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Polskie #MeToo. Analiza feministyczno-kryminologiczna: Polish #MeToo. A feminist-criminological approach
No full textRuch #MeToo wybuchł na całym świecie jesienią 2017 r. i miał na celu uwidocznienie przemocy wobec kobiet. Kobiety na całym świecie za pośrednictwem platform mediów społecznościowych ujawniały przemoc, której doświadczały, i udowadniały jej wszechobecność w swoich doświadczeniach życiowych. System prawa karnego został uznany za nieodpowiedni do walki z tym głęboko zakorzenionym zjawiskiem społecznym.Artykuł stanowi przegląd polskich głośnych spraw #MeToo z lat 2017–2022 (m.in. przypadek „papierowych feministów”, Janusza Rudnickiego, Margot i teatru Bagatela). Na podstawie przeanalizowanych spraw autorka stara się opisać mechanizmy formalnych i nieformalnych reakcji na pojawiające się publiczne wyznania o wiktymizacji kobiet.Największą spuścizną #MeToo są kultura internetowych „calloutów” i „kultura wymazywania” (cancel culture) dla osób oskarżonych o przemoc seksualną jako sposób na wymierzenie sprawiedliwości. Interesujące jest jednak to, że #MeToo ewoluowało w kierunku tropienia molestowania w pracy, mobbingu (rzadko z komponentem seksualnym) i tylko w określonych sferach – środowiskach artystycznych lub medialnych. Wydaje się, że kluczową rolę odegrały osobiste układy, animozje i urazy, a nie waga czynów. Ruch, którego głównym celem było uwidocznienie męskiej przemocy wobec kobiet, stopniowo obrócił się przeciwko samym kobietom, ponieważ część z nich również stała się celem ataków. Nie zastąpił on ani nie wyparł systemu sądownictwa karnego, choć konsekwencje „odwołania” dla niektórych oskarżonych były surowe, czasem surowsze niż sankcje sądowe.Na końcu autorka umieszcza ruch #MeToo w szerszym kontekście kultury bycia ofiarą oraz odpowiada na fundamentalne pytanie, czy #MeToo okazał się dobry dla kobiet, w szczególności w zakresie podnoszenia świadomości na temat przemocy wobec kobiet i przemocy seksualnej oraz zmiany postaw społecznych.
[#MeToo movement erupted globally in 2017 and was aimed at making violence against women visible. Women all over the world via social media platforms denounced violence they suffered and evidenced its ubiquity in their lived experiences. The criminal justice system was deemed inadequate in tackling this deep-rooted social phenomenon. But did it really turn out to be a better solution?In my paper drawing on high-profile #MeToo cases in Poland (the case of „paper feminists”, Janusz Rudnicki, Margot, Bagatela Theatre) I will try to elaborate on the fundamental question, was (or still is being) #MeToo good for women, particularly in raising awareness on violence against women and sexual violence and changing social attitudes. In order to do so I trace the development of the phenomena from 2017 to 2022 in Poland. The greatest legacy of #MeToo is the culture of online callouts and „cancel culture” for the people accused of sexual violence as a way of doing justice. However, the interesting point is that #MeToo evolved into tracing harassment at work, mobbing (rarely with any sexual component), and only in specific realms – artistic milieus or elite professions like journalism. It seems that personal arrangements favors, injuries, and acts of vengeance played a crucial role rather than the gravity of deeds. A movement that was primarily aimed at making visible male violence against women turned out against women themselves since a lot of women have been targeted by callouts. It did not either replace or supplant the criminal justice system, albeit the consequences of „cancelling” for some accused were harsh, sometimes harsher than judicial sanctions.]#MeToo movement erupted globally in 2017 and was aimed at making violence against women visible. Women all over the world via social media platforms denounced violence they suffered and evidenced its ubiquity in their lived experiences. The criminal justice system was deemed inadequate in tackling this deep-rooted social phenomenon. But did it really turn out to be a better solution?In my paper drawing on high-profile #MeToo cases in Poland (the case of „paper feminists”, Janusz Rudnicki, Margot, Bagatela Theatre) I will try to elaborate on the fundamental question, was (or still is being) #MeToo good for women, particularly in raising awareness on violence against women and sexual violence and changing social attitudes. In order to do so I trace the development of the phenomena from 2017 to 2022 in Poland. The greatest legacy of #MeToo is the culture of online callouts and „cancel culture” for the people accused of sexual violence as a way of doing justice. However, the interesting point is that #MeToo evolved into tracing harassment at work, mobbing (rarely with any sexual component), and only in specific realms – artistic milieus or elite professions like journalism. It seems that personal arrangements favors, injuries, and acts of vengeance played a crucial role rather than the gravity of deeds. A movement that was primarily aimed at making visible male violence against women turned out against women themselves since a lot of women have been targeted by callouts. It did not either replace or supplant the criminal justice system, albeit the consequences of „cancelling” for some accused were harsh, sometimes harsher than judicial sanctions
The Enforcement of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights by the Administrative Courts in Poland and Czechia
No full textThe article aims to explore the enforcement of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) by administrative courts in Poland and Czechia. The concluding observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights have suggested significant differences between the two countries in this regard for many years. However, the exact reasons underlying this discrepancy remained unclear. The paper provides comprehensive insight into this legal phenomenon. Firstly, the author reconstructs the obligations relating to the economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights imposed on administrative courts. Secondly, the results of a large-scale review of the domestic rulings are presented. Based on the quantitative and qualitative analysis of the existing case law, it is revealed that the Polish and Czech courts share significant similarities in enforcing ESC rights. The study indicates that comparable shortcomings in terms of judicial enforcement of the Covenant are inherent in both jurisdictions. Thirdly, the author points to the existing methods available for the administrative courts that can still be used to strengthen the protection of the rights recognised in the ICESCR
Equality of Member States as a New Rationale for the Principle of Primacy and Its Significance for the Constitutionalisation of EU Law
No full textIn its recent jurisprudence the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has indicated new grounds for the principle of primacy of EU law: the equality of Member States before the Treaties. This reflects the view that the principle of primacy should not be perceived within a bilateral framework – as a means of resolving conflicts between two legal orders (EU and national) – but in a multilateral context, where uniformity, equality and primacy are strongly intertwined. The aim of this paper will be to analyse and assess the CJEU stance on this new foundation of the principle of primacy. It will be argued that the CJEU seeking justification for the principle of primacy in arguments of an axiological nature, not only functional ones, is expected and justified after the Treaty of Lisbon and in the face of the current threats to the values embedded in Art. 2 of the Treaty on European Union. It is crucial for further strengthening of the processes of constitutionalisation of EU law. However, controversy may arise from the views that such new argumentation on the rationale of the primacy principle already resolves the competing claims of final authority in the EU
Europejskie badanie przemocy uwarunkowanej płcią (GBV) - wyniki z badań polskich: European survey on gender-based violence (GBV) – results from Polish research
No full textThis article was prepared on the basis of a nationwide victimization survey conducted in 2021-2023 by the Central Statistical Office. The Polish study, co-financed by EUROSTAT, was part of the European research on gender-based violence (GBV) and was carried out in 21 countries. The actual study was preceded by multi-phase preparations, accompanied by, m.in others, working group meetings and specialist consultations. A pilot study was conducted in 2017-2019 to test research methods and tools. In some countries, it was decided to carry out a study on the general population, among women and men. In Poland, the actual study was carried out only on the female population. 5,247 respondents from all sixteen Polish provinces took part in the survey. According to the assumptions, the youngest person participating in the study was over 18 years old, while the oldest was 74 years old. During the study, women were asked about their experiences related to physical, sexual and psychological violence, including by a partner or other relatives, as well as cases of harassment and sexual harassment. In addition, the respondents were asked about their experiences of violence in childhood and about their knowledge of institutions providing assistance to people experiencing violence.The answers show a significant prevalence of violence against women, in most cases not reported to the relevant institutions. Almost every fifth woman has experienced psychological violence from her partner (current or former), every ninth - physical violence, every twenty-eight - sexual. Physical violence from people who are not partners was experienced by 7% of the respondents surveyed, and sexual violence – by 1%. To illustrate, it is worth noting that only 15% of women reported incidents to the police. In addition, one in 10 women has experienced harassment (stalking) and one in 8 has experienced sexual harassment in the workplace.Niniejszy artykuł opracowano na podstawie ogólnopolskiego badania wiktymizacyjnego przeprowadzonego w latach 2021–2023 przez Główny Urząd Statystyczny. Badanie polskie współfinansowane przez Eurostat było częścią badań europejskich dotyczących przemocy ze względu na płeć (GBV) i zrealizowane zostało w 21 krajach.Badanie właściwe poprzedzone było wielofazowymi przygotowaniami, towarzyszyły mu m.in. spotkania grup roboczych i specjalistyczne konsultacje. W latach 2017–2019 przeprowadzono badanie pilotażowe, w którym testowano metody i narzędzia badawcze. W części państw zdecydowano się na realizację badania na ogólnej populacji, wśród kobiet i mężczyzn. W Polsce badanie właściwe zostało zrealizowane tylko na populacji kobiet. W badaniu wzięło udział 5247 respondentek z terenu wszystkich 16 województw Polski. Zgodnie z założeniami najmłodsza osoba uczestnicząca w badaniu miała ukończone 18 lat, najstarsza natomiast 74 lata.Podczas przeprowadzonego badania zapytano kobiety o ich doświadczenia związane z przemocą fizyczną, seksualną i psychiczną, w tym ze strony partnera lub innych osób spokrewnionych, jak również o przypadki nękania i molestowania seksualnego. Ponadto respondentki zapytano o doświadczenia związane z przemocą w dzieciństwie oraz o ich wiedzę na temat instytucji świadczących pomoc osobom doświadczającym przemocy.Z uzyskanych odpowiedzi wyłania się obraz znacznego rozpowszechnienia przemocy wobec kobiet, w większości przypadków niezgłaszanej odpowiednim instytucjom. Niemalże co piąta kobieta doświadczyła przemocy psychicznej ze strony swojego partnera (aktualnego lub byłego), co dziewiąta – przemocy fizycznej, co dwudziesta dziewiąta – seksualnej.Przemocy fizycznej ze strony osób niebędących partnerami doświadczyło 7% badanych respondentek, a przemocy seksualnej – 1%. Dla zobrazowania warto zaznaczyć, że zaledwie 15% kobiet zgłosiło zdarzenia policji. Ponadto co dziesiąta kobieta doświadczyła nękania (stalkingu), a co ósma – molestowania seksualnego w miejscu pracy.
[This article was prepared on the basis of a nationwide victimization survey conducted in 2021-2023 by the Central Statistical Office. The Polish study, co-financed by EUROSTAT, was part of the European research on gender-based violence (GBV) and was carried out in 21 countries. The actual study was preceded by multi-phase preparations, accompanied by, m.in others, working group meetings and specialist consultations. A pilot study was conducted in 2017-2019 to test research methods and tools. In some countries, it was decided to carry out a study on the general population, among women and men. In Poland, the actual study was carried out only on the female population. 5247 respondents from all sixteen Polish provinces took part in the survey. According to the assumptions, the youngest person participating in the study was over 18 years old, while the oldest was 74 years old.During the study, women were asked about their experiences of physical, sexual and psychological violence, including from their partner or other relatives, as well as cases of harassment and sexual harassment. In addition, the respondents were asked about their experiences of violence in childhood and about their knowledge of institutions providing assistance to people experiencing violence. The answers show a significant prevalence of violence against women, in most cases not reported to the relevant institutions. Almost every fifth woman has experienced psychological violence from her partner (current or former), every ninth - physical violence, every twenty-ninth - sexual. Physical violence from people who are not partners was experienced by 7% of the respondents surveyed, and sexual violence – by 1%. To illustrate, it is worth noting that only 15% of women reported incidents to the police. In addition, one in 10 women has experienced harassment (stalking) and one in 8 has experienced sexual harassment in the workplace.
An Axiological Turn in European Constitutionalism?
No full textArticle 2 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), stipulating that the Union was founded on the values common to its Member States (MSs), has led to a shift towards values in the drafting, application and interpretation of EU law. This can be seen as a significant paradigm shift in the discourse on European constitutional pluralism. It represents a transition, yet not a departure, from the “Union of law” to the “Union of values”, from a Union that is neutral towards values to one that is value-friendly. This paradigm shift is especially symbolised and illustrated by the reference to values in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (known as Wertejurisprudenz), the promotion of values in the EU’s international relations and policies and the use of values to legitimise EU legislation and as a criterion for reviewing and assessing the MSs’ activity, even in domains that are within their exclusive purview. A characteristic feature of the values listed in Art. 2 TEU, on which the strength and scope of their impact on the EU legal and institutional system directly depend, is the fact that they are legal values forming – as internal values – an integral part of the founding Treaties. Due to their placement within the Treaty structure, they are fundamental values, and because of the Treaty’s role as a constitutional charter, they are also foundational values. The listing of these values in Art. 2 TEU has objectified them – their substance no longer depends on individual moral beliefs. They are legal norms that are legally binding on their addressees. In the literature, Art. 2 TEU is often given the status and role of a homogeneity clause. However, with all due respect for this interpretative approach, I consider it inconsistent with both the meaning of this provision, which was intended to strengthen the Union’s legitimacy, and with the premises of European constitutional pluralism, which safeguard and protect the pluralism of values while opposing their uniformity and hierarchisation. It seems, however, that turning values into homogenising clauses that would unify the quantitatively and qualitatively diverse MSs’ constitutional value standards – with the CJEU monitoring their compliance with as-yet undetermined EU models – and deriving particular obligations for the MSs from these values in conjunction with other Treaty provisions is taking it too fa
Peter Hilpold & Giuseppe Nesi (eds.), Teaching International Law, Brill/Nijhoff, Leiden, Boston: 2024, pp. XVIII + 510
No full textransparency of the Universal Periodic Review process of the UN Human Rights Council – Polish practice in the light of international and domestic law
No full textW artykule przeanalizowano znaczenie przejrzystości Powszechnego Przeglądu Okresowego Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w świetle prawa międzynarodowego oraz praktyki Polski. Wskazano, że skuteczność tego mechanizmu oceny przestrzegania praw człowieka zależy od jawności całego procesu. Brak krajowego obowiązku publicznego udostępniania raportów i rekomendacji prowadzi do powstania luki osłabiającej jego oddziaływanie. W przeciwieństwie do systemu organów traktatowych, w którym konwencje wprost nakazują upowszechnianie dokumentów, przegląd okresowy nie przewiduje takiego obowiązku. W Polsce ograniczona komunikacja władz i niepełne archiwum raportów sprawiają, że proces ten jest mało widoczny dla opinii publicznej. Media podejmują temat sporadycznie, dlatego główną rolę informacyjną i kontrolną pełnią organizacje społeczne. W artykule sformułowano tezę, że brak przejrzystości osłabia presję społeczną i zmniejsza potencjał przeglądu jako narzędzia rozliczania działań państwa i impulsu do reform.he article examines the importance of transparency in the United Nations Universal Periodic Review in the context of international law and Polish practice. It argues that the effectiveness of this human rights evaluation mechanism depends on openness and public access to information. The absence of a national obligation to publish reports and recommendations creates a gap that weakens the process. Unlike the treaty body system, where conventions explicitly require dissemination of documents, the Universal Periodic Review does not impose such a duty. In Poland, limited government communication and an incomplete archive make the process largely invisible to the public. The media address it only occasionally, while civil society organizations have become the main source of information and independent monitoring. The article argues that a lack of transparency weakens social pressure and reduces the potential of review as a tool for holding the state accountable and as a driver of reform
Nasilenie ciemnych cech osobowości a cyberprzemoc intymna. Moderująca rola empatii: Dark personality traits and cyber-dating abuse: The moderating role of empathy
Full text linkThe results of research on cyber-dating abuse in intimate relationships are presented in this article. The study analysed dark personality traits (i.e. narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy and sadism) treated as relevant individual risk factors for this kind of violence. The sample consisted of 200 young adults (72% women). The following measures were used in the research: the Cyber Dating Abuse Questionnaire, the Short Dark Tetrad and the Interpersonal Reactivity Index. The results indicate that the severity of both the Dark Triad and sadism is related to the perpetration of cyber-violence and victimisation from an intimate partner. The research also showed that men more often than women use direct aggression in cyber-dating abuse. Moreover, the moderating role of empathy in the relationship between dark personality traits and cyber-dating abuse was confirmed.W artykule zaprezentowano wyniki badań nad zjawiskiem cyberprzemocy w bliskich związkach interpersonalnych. Rozpatrywane było ono w kontekście ciemnych cech osobowości (narcyzm, makiawelizm, psychopatia, sadyzm), traktowanych jako ważny psychologiczny czynnik ryzyka dla tego rodzaju przemocy. Badaną grupę stanowiło 200 młodych dorosłych (w tym 72% kobiet). Badanie przeprowadzono za pomocą Kwestionariusza Cyberprzemocy Intymnej (CDAQ), skróconej wersji Kwestionariusza SD4 oraz Indeksu Reaktywności Interpersonalnej (IRI). Otrzymane dane pozwalają wnioskować, że nasilenie Ciemnej Triady i sadyzmu wiąże się zarówno ze skłonnością do stosowania cyberprzemocy wobec partnera, jak i ryzykiem wiktymizacji w skutek tego rodzaju zachowań. Wykazano również, że mężczyźni częściej niż kobiety są sprawcami cyberprzemocy intymnej w postaci agresji bezpośredniej oraz potwierdzono moderującą rolę empatii w relacji pomiędzy ciemnymi cechami osobowości a cyberprzemocą intymną.
The results of research on cyber-dating abuse in intimate relationships are presented in this article. The study analysed dark personality traits (i.e. narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy and sadism) treated as relevant individual risk factors for this kind of violence. The sample consisted of 200 young adults (72% women). The following measures were used in the research: the Cyber Dating Abuse Questionnaire, the Short Dark Tetrad and the Interpersonal Reactivity Index. The results indicate that the severity of both the Dark Triad and sadism is related to the perpetration of cyber-violence and victimisation from an intimate partner. The research also showed that men more often than women use direct aggression in cyber-dating abuse. Moreover, the moderating role of empathy in the relationship between dark personality traits and cyber-dating abuse was confirmed
Procedura uchodźcza jako instrument transferu ofiar handlu ludźmi do Polski: Asylum procedure as a means of transferring victims of human trafficking to Poland
Full text linkResearch on human trafficking highlights that its victims can be exploited in many areas of the economy. Moreover, some victims of trafficking are also forced to commit a crime (e.g. drug smuggling), though the victims of this peculiar type of crime can also be found among those seeking refugee status or international protection. This article discusses a new way of transferring victims of human trafficking across borders and describes who these people are, how they were recruited and how they were transported from their country of origin to the transit countries and finally reaching Poland. The modus operandi and profile of the perpetrators are also discussed. The research also describes the process of identifying victims of human trafficking, attempting to determine how, when and by whom these people were identified. The research findings are based on the files of asylum seekers that were gathered between 2012 and 2020 by the Office for Foreigners in Poland (the institution responsible for providing asylum status in Poland).Badania dotyczące problematyki handlu ludźmi podkreślają, że ofiary handlu ludźmi mogą być wykorzystywane w wielu sektorach gospodarki, a także zmuszane do popełniania przestępstw (np. przemytu narkotyków). Jak się okazuje, ofiary mogą być również wśród osób ubiegających się o nadanie statusu uchodźcy lub udzielenie ochrony międzynarodowej. W niniejszym artykule został omówiony nowy sposób transferu ofiar handlu ludźmi przez granice państw. Jednocześnie opisuje kim są te osoby, jak zostały zrekrutowane, a następnie były transportowane z państwa pochodzenia do państw tranzytowych, aby w końcu dotrzeć do Polski. Zostały omówione również sposoby działania sprawców oraz ich profil. Badania opisują także proces identyfikacji ofiar handlu ludźmi, próbując uzyskać odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób, kiedy i przez kogo osoby te zostały zidentyfikowane. Badaniami zostały objęte wszystkie osoby ubiegających się o nadanie statusu uchodźcy lub udzielenie ochrony międzynarodowej w latach 2012–2020, które zostały zidentyfikowane jako ofiary handlu ludźmi, w postępowania prowadzonych przez Szefa Urzędu do Spraw Cudzoziemców w Polsce (instytucja odpowiedzialna za nadawanie statusu uchodźcy lub udzielenie ochrony międzynarodowej w Polsce).
Research on human trafficking highlights that its victims can be exploited in many areas of the economy. Moreover, some victims of trafficking are also forced to commit a crime (e.g. drug smuggling), though the victims of this peculiar type of crime can also be found among those seeking refugee status or international protection. This article discusses a new way of transferring victims of human trafficking across borders and describes who these people are, how they were recruited and how they were transported from their country of origin to the transit countries and finally reaching Poland. The modus operandi and profile of the perpetrators are also discussed. The research also describes the process of identifying victims of human trafficking, attempting to determine how, when and by whom these people were identified. The research findings are based on the files of asylum seekers that were gathered between 2012 and 2020 by the Office for Foreigners in Poland (the institution responsible for providing asylum status in Poland)
Przemyt telefonów komórkowych w jednostce penitencjarnej z perspektywy funkcjonariuszy Służby Więziennej: Smuggling of mobile phones in a penitentiary from the perspective of Prison Service officers
No full textThis paper addresses the issue of mobile phone smuggling to prisons. This is a serious problem faced by the Prison Service in Poland. According to the respondents, this phenomenon, despite a few events, has a negative impact on the functioning of penitentiary units. The aim of the research was to find answers to questions about the main places of mobile phone disclosure, to determine people interested in the trafficking of illegal phones in prisons, or to compare the phenomenon of smuggling with the corruption of officers.W niniejszej pracy poruszono problematykę przemytu telefonów komórkowych do zakładów karnych. Jest to poważny problem, z którym zmaga się Służba Więzienna w Polsce. W opinii respondentów zjawisko te mimo nielicznych zdarzeń wpływa negatywnie na funkcjonowanie jednostek penitencjarnych.Celem podjętych badań było znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące głównych miejsc ujawnień telefonów komórkowych, ustalenie osób zainteresowanych obrotem nielegalnymi telefonami w zakładach karnych czy też zestawienie zjawiska przemytu z korupcją funkcjonariuszy.
[This paper addresses the issue of mobile phone smuggling to prisons. This is a serious problem faced by the Prison Service in Poland. According to the respondents, this phenomenon, despite a few events, has a negative impact on the functioning of penitentiary units. The aim of the research was to find answers to questions about the main places of mobile phone disclosure, to determine people interested in the trafficking of illegal phones in prisons, or to compare the phenomenon of smuggling with the corruption of officers.