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Wojna domowa w Sudanie w świetle koncepcji nowych wojen
No full textThe paper considers the war in Sudan from the perspective of the new wars concept authored by Mary Kaldor. The conflict between Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) largely proves its validity. The war derives from long-lasting political instability and violence in this country, as exacerbated by multiple ethnic and tribal tensions (which are characteristic for the entire region of Sahel). The activity of external actors was also an important driver which concerns especially the Wagner Group and the Arab states supporting RSF. The clashes were mostly irregular and emerged in large areas of this vast country. Large-scale violence targeted civilians which fueled a refugee and humanitarian crisis. A wide network of RSF-centered domestic and international business ties – making this paramilitary force almost a state within a state – played an important role. For the reasons above, perspectives for sustainable peace have been poor.Artykuł ujmuje wojnę domową w Sudanie z perspektywy koncepcji nowych wojen Mary Kaldor. Konflikt między Sudańskimi Siłami Zbrojnymi a Siłami Szybkiego Wsparcia (RSF) w dużej mierze dowodzi aktualności tego podejścia. Jego źródłem jest wieloletnia niestabilność polityczna w tym państwie, potęgowana przez rozliczne napięcia etniczne i plemienne (charakterystyczne dla całego regionu Sahelu). Istotnym czynnikiem jest także aktywność podmiotów zewnętrznych, w szczególności Grupy Wagnera oraz państw arabskich wspierających RSF. Starcia miały charakter nieregularny i objęły duże obszary tego rozległego kraju. Towarzyszyła im ogromna skala przemocy wymierzonej w ludność cywilną, co skutkowało kryzysem uchodźczym i humanitarnym. Istotną rolę odgrywała także rozległa sieć krajowych i międzynarodowych powiązań biznesowych wokół RSF, czyniąca z nich niemalże państwo w państwie. Perspektywy zaprowadzenia trwałego pokoju pozostawały z powyższych względów raczej mgliste
„Polskie Dokumenty Dyplomatyczne”: „1980 styczeń–czerwiec”, red. P. Długołęcki, Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych [PISM], Warszawa 2018, LXXIV + 1048 ss. „1980 lipiec–grudzień”, red. P. Długołęcki, PISM, Warszawa 2020, LXXII + 1024 ss. „1981 styczeń–czerwiec”, red. P. Długołęcki, PISM, Warszawa 2021, LXXXII + 1090 ss. „1981 lipiec–grudzień”, red. P. Długołęcki, PISM, Warszawa 2022, LXXXVII + 1092 ss.
No full textFlexibilities and Constraints – Confessionalism and the New Communities in Lebanon
No full textThe paper analyses the Lebanese political system called Lebanese consociationalism (confessionalism) focusing on its dynamics and reaction to social changes, particularly demographic. Scholarly literature defines the system as a power-sharing model, a set of political tools implemented to contain challenges arising from ethno-religious pluralism of a society. Important section of the theory is dedicated to conditions that impact dynamics of these systems and decide about its reaction towards challenges, in consequence impacting their stability, durability and success. The following paper joins discussion about Lebanese confessionalism and its reaction towards challenges, especially those posed by changing demographic composition. The paper refers first to the case of the Armenian community in Lebanon and their successful integration into the system also labelled as „lebanonization” as a significant example of the system’s dynamics. As contrasting case the paper also recalls the case of total systemic rejection and marginalization of a community – the Palestinians who came to Lebanon after 1948. The aim is to point at the conditions influencing the system’s divergent responses and operation in the context of dealing with the new communities.The paper analyses the Lebanese political system called Lebanese consociationalism (confessionalism) focusing on its dynamics and reaction to social changes, particularly demographic. Scholarly literature defines the system as a power-sharing model, a set of political tools implemented to contain challenges arising from ethno-religious pluralism of a society. Important section of the theory is dedicated to conditions that impact dynamics of these systems and decide about its reaction towards challenges, in consequence impacting their stability, durability and success. The following paper joins discussion about Lebanese confessionalism and its reaction towards challenges, especially those posed by changing demographic composition. The paper refers first to the case of the Armenian community in Lebanon and their successful integration into the system also labelled as „lebanonization” as a significant example of the system’s dynamics. As contrasting case the paper also recalls the case of total systemic rejection and marginalization of a community – the Palestinians who came to Lebanon after 1948. The aim is to point at the conditions influencing the system’s divergent responses and operation in the context of dealing with the new communities
Nie taki wilk straszny – strukturalne uwarunkowania populizmu w głównym nurcie amerykańskiej demokracji
No full textAnalyzing various types of populism, we face the question of the role of tension between leaders and the structures of political systems, we face the question of the role of tension between leaders and the structures of political systems. This tension creates the „institutional paradox of populism”, in which populist leaders may rely on the institutions that are the subject of their criticism on their way to power and in how they exercise it. What unites the various perspectives on populism is that they most often contain a negative evaluative element, suggesting that the phenomena of populism are an undesirable departure from „normality”. The following text indicates that in American democracy it is quite the opposite. Phenomena associated with populism are a permanent and indispensable element of mainstream American politics. To illustrate this thesis, the convergence between the classic features of populism and the features defining the character of American democracy was demonstrated. This convergence is a derivative of the durable structures of American democracy.Analyzing various types of populism, we face the question of the role of tension between leaders and the structures of political systems, we face the question of the role of tension between leaders and the structures of political systems. This tension creates the „institutional paradox of populism”, in which populist leaders may rely on the institutions that are the subject of their criticism on their way to power and in how they exercise it. What unites the various perspectives on populism is that they most often contain a negative evaluative element, suggesting that the phenomena of populism are an undesirable departure from „normality”. The following text indicates that in American democracy it is quite the opposite. Phenomena associated with populism are a permanent and indispensable element of mainstream American politics. To illustrate this thesis, the convergence between the classic features of populism and the features defining the character of American democracy was demonstrated. This convergence is a derivative of the durable structures of American democracy
Proces karny Stanisława Barańczaka
No full textStanisław Barańczak was an Polish outstanding poet, translator and literary scholar. In 1976, he became involved in the defense of workers repressed after the protests in Radom and Ursus in Poland. He was a co-founder of the Workers’ Defense Committee. All its members were placed under surveillance by the Communist Security Service. In December 1976, Barańczak, not having his own apartment, bought a share in the property. Under the regulations of that time, the commune had the right of pre-emption. During a meeting on this matter, Barańczak heard that the commune would most likely not use this right. Then, as was the accepted practice, he wanted to give a monetary donation. This event became the basis for accusing the poet of paying a bribe. On February 14, 1977, Stanisław Barańczak was sentenced to one year’s imprisonment with its conditional suspension for three years. The consequence of this verdict was his relegation from the university where he worked. The criminal proceedings against Barańczak were part of the severe repression used against democratic opposition activists during the times of the Polish People’s Republic. The poet – only after the political changes in August 1980 – received a passport and was able to leave the country and take up the chair of polish literature at Harvard University.Stanisław Barańczak was an Polish outstanding poet, translator and literary scholar. In 1976, he became involved in the defense of workers repressed after the protests in Radom and Ursus in Poland. He was a co-founder of the Workers’ Defense Committee. All its members were placed under surveillance by the Communist Security Service. In December 1976, Barańczak, not having his own apartment, bought a share in the property. Under the regulations of that time, the commune had the right of pre-emption. During a meeting on this matter, Barańczak heard that the commune would most likely not use this right. Then, as was the accepted practice, he wanted to give a monetary donation. This event became the basis for accusing the poet of paying a bribe. On February 14, 1977, Stanisław Barańczak was sentenced to one year’s imprisonment with its conditional suspension for three years. The consequence of this verdict was his relegation from the university where he worked. The criminal proceedings against Barańczak were part of the severe repression used against democratic opposition activists during the times of the Polish People’s Republic. The poet – only after the political changes in August 1980 – received a passport and was able to leave the country and take up the chair of polish literature at Harvard University
Agnieszka Rogozińska, Zagrożenia kreowane przez Federację Rosyjską i ich konsekwencje dla bezpieczeństwa państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej
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Эволюция позиции Франции в отношении Украины в 2014–2022 годах как пример геополитической игры великих держав на территории Восточной Европы
No full textAfter 1989, France treated Eastern Europe as Russia’s sphere of influence. Until 2014, Ukraine was perceived as part of the former Russian Empire. After the annexation of Crimea by Russia, France became diplomatically active by participating in the negotiations of the Minsk agreements under the Normandy format. However, for the following years, Ukraine remained dependent on France’s political support towards Russia. The analysis aims to show the evolution of France’s position towards Ukraine in 2014–2022. This process consists in a transition from a lack of understanding of Ukraine’s geopolitical situation and desire to maintain dialogue with Russia to provide full support to Ukraine in its pursuit of European integration and real economic, political, military and humanitarian support. The analysis concerns the change of the position of France, its causes and importance for France-Ukraine relations and for Eastern Europe in the new geopolitical realities.After 1989, France treated Eastern Europe as Russia’s sphere of influence. Until 2014, Ukraine was perceived as part of the former Russian Empire. After the annexation of Crimea by Russia, France became diplomatically active by participating in the negotiations of the Minsk agreements under the Normandy format. However, for the following years, Ukraine remained dependent on France’s political support towards Russia. The analysis aims to show the evolution of France’s position towards Ukraine in 2014–2022. This process consists in a transition from a lack of understanding of Ukraine’s geopolitical situation and desire to maintain dialogue with Russia to provide full support to Ukraine in its pursuit of European integration and real economic, political, military and humanitarian support. The analysis concerns the change of the position of France, its causes and importance for France-Ukraine relations and for Eastern Europe in the new geopolitical realities
Юридические и институциональные инструменты, а также инструменты поддержки ЕС и УВКБ ООН в борьбе с кризисом беженцев и гуманитарным кризисом в Украине в 2022–2023 годах
No full textThe European Union and its Member States have managed the refugee and humanitarian crisis triggered by Russian aggression against Ukraine much more effectively than the refugee and migration crisis of 2015–2016. Instead of scrambling to find new institutional arrangements, the European Union has relied on existing but undervalued or dormant legal and institutional instruments, such as the Temporary Protection Mechanism, the Integrated Crisis Response Mechanism at political level and the EU Civil Protection Mechanism. As in the 2015–2016 crisis, UNHCR made an important contribution to monitoring the refugee and humanitarian crisis in Ukraine and providing assistance to refugees.The European Union and its Member States have managed the refugee and humanitarian crisis triggered by Russian aggression against Ukraine much more effectively than the refugee and migration crisis of 2015–2016. Instead of scrambling to find new institutional arrangements, the European Union has relied on existing but undervalued or dormant legal and institutional instruments, such as the Temporary Protection Mechanism, the Integrated Crisis Response Mechanism at political level and the EU Civil Protection Mechanism. As in the 2015–2016 crisis, UNHCR made an important contribution to monitoring the refugee and humanitarian crisis in Ukraine and providing assistance to refugees
Kryptonim „Stonka”: Kulisy operacji przeprowadzonej przez peerelowski i sowiecki aparat bezpieczeństwa wobec emigracyjnych Zagranicznych Formacji OUN (1959–1961)
No full textBased on archival materials of various provenance (including the Czechoslovak, PRL and Soviet security apparatus), the text reconstructs the genesis, course and effects of the operation directed against a group of couriers trained and transferred from the West to Poland and the Ukrainian SSR by the Foreign Formations of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The actions codenamed „Stonka” in Poland were an element of a larger disinformation „game” conducted by the MGB/KGB since 1951. The finalization and disclosure of the aforementioned operations also meant that the Soviets initiated a new propaganda campaign against the emigration Ukrainian structures in the West originating from the Bandera faction of the OUN.Based on archival materials of various provenance (including the Czechoslovak, PRL and Soviet security apparatus), the text reconstructs the genesis, course and effects of the operation directed against a group of couriers trained and transferred from the West to Poland and the Ukrainian SSR by the Foreign Formations of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The actions codenamed „Stonka” in Poland were an element of a larger disinformation „game” conducted by the MGB/KGB since 1951. The finalization and disclosure of the aforementioned operations also meant that the Soviets initiated a new propaganda campaign against the emigration Ukrainian structures in the West originating from the Bandera faction of the OUN