increased host uptake and intracellular proliferation in macrophages

Author: Christou S.
Evans S.
Knafler H.
Rooij I.S.
Ayscough K.R.
Johnston S.A.
Publication venue: Wiley
Publication date: 2026
Field of study

Candida albicans is a commensal microbe and opportunistic human pathogen. Candida yeast are recognized and taken up by macrophages via phagocytosis. Macrophage surface receptors bind to specific components of the Candida cell wall. Following phagocytosis, Candida can respond to the host's intracellular environment by switching from a yeast to a hyphal morphology facilitating escape from macrophages and allowing subsequent invasion of host tissues. Various disruptions of Candida's ability to form hyphae have been shown to reduce virulence and fitness in the host. Our previous work concluded that Candida albicans cells lacking AP-2 (apm4Δ/Δ), an endocytic adaptor complex, have increased cell wall chitin and morphologically defective hyphae in vitro. Increased chitin has been correlated with decreased recognition by macrophages, possibly due to masking of cell wall β-glucan, the target for the Dectin-1 immune receptor. Here we test the virulence profiles of apm4Δ/Δ mutant, demonstrating a surprising increase in macrophage phagocytosis that does not occur due to the elevated exposure of β-glucan, highlighting the importance of cell wall components beyond chitin and glucan for macrophage engagement and uptake. Furthermore, the apm4 mutant exhibited parasitism of macrophages, surviving and proliferating within the phagosome, a phenotype that was then replicated with a well-characterized yeast locked mutant, demonstrating the further complexity of C. albicans' ability to evade macrophage responses. Finally, the combined phenotype of reduced hyphal formation but continued proliferation resulted in reduced virulence despite an equivalent burden of infection with wild-type Candida infection, as determined using a zebrafish larval model of candidiasis

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